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COLLECTIONS 



MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY 
5 
c 



i 



COLLECTIONS 



OF THE 



3V£ 



MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 



VOL. V. — FOURTH SERIES. 



$3ufcltsfjrti at tfje Charge of tfje appleton JFunU. 




BOSTON : 

PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY. 
1861. 



BOSTON : 
PRINTED BY JOHN AVILSON AND SON, 

22, School Street. 



CONTENTS. 

1169893 



Page. 

Officers of the Society, elected April 11, 1861 . . . . vii 

Resident Members viii 

Honorary and Corresponding Members x 

Editorial Preface xiii 



The Hinckley Papers 1 

Niles's History of the Indian and French Wars .... 309 

Index 591 



(Sommittte of Jjnblication for % ^xzuni Mnmr. 

SOLOMON LINCOLN. 
ALONZO H. QUINT. 
WILLIAMS LATHAM. 
JOSEPH PALMER. 



OFFICERS 



MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 



Elected April 11, 1861. 



|jre&xbxnf. 
HON. ROBERT C. WINTHROP, LL.D. . . 



. . . Boston. 



$ke-|lr,esibenis. 

JARED SPARKS, LL.D Cambridge. 

HON. DAVID SEARS, A.M Boston. 

gletorbing Sfotretarjj. 
REV. CHANDLER ROBBINS, D.D Boston. 

Corresponding JSetrefarn. 
JOSEPH WILLARD, A.M Boston. 



feasuret. 
HON. RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, 'A.M. 



. ClIARLESTOWN. 



librarian; 
NATHANIEL B. SHURTLEFF, M.D Boston. 

Cabinet - JUeper. 
SAMUEL A. GREEN, M.D Boston. 



JSianbing Committee. 
LEVERETT SALTONSTALL, A.M. . . . 
COL. THOMAS ASPINWALL, A.M. . . 
REV. SAMUEL K. LOTHROP, D.D. . . 
HON. CHARLES H. WARREN, A.M. . . 
REV. ROBERT C. WATERSTON A.M. . 



Newton. 
Boston. 
Boston. 
Boston. 
Boston. 



Committer of publication for % Jjwaent iolnnu. 



SOLOMON LINCOLN. 
ALONZO H. QUINT. 
WILLIAMS LATHAM. 
JOSEPH PALMER. 



OFFICERS 



MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY, 



Elected April 11, 1861 



|) resident. 
HON. ROBERT C. WINTHROP, LL.D Boston. 

Jtfo-jjttsibenis. 

JARED SPARKS, LL.J) Cambridge. 

HON. DAVID SEARS, A.M Boston. 

JJecorbing Secretary. 
REV. CHANDLER ROBBINS, D.D Boston. 

Corresponbittg Sforrfarg. 
JOSEPH WILLARD, A.M Boston. 

feasurer. 
HON. RICHARD FROTHINGHAM, A.M Charleston. 

librarian. 
NATHANIEL B. SHURTLEFF, M.D Boston. 

Cabinet - JleejKr. 
SAMUEL A. GREEN, M.D Boston. 

Hianbing Committee. 

LEVERETT SALTONSTALL, A.M Newton. 

COL. THOMAS ASPINWALL, A.M Boston. 

REV. SAMUEL K. LOTHROP, D.D Boston. 

HON. CHARLES H. WARREN, A.M Boston. 

REV. ROBERT C. WATERSTON. A.M Boston. 



RESIDENT MEMBERS, 



AT THE DATE OF THE PUBLICATION OF THIS VOLUME, IN THE ORDER OF 

THEIR ELECTION. 



Hon. Josiah Quincy, LL.D. 
Hon. James Savage, LL.D. 
Hon. Nathan Hale, LL.D. 
Hon. Edward Everett, LL.D. 
Rev. William Jenks, D.D. 
Jared Sparks, LL.D. 
Joseph E. Worcester, LL.D. 
Joseph Willard, A.M. 
Rev. Joseph B. Felt, LL.D. 
Rev. Con vers Francis, D.D. 
George Ticknor, LL.D. 
Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D. 
Rev. Alvan Ijamson, D.D. 
Hon. Charles Francis Adams, A.M. 
Rev. George E. Ellis, D.D. 
Hon. John C. Gray, LL.D. 
Rev. Nathl. L. Frothingham, D.D. 
Hon. George S. Hillard, LL.D. 
Hon. William Minot, A.M. 
Hon. Peleg W. Chandler, A.M. 
Rev. George W. Blagden, D.D. 
Rev. Lucius R. Paige, D.D. 
Hon. Solomon Lincoln, A.M. 
Rev. Chandler Robbins, D.D. 
Francis Bowen, A.M. 
John Langdon Sibley, A.M. 
Hon. Richard Frothingham, A.M. 
Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, M.D. 
Henry Wheatland, M.D. 



Hon. David Sears, A.M. 
Thomas H. Webb, M.D. 
Charles Deane, A.M. 
George Livermore, A.M. 
Francis Parkman, A.B. 
Ellis Ames, A.M. 
Hon. John H. Clifford, LL.D. 
William Brigham, A.B. 
Hon. Emory Washburn, LL.D. 
Rev. Samuel K. Lothrop, D.D. 
Rev. William Newell, D.D. 
Hon. Lorenzo Sabine, A.M. 
Col. Thomas Aspinwall, A.M. 
Rev. John S. Barry, A.M. 
John A. Lowell, LL.D. 
Lucius M. Sargent, A.M. 
Cornelius C. Felton, LL.D. 
J. Lothrop Motley, LL.D. 
George R. Russell, LL.D. 
Hon. Charles H. Warren, A.M. 
Rev. James Walker, D.D. 
Rev. Edmund H. Sears, A.B. 
Oliver Wendell Holmes, M.D. 
Henry W. Longfellow, LL.D. 
Rev. Frederic H. Hedge, D.D. 
Frederic Tudor, Esq. 
Jacob Bigelow, M.D. 
Hon. George T. Davis, A.B. 
Hon. Stephen Salisbury, A.M. 



RESIDENT MEMBERS. 



IX 



Henry Austin Whitney, A.M. 
Hon. Luther V. Bell, M.D. 
Rev. William S. Bartlet, A.M. 
Josiah G. Holland, M.D. 
Rev. Charles Brooks, A.M. 
Hon. William Sturgis. 
Leverett Saltonstall, A.M. 
Hon. William Appleton. 
Rev. Alonzo H. Quint, A.M. 
Samuel F. Haven, A.M. 
George T. Curtis, A.B. 
Richard H. Dana, jun., A.M. 
Hon. Levi Lincoln, LL.D. 
Joseph Palmer, M.D. 
Hon. George Tyler Bigelow, LL.D. 
Hon. Caleb Cushing, LL.D. 
Henry W. Torrey, A.M. 
Hon. Joel Parker, LL.D. 
Williams Latham, A.B. 
Hon. Charles Hudson, A.M. 



Rev. Robert C. Waterston, A.M. 
Hon. Theophilus Parsons, LL.D. 
Thomas C. Amory, jun., A.M. 
Rev. Charles Mason, D.D. 
George Sumner, Esq. 
Hon. Benjamin F. Thomas, LL.D. 
Samuel A. Green, M.D. 
Hon. James M. Robbins. 
Charles Eliot Norton, A.M. 
Hon. John J. Babson. 
Robert Bennett Forbes, Esq. 
Rev. Edward E. Hale, A.M. 
Rev. Andrew P. Peabody, D.D. 
Hon. Theron Metcalf, LL.D. 
William G. Brooks, Esq. 
Horace Gray, jun., A.M. 
Hon. Charles G. Loring, LL.D. 
Charles Folsom, A.M. 
Amos A. Lawrence, A.M. 
Rev. Edwards A. Park, D.D. 



The following named Resident Members have died since the publication of 
the last volume of Proceedings, March 31, 1860 : — 



Sylvester Judd, Esq. 
Hon. Lemuel Shaw, LL.D. 
Hon. Daniel A. White, LL.D. 
Rev. Charles Lowell, D.D. 



Nathaniel I. Bowditch, A.M. 
Hon. Nathan Appleton, LL.D. 
Gen. William H. Sumner, A.M. 



HONOEAEY AND COEEESPONDING 
MEMBEES, 



ELECTED UNDER THE ORIGINAL ACT OF INCORPORATION, 1794, IN THE ORDER OF 

THEIR ELECTION. 



Benjamin Silliman, LL.D. 

Rev. Eliphalet Nott, D.D. 

Hon. Gulian C. Verplanck, LL.D. 

Don Manuel Moreno, M.D. 

Rev. John Hutchinson. 

Carl Christian Rain, P.D. 

Thomas C. Haliburton, D.C.L. 

Hon. Lewis Cass, LL.D. 

Theodore Dwight, A.M. 

M. Cesar Moreau. 

Erastus Smith, Esq. 

Rev. Benjamin Tappan, D.D. 

Joshua Francis Fisher, A.M. 

T. A. Moerenhout, Esq. 

Usher Parsons, M.D, 

Hon. George Folsom, A.M. 

Rev. Luther Halsey, D.D. 

John Disney, Esq. 

Rev. Francis Lister Hawks, D.D. 

Rev. J^eonard Bacon, D.D. 

M. Henri Ternaux-Compans. 

George Catlin, Esq. 

John Winthrop, Esq. 

Dom Joaquim Jose da Costa de 

Macedo. 
Israel K. Tefft, Esq. 



Hon. David L. Swain, LL.D. 

Hon. James M. Wayne, LL.D. 

M. Hall McAllister, Esq. 

Rev. William B. Stevens, D.D, 

Henry Black, LL.D. 

Rev. Charles Burroughs, D.D. 

George Atkinson Ward, Esq. 

Richard Almack, F.S.A. 

Sir Archibald Alison, Bart., D.C.L. 

Lieut. Col. James D. Graham. 

Robert Lemon, F.S.A. 

Thomas C. Grattan, Esq. 

John Romeyne Brodhead, A.M. 

Major E. B. Jarvis. 

E. George Squier, Esq. 

Miss Frances Manwaring Caulkins. 

Thomas Donaldson, Esq. 

Hon. George Bancroft, LL.D. 

J. Hammond Trumbull, Esq. 

Robert Bigsby, LL.D. 

Rev. Joseph Romilly, A.M. 

James Ricker, jun., Esq. 

Henry Stevens, Esq, 

Cyrus Eaton, A.M. 

Hon. William Willis, A.M. 

Frederick Griffin, Esq. 



HONORARY AND CORRESPONDING MEMBERS. 



XI 



John Carter Brown, A.M. 

Hon. Elijah Hay ward. 

Rev. William S. Southgate. 

Hon. Samuel G. Arnold, A.M. 

Hon. Charles S. Daveis, LL.D. 

John Gilmary Shea, Esq. 

James Lenox, Esq. 

Rt. Rev. the Bishop of Oxford, D.D. 



Winthrop Sargent, A.M. 

Earl Stanhope, D.C.L. 

Hon. William C. Rives, LL.D. 

Hon. Peter Force. 

Hon. John R. Bartlett, A.M. 

Samuel Eliot, A.M. 

G. P. Faribault, Esq. 

William Paver, Esq. 



Names of the Honorary and Corresponding Members who have died since 
March 31, 1860, or of whose death the Committee have received information 
since that date. 



Don Jose Maria Salazar. 
Hon. Richard Rush, A.M. 
John Wakefield Francis, M.D. 
Charles Fraser, Esq. 
Sir Francis Palgrave. 
Rev. George Oliver, D.D. 
Hon. James Kirke Paulding. 



Hon. Daniel D. Barnard, LL.D. 
Payne Kenyon Kilbourne, A.M. 
Frederick de Waldeck. 
Friedrich von Aclelung. 
Don Lucas Alaman. 
John F. Watson, Esq. 
Rev. Joseph Hunter, F.S.A. 



HONORARY AND CORRESPONDING 
MEMBERS, 

ELECTED SINCE THE PASSAGE OF THE ACT OF 1857. 



Honorary. 
Frangois Pierre Guillaume Guizot, 

LL.D. 
Lord Lyndhurst, D.C.L. 
Count Jules de Menou. 
Hon. John J. Crittenden, LL.D. 
Hon. Edward Coles. 
Baron Charles Dupin. 
M. Edme Francois Jomard. 
Hon. Robert Hallowell Gardiner, 

A.M. 
M. Francois A. A. Mignet. 
Count Adolphe de Circourt. 
Hon. Horace Binney, LL.D. 
Hon. James L. Petigru, LL.D. 
The Very Rev. Henry Hart Milman, 

D.D. 
William C. Bryant, LL.D. 
Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, 

LL.D. 

Cor re ponding. 
Rev. William B. Sprague, D.D. 
Rev. Samuel Osgood, D.D. 



William Durrant Cooper, F.S.A. 
E. B. O'Callaghan, M.D. 
Buckingham Smith, Esq. 
Benjamin F. French, Esq. 
Francis Lieber, LL.D. 
William H. Trescot, Esq. 
Richard Hildreth, A.B. 
Dr. J. G. Kohl. 
Hon. Albert G. Greene. 
Hon. John P. Kennedy. 
Hon. George P. Marsh, LL.D. 
Benjamin R. Winthrop, Esq. 
J. Carson Brevoort, Esq. 
Rev. Lord Arthur Hervey. 
Horatio Gates Somerby, Esq. 
George H. Moore, Esq. 
Hon. William R. Staples, A.M. 
Hon. Hugh Blair Grigsby, LL.D. 
W. Noel Sainsbury, Esq. 
S. Austin Allibone, LL.D. 
William Winthrop, Esq. 
Henry T. Parker, A.M. 
Rev. Leonard Woods, D.D. 
Benson J. Lossing, Esq. 



EDITORIAL PREFACE. 






This volume contains the " Hinckley Papers " and the 
last part of " Niles's History of the Indian and French 
Wars," the latter continued from the sixth volume of the 
third series of the Collections. 

The " Hinckley Papers " take their name from Thomas 
Hinckley, the sixth and last Governor of the Colony of 
Mew Plymouth. He was a son of Samuel Hinckley, who 
was one of the associates of the Rev. John Lothrop ; was 
at Scituate in 1635, at Barnstable in 1639, and who 
died at that place in 1662. Thomas Hinckley was born 
in England in 1618, and was with his father at Scituate 
and Barnstable. In 1645, he was admitted a freeman; 
in 1646, he was a deputy from Barnstable, and frequently 
afterwards from that year until 1658, when he was elected 
an assistant. He filled that office, by successive elections, 
until he was chosen Deputy-Governor by the General 
Court, in June, 1680. He was selected for this office in 
consequence of the ill health of Governor Josiah Winslow, 



XIV EDITORIAL PREFACE. 

and the extreme age of John Alden, the first assistant, who 
would otherwise have succeeded to the chair, if vacant. 
In 1681, after the decease of Governor Winslow, he was 
chosen Governor ; and was annually re-elected until the 
Colony of New Plymouth was incorporated with that of 
Massachusetts under the charter of 1692, except during the 
period of the administration of Andros, of whose council 
he was a member. Governor Hinckley had been a com- 
missioner of the United Colonies ; and he was a councillor 
of the Province of Massachusetts Bay after the union. 
He died at Barnstable in 1706, in the eighty-eighth year 
of his age. Mercy Hinckley, a daughter of the Governor, 
was married in 1686 to Samuel Prince of Sandwich, a 
son of Elder John Prince of Hull, and father of Rev. 
Thomas Prince, the eminent chronologist, and pastor of 
the Old South Church in Boston. When the latter was 
eleven years old, he was given by his father to Governor 
Hinckley as his own, " to be a father unto, and a tutor of," 
as will be seen by a letter in this volume. The relations, 
therefore, which existed between the Governor and his 
grandson were very intimate. As the former was in pub- 
lic life for half a century, his knowledge of Colonial affairs 
must have been very minute, and his accumulation of 
valuable papers, public and private, very extensive. The 
young student formed a taste for historical researches 
early in life, and took great pains to preserve the papers 
of the Governor, of which he gives an account in a note 
on the hundred and thirty-first page of this volume. 






EDITORIAL PREFACE. XV 

These were collected and arranged by him, and bequeathed 
to the Old South Church and Society. In 1814, the 
Historical Society made application for a deposit, in their 
library, of the books and manuscripts relating to the histo- 
ry of New England which were included in this bequest. 
The application was successful. A full account of the 
arrangement between the parties, which was of the most 
liberal character, and honorable to both, may be found 
in the seventh volume of the second series of the Collec- 
tions. The " Hinckley Papers " were put in order by a 
Committee of the Historical Society, and bound in three 
folio volumes. They have often been referred to and 
quoted by historical writers. They contain very valuable 
information concerning the history of the old Colony for 
the last quarter of the seventeenth century. 

In March, 1860, the Historical Society appointed a 
Committee to publish a portion of the " Prince Manu- 
scripts," with such other papers as might be necessary to 
complete a volume of the Society's Collections. The por- 
tion selected from the manuscripts by the Publishing 
Committee is contained in this volume. The papers con- 
tained in the volumes above referred to are now given 
to the public entire, excepting duplicates and those before 
published, — among which, a single letter of William 
Penn to Governor Hinckley may be found printed in 
the seventh volume of the second series of the Col- 
lections, — and one paper not regarded as appropriate 
to these pages. The letters addressed to Governor 



XVI EDITORIAL PREFACE. 

Hinckley are chiefly in the handwriting of their authors, 
who were among the most prominent men of the time. 
Among them are autograph letters, or those bearing the 
signatures, of Governor Josiah Winslow, Roger Williams, 
King Charles II., William Penn, Increase Mather, Cotton 
Mather, King James II., Sir Edmund Andros, Governor 
Bradstreet, Sir Henry Ashhurst, General John Walley, 
and Colonel Benjamin Church. The copies of letters and 
papers drawn up by Governor Hinckley are generally in 
his handwriting. 

The " History of the Indian and French Wars," by Rev. 
Samuel Niles of Braintree, the publication of which is 
completed in the present volume, is printed in obedience 
to the wishes of the Historical Society as expressed 
through its Standing Committee. The first part may be 
found in the sixth volume of the third series of the Col- 
lections, in which some account is given of the author. 
It may be proper to repeat, that he was born on Block 
Island, May 1, 1674; graduated at Harvard College in 
1699 ; and settled at Braintree, May 23, 1711. He died 
on the anniversary of his birthday, May 1, 1762, aged 
eighty-eight ; being almost precisely of the age of Governor 
Hinckley. " Father Niles," as he was sometimes called, 
had personal knowledge of many of the occurrences 
which he describes ; as his life extended through the 
entire period, from the breaking out of Philip's War to 
the conquest of Canada. He has, however, freely availed 
himself of the labors of others. The Niles Manuscript 



EDITORIAL PREFACE. 



XV11 



was bequeathed to the Society by the Rev. Dr. Freeman, 
one of its first members, and its Recording Secretary 
from 1793 to 1812. 

In printing the volume, modern orthography has been 
adopted, excepting for proper names, of which the origi- 
nal spelling is retained unless in cases of manifest error. 
A convenient Index will be found at the close of the 
volume, prepared by Dr. John Appleton, the Assistant 
Librarian of the Society ; for whose careful reading of the 
proof and revised sheets of the work as they came from 
the press, critical accuracy in the detection of errors, and 
valuable aid in the preparation of notes, the Publishing 
Committee express their obligations. The notes of Prince, 
which are of very considerable value, bear his name: those 
of the Committee have no mark to designate them. 

S. L. 



Boston, Nov. 20, 1861. 



THE 



HINCKLEY PAPERS; 

BEING 






LETTERS AND PAPERS 



THOMAS HINCKLEY, 



GOVERNOR OF THE COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 



1676 — 1699. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO HIS WIFE. 

Boston, 10 February, at night, 1675-6. 

Dear Love, — Since my last enclosed, which I broke 
up to signify to thee not to expect my coming home this 
week, Job, the other Indian spy, sent out as I heretofore 
wrote, is last night returned to Captain Gookins, and in- 
forms that the Narraganset are got to the Quebaug 
Indians, four hundred of them and three hundred of the 
other, as I mentioned heretofore ; and informs that six of 
Eems his children, the owner of the house burnt at Sud- 
bury (of which before), are with the Indians; and the 
Indians intended the morning of this day, three hundred 
of them, to fall upon Lancaster, alias Nashuway. Post 
was sent by Captain Gookins and Mr. Danforth last night, 
midnight, for eighty troops and forty foot thereabout and 
at Marlborough, to hasten to Lancaster for their relief; 
but whether they came time enough, is not yet known. 
A post came thence to-day to inform a great many Indians 
were at Lancaster bridge, and the smoke of some houses 
fired there appeared to him as he came. The good Lord 
fit us for his pleasure, and help us not only to do some- 
thing near a reformation, but make us thorough in it, that 
he may not only bring us only near a deliverance as he 
hath seemed many times to do, but thorough to it. I long 
to be with thee ; but it cannot yet be : though I hope to be 

l 



I THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

with thee next week. Meanwhile, I desire and hope God's 
gracious presence will be with thee, far better than mine, 
to support and carry thee through any present trials and 
difficulties. Continue prayers for him that cannot forget 
thee, but remain, Thine, T. H. 

Respects to all friends. Haste. I am, through mercy, 
in health ; being glad to hear of thine last Lord's Day. 



THOMAS COOPER AND OTHERS TO THOMAS HINCKLEY AND 

OTHERS. 

Rehoboth, April 14, '76. 

Honorable and Beloved Sirs, — We have received 
your friendly lines, and, according to our opportunity and 
ability, consulted your courteous tender made therein, of 
what accommodations as to houses and else it hath pleased 
God still to continue with you, that we, that are several of 
us houseless and our other substances wasted, might have 
acceptance and entertainment amongst you. Our conclu- 
sion is, your motion at this time brings with it a testimony 
of your sympathy with us in our distressed and bereaved 
state ; and that room we have had in your hearts, though 
at a distance, by your expressed willingness to open your 
hands and houses to us, if God call us to come nearer to 
you. We therefore return you as hearty thanks as if we 
were in a capacity to entertain your motion, and should 
make the utmost use of what is tendered to us by your 
undeserved bounty ; yet, having cast our thoughts in this 
important matter, we do generally accord in this, — that it 
seems most advisable for us yet here to abide, and that 
upon these grounds: 1. The interest of Christ amongst 
us, which should bear the most sway with us in all our 
considerations and motions, will, we doubt, be much 
jeoparded hereby. God having here given the ark of his 
presence its settled abode this several years in peace and 



tl 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 3 

quietness, till we by our sins have disturbed the same, we 
rather at this time would say (by way of allusion to Da- 
vid's determination in time of public commotion), Let the 
visible tokens of God's wonted presence and favor abide 
in its proper place ; and let us, with humble prayers and 
tears, wring out our complaints to God, who only can give 
us the comfortable and settled enjoyment of such things 
as formerly, which he will do if we find favor in his sight. 
If otherwise he have no delight in us, lo, here we are : 
let him do with us as seemeth him good. We add hereto 
that reproach we shall be like to expose God's name and 
our own to amongst the blasphemous heathen, who will 
much embolden themselves hereby to get more ground of 
us. 2. As to our outward interests, our removal will be 
circumstanced with many inconveniences. 1 . Respecting 
the considerable quantity of English grain which we now 
have in the ground, having cast in the more, that we might, 
y the blessing of God, have some relief from an early har- 
vest: this, upon a removal, we must give up as lost. 
2. We foresee, that in probability, before any competent 
settlement amongst yourselves can be accomplished by us, 
much of the season of our planting will be past. 3. Our 
removal cannot be effected without some observation by 
the enemy ; which, should God permit him to improve, 
would expose us to as much hazard as our present stay. 
This is the sum of our thoughts. But admit you should 
discern an invalidity in such arguments as these for our 
stay, and still lovingly attempt the clearing of the way 
for us to minister relief to us in our sufferings : what will 
you do with our sins 1 Should we bring them with us ? 
W^ill not both yourselves and us be endangered thereby ] 
And how can we find in our hearts to do you this great dis- 
courtesy] Were the plague upon our bodies, you and we 
should deem it argument enough to forbid our motion, and 
cause us humbly and silently to sit under the engraving 
of a " Lord, have mercy upon us," affixed to posts of all 



4: THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

our doors, &c. And shall not the plague of sin that is 
upon our souls put us upon a humble and serious retire- 
ment, until the Lord speak some healing word to us] 
Wherein, dear brethren and friends, let us have the help 
of your prayers, that, while we dwell in the daily view of 
such ruins as our sins alone have made, we may be the 
more prompt to and enlarged in such sorrows for them as 
God calls us to, and waits to accept us in. To conclude, 
if the trials of the land should arise to a greater extremi- 
ty, and God's providence or man's advice should dictate 
any thing further to us than at present we have received 
for the leaving of our plantation, it is the opinion of 
many of us, that the entertainment of your motion would 
be most eligible, and thankfully accepted. Not further 
at present, but the return of thanks, service, and due 
respects to you all, subscribe ourselves your affectionate 
and afflicted brethren and friends, 



Thomas Cooper, Senior, 
Peter Hunt, Senior, 
Henry Smith, 
Daniel Smith, 
Nicho. Pecke, 



In the behalf of the 
rest of the Inhabi- 
tants of the Town 
of Rehoboih. 



Some of us are desirous, if due encouragement be given, 
that they might convey some of their cattle into your parts, 
to be out of the way of affording any relief to the en- 
emy. 



RICHARD WILLIAMS AND OTHERS TO THOMAS HINCKLEY 

AND OTHERS. 

Taunton, April 15, '76. 
Honored and Beloved, — We have received your 
affectionate letter full of love and undeserved bounty to- 
ward us, your unworthy brethren and neighbors ; and we 
bless God that he hath given us so much room in your 
hearts, that you so freely tender us a part with you in 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 5 

your houses, fields, and provisions, at such a time, when 
the Lord is threatening us with bereavement of our own. 
It much comforteth us in this day of darkness and distress ; 
we assuring ourselves thereby, that, if our distresses con- 
tinue and increase, we shall want no succor you are able 
to afford us. We therefore return you all serious thanks 
for your sincere and abundant love ; beseeching the Lord 
still to continue and increase your peace, and ability and 
promptness to relieve the distressed in this evil day. Ne- 
vertheless, upon our serious and mature deliberation upon 
and consideration of your so great offer, we cannot at 
present comply with a motion to remove and quit our 
places, and leave our habitations to be a desolation ; and 
that because we fear we should in so doing be wanting to 
the name of God and the interest of Christ in this place, and 
bewray much diffidence and cowardice, and give the Adver- 
sary occasion of triumph over us, to the reproach of that 
great and fearful name of our God that is called on us. Our 
sins are already such as might render our friends (did they 
know us) afraid to entertain us ; and what can we expect 
as the issue of such an addition thereunto, but that the 
hand of the Lord would follow us and find us out whither- 
soever we flee % 

Besides, if the Lord have any pleasure in us, and will 
so far favor and honor us, we judge we may here be more 
serviceable to our country than elsewhere, and hazards 
of removal (as great as of abiding where we are) avoided ; 
and who can tell but that the Lord may make way for our 
enjoyment of seed-time and harvest here by prospering 
our forces which are coming forth, if we could but humble 
ourselves before him \ And if the Lord have no delight at 
all in us, -but will for our sins (which were but just) make 
his dwelling-place here as Shiloh, we are in his hands, 
the Lord do with us as seemeth good in his sight. Here 
we have sinned, and here we submit ourselves to suffer, 
except the Lord's providence and order or advice of autho- 



6 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

rity should plainly determine us to removal : in case 

whereof, we shall esteem it an undeserved kindness to find 

shelter among yourselves, and comply with your motion, 

for aught yet appears, more generally than with any course 

we can propose to ourselves. As a pledge whereof, we are 

willing, if it may be judged convenient by you, to secure 

some of our cattle in your parts, that they may be no booty 

or succor to the enemy, if the Lord spare them so long 

as that we may have opportunity to convey them ; in which 

we desire your speedy advice. And beseeching you not to 

cease to pray for us that the Lord would heal our back- 

slidings, and prepare us for what measure of the cup of 

his indignation it may seem good to him to order us to 

drink, we present you with our respects, service, and love, 

and subscribe ourselves your obliged brethren, and friends 

and servants in the Lord. 

To this we subscribe in the name of the town. 

Kichard Williams. 
Walter Deane. 
George Macey. 
Willi. Harvey. 



JAMES KEITH TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Bridgewater, April 17, 1676. 

Honored Sir, — My due respects and humble service 
presented to your worship, these are to certify that your 
kind and very affectionate letter came safe to hand, 
wherein we have all here an evident and full discovery 
of your most tender sympathy with us in our present 
distress and tribulation. Your letter was communicated 
to our people at a public meeting. The difficulties pre- 
sented on every hand being so great, we could not come 
to a positive speedy resolve : only in general it was con- 
cluded, almost on all hands, that, if Taunton and Reho- 
both were deserted, there would be a necessity of our 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 7 

removal also. This morning, I received the enclosed from 
Taunton and Rehoboth, which were committed to me, 
after my perusal to seal up, and to take care for the con- 
veyance of them, with all convenient speed, to your 
worship. Our condition being circumstanced as it is, 
there could be no town-meeting obtained here since the 
receipt of these letters : but the very same arguments 
which are proposed by our reverend and beloved neigh- 
bors against a present remove we had in consideration 
here before ; whereunto our people generally do assent. 
I have spoke this morning with divers of our leading 
men, who do jointly with myself return your worship, 
and the rest of our friends upon the Cape, most hearty 
thanks for your large tender, praying that you may be 
blessed with the blessings of peace and plenty ; that, as 
the Lord hath opened your hearts, so your opportunity 
may be continued to do good, and to communicate to the 
afflicted. If extremity reduce us to a flight (which how it 
may be the Lord knows), we shall prize it as a great 
favor of God, if Providence open a door, to have shelter 
under the wing of such friends, whose hearts are so 
deeply engaged and enlarged towards us. Dear and 
honored sir, pray hard for us : prayer must be our battle- 
axe. The Lord awaken us all to repentance by the 
dreadful ruins and desolations which are made amongst 
us ! We have been preserved here in a way of marvel- 
ous long-suffering. Though God hath now begun to pour 
out upon us of the cup of trembling, yet the Lord doth 
remember us still with mercy ; yea, great mercy. The 
9th of this instant, being the Lord's Day, as we were at 
meeting in the forenoon, we were alarmed by the shoot- 
ing of some guns from some of our garrisons, upon 
discovery of a house being on fire ; which was Robert 
Latham's. His dwelling-house and barn are wholly con- 
sumed. The house was deserted but a few days before. 
He had considerable loss in lumber: the corn and the 



8 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

chief of his goods were saved. There were divers other 
out-houses rifled at the same time, but no more burnt. 
There was a horse or two killed, three or four carried 
away ; some few swine killed. We sent out a party of 
men, on the Lord's-day night, upon discovery ; who found 
their trackings. Our men judged there might be about 
ten of them. They followed them, by their tracking, for 
several miles ; but, having no provisions with them, they 
were forced to leave the pursuit. We are in expectation 
every day of an assault here. The Lord prepare us for 
our trial ! I pray, sir, present my cordial love and respects 
to Mr. Walley, entreating his fervent and constant re- 
membrance of us in his prayers to God for us. Being 
in haste, I must take leave ; and rest, 

Sir, your truly affectionate friend and obliged servant, 

James Keith. 



JOSIAH WINSLOW TO THOMAS HINCKLEY AND JOHN 
FREEMAN. 

May 23, '76. 

Gentlemen, — My respects, &c. It pleaseth the only 
wise and most just God still to keep us under his rod. 
Since the damage done at Bridge water and Plymouth, 
which you have knowledge of, the enemy have killed four 
stout men at Taunton, and carried away [two] lusty 
youths, — Mr. Henry Andrews, James Bell, Sargt. Phillips, 
and the two youths, all at one time, being securely plant- 
ing, two or three miles from the town ; the other one, 
Edward Bobit, killed at another place : the four men leav- 
ing thirty-two fatherless children in a hard world. The 
last Tuesday, they killed a man between Hingham and 
Conohasset, and then fell to burning, beginning with Mr. 
Tilden's sawmill, and Jo. Silvester's house and barn ; but 
not a man from Scituate would stir to remove them. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 9 

But fourteen of our town's warders marched up to Jo. 
Barestoe's, and had sight of a party of the enemy at 
Will Barestoe's ; but, being unhappily discovered by them 
also, they ran away, leaving some horses and cattle they 
were about to carry away, and those houses at that time 
spared from the flames. Taunton and Bridgewater men 
are confident that they are planting about Assawamset or 
Dartmouth; and did yesterday track two hundred of them, 
as they judge, towards Assawamset. 

Thus far I had begun to write to Mr. Freeman and 
yourself, intending to have sent it this day by Mr. Arnold, 
who was to come this day to you by sea to obtain ten or 
twelve of your Indians for each of these towns, for whom 
we will provide arms, ammunition, and provision ; that 
was put off, at the present, by sight of yours to Captain 
Bradford, declaring that you should be upon your march 
the beginning of this week with a party of English, and 
what Indians you could make out. But we do earnestly 
request you both and Mr. Borne to provide us sixty In- 
dians, that may be confided in, as speedily as possible, and 
send them to us ; or, upon word from you, we will send 
for them. The people in all our towns (Scituate excepted) 
are very desirous to be ranging after the enemy. Last 
Saturday, about four, afternoon, a second post came from 
Bridgewater, informing that they had that morning disco- 
vered a party of about two hundred of the enemy at Tee- 
ticut, very busy killing cattle and horses, as if they intended 
some stay there ; and that Taunton and Bridgewater had 
agreed in the night to advance towards them with about 
sixty men, to fight them in the morning, and requested a 
few men from us if possible. The warning was very short; 
yet we obtained from Plymouth, Duxbury, and Marsh- 
field about forty smart lads, and sent to Bridgewater that 
night, but have not as yet heard of or from them. They 
knew of your intended march; and, if they miss of those 
Indians, may very probably meet and join with yours to 

2 



10 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

range towards Dartmouth and Seaconet. The Lord go 
with them and prosper them ! Mr. Church will inform you 
what I have written to Rhode Island, He tells me of an 
Indian woman, brought in last Saturday by Sepit, who seems 
to be sent with lies and flams to affright and corrupt your 
Indians. If so, I wish you would order him to put her to 
death ; but leave it to your discretion, if you think there 
may be inconveniency in it: but let her not have oppor- 
tunity of returning to the enemy. I would gladly improve 
the present heat that is in our men, before the weather 
grows too hot, in sending out fresh parties as soon as these 
come home, if there be good employment for them. 

Pray, present my hearty respects to Mr. Walley, on 
whom we depend for the Election Sermon. So, com- 
mending you and all our concerns to God, rest, 

Yours, [Signature torn.] 

"I conclude this is wrote by Governor Josiah Winslow, Esq." — MS. 
note by Prince. 



ACCOUNT OF DISBURSEMENTS OF THE SEVERAL TOWNS IN 
PLYMOUTH COLONY IN PHILIP'S WAR. 

July, 1676. An Account of the Disbursements of the several Towns of the Juris- 
diction of New Plymouth to the Charges of the present War before June, 1676. 

£ s. d. 

Plymouth 351 3 9 

Duxborough 164 19 

Scituate 586 7 4 

Marshfield 266 1 

Sandwich 327 15 6 

Barnstable 351 3 9 

Yarmouth 266 1 

Eastham 236 5 

Bridgewater 164 19 

Reho'both 485 5 4 

Taunton 327 15 6 

Swansey 165 

£3,692 16 2 
More, by other charges before June, not fully known, 

but since brought to account 400 14 10 

£4,093 11 
Per Nathaniel Morton, Secretary. 



THE HINCKLEY TAPERS. 11 

In Plymouth County, 1689, there were in the train- 
band, besides commission-officers, five hundred and ninety 
able, effective men; viz., in town of — 

MEN. 

Plymouth 141 

Scituate 166 

Bridgewater 90 

Duxborough £7 

Marshfield 62 

Middleborough 44 

590 



SAMUEL ANGIER TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Cambridge, 29th of January, 1677. 
Honored Sir, — I am very glad by your letter (which 
I received the 25th of this instant) to understand the so 
ready inclinableness of the meanest spirits of the people 
to so advantageous a work to the common good, as is 
evident by their being already persuaded to put forth 
themselves to the utmost of their abilities for the encou- 
ragement of a person that may instruct their children in 
good literature ; and do pray that they may continue 
in that mind, accordingly endeavoring the obtaining of some 
suitable person (which I doubt not but they may). But, 
with reference to myself, there is little probability of my 
coming to you on that design ; and as little, if not less, of 
going any other way on the same account : for I should 
choose rather by far to be in that way employed at Barn- 
stable than at any other place I know (if I do not deceive 
myself), there being so much cordialness apparent to me 
with those with whom I have at all been acquainted there, 
to whom I am much obliged, being confident of their true 
friendship, whom I might mention, but your worship knows 
by their gratuity. The wisdom of the infinitely wise God 
seems otherwise to dispose ; I having taken the wise man's 
counsel (Prov. xi. 14), informing myself of the deliberate 



12 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

judgment of my best friends, and others of good under- 
standing, on which I have seriously considered ; and do 
apprehend (omnibus circumstantiis expensis) my present 
continuance, as I am placere rationi. Now, Heereboord 
says, " Illud rationi placet, quod post consultationem vel 
rationem initam, ut illud judicatur faciendum." But espe- 
cially have I subjected my own to my father's judgment in 
this matter (as I judge it my duty), whose judgment herein, 
and for what reasons so disposed, your worship will be 
informed of by his letter, which now he hath sent you ; so 
that I think (nay, I may say, I know) I am not to be taxed 
with blameworthiness in the management of this affair 
(Prov. xii. 15). Sir, I would not have you much wonder 
at my father's now different judgment herein to what it 
was (as I suppose Mr. Cotton informed you) upon your 
and his first proposal of it, not having opportunity to 
consider of all those considerable things thereto relating, 
which since he hath done. Simplex apprehensio will and 
doth always give place to dijudication, the most perfect 
part of reason's act. Sir, it troubles me that I am thus 
troubling of you to little or no purpose ; and that I have 
heretofore occasioned yourself, also others, so much about 
this business, since God's providence doth herein seem to 
cross your design. Yet I hope, that though I cannot, yet 
some other, better deserving, that may be more serviceable 
to you, may be obtained. I should be glad to be anyways 
serviceable therein. Could I anyways compensate your 
worship's great kindnesses, or manifest suitable thankful- 
ness in any measure answerable to those many love-tokens 
I received from yourself and divine Mrs. Hinckley when 
at your house, most gladly should I ever be returning my 
small parcels, that, if possible, at last I might draw up the 
sum total. But I must only humbly crave your concep- 
tion of my gratitude, not being able to express it. Sir, all 
dutiful respects presented to your worship and Mrs. Hinck- 
ley, to Rev. Mr. Walley and Mrs., and Elder Chipman et 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 13 

alius, Deacon Crocker et alius, Mr. Huckins, Mr. Allin, 
et cceteris. Craving your prayers that God would fit me 
for that service whereto he hath appointed me in my 
generation, I subscribe, 

Sir, your most faithful and obliged servant, 

Samuel Angier. 

Sir, — Thinking it might be acceptable, I have sent you 
a verse-book ; and desire you would send the other to Mr. 
"W alley. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO ISAAC FOSTER. 

"Mr. Lawrence Hammond writes in his journal, that on April 15, 
1678, while he and the rest of the Charlestown Church Committee were 
at Cambridge, and had just spoke to Mr. Isaac Foster to preach as a 
candidate at Charlestown, Mr. Hinckley came from the church of 
Barnstable, and earnestly urged Mr. Foster to go thither for the same 
purpose, being recommended to them by several ministers ; and I suppose 
Mr. Hinckley wrote this about the beginning of May, 1678." — Prince. 

Dear Sir, — I hope the motion I made to you when 
with you (though now absent) retains some room in your 
serious thoughts : in further prosecution whereof, these are 
to acquaint you with the earnest desires both of our church 
and town that you would please to cast an eye of pity on 
us in our afflicted, desolate, and needy condition, who, 
through the holy and righteous hand of God, are now left 
as sheep without a shepherd, and sadly bereaved of those 
blessed opportunities of hearing the joyful sound which 
sometimes we have so plentifully enjoyed and still need, 
and desire our souls may prize and long after and make 
better improvement of, if he please to vouchsafe such for- 
feited choice favors again unto us. We humbly pray that 
God would graciously please so to appear to you in our 
praying you to come over to Barnstable to help us, as you 
may assuredly gather that the Lord hath called you to 



14 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

come to preach the gospel unto us (as with Paul some- 
time to them of Macedonia) : and, though we deserve that 
none should pity us or bemoan us, or go aside to ask after 
or seek our welfare, yet we trust the Lord will not utterly 
forsake us, for his great name sake ; because it hath 
pleased him to make us his people. And though we are 
unworthy, yet He is worthy for whose sake you shall do 
this thing ; to whom we pray to keep you from looking 
back (having put your hand to his plough), and more and 
more to fit you for, and thrust you forth as, a laborer into 
his vineyard. And oh that it might be speedily into his 
poor distressed vineyard in this place, if it may stand with 
his good pleasure, who is the free and bountiful Lord of 
the harvest ! — where I hope you shall find many souls 
desiring after the sincere milk of the Word, that they may 
grow thereby ; and willing to do their best for your due 
encouragement in the work of the Lord amongst us, if he 
please to make way for our enjoyment of such a favor. 
In order unto which, it is the joint desire both of our 
church and town, that you would please to give us a 
visit, and impart some spiritual gift unto us, that so, having 
some taste each of other, both you and we may better 
discern what the mind of God may be respecting the 
motion abovesaid, and accordingly to apply ourselves. If 
you please to inform our beloved brother, the bearer 
hereof, of the time which may best suit your conveniency, 
either immediately after your Court of Election, or towards 
the latter end of May, to return back by our Court of Elec- 
tion, we shall take care to send one of ours to wait 
upon you hither. We hope you will not delay your 
coming too long, considering our needy condition, who 
have not those advantages to borrow help of our neighbors, 
and other supplies, which those congregations about you 
have. Sir, there is one thing more considerable, which I 
forgot to acquaint you with when I was with you ; viz., 
that besides the great concernment, not only to ourselves 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 15 

but to the churches of this Colony, in our supply, who 
have lost such a leader so useful to the whole, there will 
be also a good o[ppor]tunity to promote Christ's work 
amongst the poor Indians here, being near us a consider- 
able body of them that seem earnestly desirous of the help 
of some able man to instruct them in the knowledge of 
God and his will. In case you have any disposition to 
learn their language, you might be helpful to them on 
some leisure days, without much hinderance to your other 
employments, and have some considerable allowance, for 
your encouragement, from the commissioners, who, at 
their last meeting at Boston, had some consideration to 
move you thereto, as I suppose Mr. Danforth hath in- 
formed you (though intendedly then, in order to succeed 
Mr. Eliot in his work amongst them ; yet I know not but 
it may be as advantageous to Christ's work amongst the 
Indians here). The truth is, on consideration thereof, I 
had begun to set pen to paper to write to Mr. Danforth 
(about two months before our pastor's death) to desire him 
to speak with you to see if you would incline to teach to 
the Indians here and to keep a grammar school, and to 
help Mr. Walley as there should be need, we allowing you 
thirty pounds per annum in silver, and your diet ; which, 
with what might be allowed on the Indian account if Mr. 
Danforth had favored the design, might have been some 
encouragement. But our pastor, seeming to grow weaker 
and weaker, thought that a man of worth, who might be 
meet to succeed him, would not take up with less than the 
whole work and whole pay ; and a few months would de- 
termine whether we should need one for the whole work 
or no : which caused me to desist from my lines to Mr. 
Danforth as aforesaid. It being now fallen out that we 
need one, according to our pastor's thoughts, for the whole 
work of the ministry, and by God's providence we are di- 
rected to yourself, who was in our thoughts before, as we 
said, we now pray God to direct your way to us, if it 



16 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

be his good pleasure, and cause your coming to us to be 
with abundance of a gospel blessing ; to bless you, and 
make you a blessing wherever he is pleased to dispose of 
you ; desiring your prayers for us, who remain, worthy sir, 
Your affectionate and afflicted friend. 

I should be glad to receive a few lines from you. 
To Mr. Foster. 

" I conclude, Mr. Isaac Foster, Fellow of Harvard College, installed 
Fellow, May 22, 1678." — Prince. 



The next letter in the collection was written by Thomas Hinckley to 
Isaac Foster, upon the same subject as that of the preceding, and nearly 
in the same language. It is signed " Tho. Hinckley," and the following 
is in the postscript : — 

My service affectionately to Mr. Danforth and Mr. 
Oakes, whom I pray not to obstruct, but to further, your 
coming to us ; where, for aught I know, it may, all things 
considered, be as comfortable for you as in a more popu- 
lous place. Tui amantissimus, T. H. 

" To Mr. Foster (see the following MS.)." — Prince. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO PETER THACHER. 

Barnstable, 27 June, 78. 
Much esteemed Sir, — Our best respects premised, with 
our thankful acknowledgment of your labor of love unto 
and among us in your imparting of some spiritual gift unto 
us for our good ; our taste whereof puts us on earnest 
desire of more full enjoyment thereof in our possession of 
yourself, though we hope in a better sense than they, as 
sometimes with them, on their taste of the wine of Italy, to 
endeavor to possess the grapes and vines from whence it 
came. Sir, we hope, that, as we have seen special provi- 
dence of God leading us to yourself in praying you to 
come and help us, so you also have and will see his foot- 
steps leading you therein as assuredly to gather that he 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



17 



iath called you to preach the gospel even to us, where we 
iope there are many souls breathe after it with desire, as 
to be humbled for our former misimprovements of such 
choice mercies, so also to make better improvement there- 
of, if God please to restore such forfeited mercies again 
unto us. We hope, though, by reason of the afflicting 
and bereaving dispensations by the holy hand of God to- 
wards you (with whom we desire to sympathize therein), 
that you were somewhat incomposed and incapacitated to 
return us by our messenger your present answer of our 
desires unanimously manifested to you when present ; yet 
we hope you have had opportunity before this time to be 
in a capacity to return your answer of encouragement to 
us, who still remain both church and town, earnestly de- 
sirous of your coming to us and getting among us in order 
to the carrying-on of his work amongst us, if he please on 
some further experience each of other to make way 
thereto. We hope the Father of mercies will move you 
here to pity us in our great needy and desolate condition, 
so as not to delay the acquainting us with your resolution 
as to the answer of our desires, who shall apply our- 
selves to accommodate your time of coming to us by sea 
or land, on the first notice thereof from you. Meanwhile, 
we pray God to direct and speed your way to us, if it be 
his good pleasure ; and more and more fit you for his work 
with the plentiful effusion of the gifts and graces of his 
Holy Spirit, and cause your coming, to be with abundance 
of a gospel blessing unto us ; bless you, and make you 
a blessing wherever he is pleased to dispose of you. De- 
siring your fervent prayers for us who rest your friends, 
affectionately desirous to enjoy your presence and more of 
God in and with you amongst us. 
For Mr. Pet. Thatcher. 



" 1677-8, Rev. Mr. Thomas Walley of Bernstable dis. 
1678, May 22, Mr. Isaac Foster installed Fellow of Harvard College. 

•Prince. 
3 



Oct. 16, Rev. Mr. Thomas Thacher of Boston dies 



18 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



REMONSTRANCE OF QUAKERS TO THE GOVERNOR AND 
MAGISTRATES OF PLYMOUTH. 

To the Governor and Magistrates, with the rest of the Court of , 

of this Colony of New Plymouth, sitting at , this instant fourth 

month called June, 1678. 

We whose names are hereunder written, called Quakers 
in your said jurisdiction, conscientiously and in all tender- 
ness show why we cannot give maintenance to your present 
established preachers. 

We suppose it's well enough known we have never been 
backward to contribute our assistance in our estates and 
persons, where we could act without scruple of conscience, 
nor in the particular case of the country rate, according 
to our just proportion and abilities, until this late contri- 
vance of mixing your preachers' maintenance therewith, 
by the which we are made incapable to bear any part of 
what just charge may necessarily be disbursed for the 
maintenance of the civil government ; a thing we could 
always readily do until now. And why we cannot in con- 
science, directly or indirectly, pay any thing to your said 
preachers *as such, we, in true love and tenderness (not 
through contention or covetousness, the Lord is our wit- 
ness) offer as followeth : — 

1. The ground of a settled maintenance upon preachers 
either must arise from the ceremonial law of the Jews 
paying tithes to their priests, the Levites ; or from the 
Pope, who first instituted the same (as we find in history) 
in the Christian Church, so called, in the year 786, in the 
time of Offa, King of Mercia, where there was a council 
held by two legates sent from Pope Adrian to that pur- 
pose (see Selden's " History of Tithes "). Now, the first, 
your preachers say as well as we, is ended, and therefore 
will not have their maintenance called tithes. The second 
(viz., the Pope's institution) we suppose they will also dis- 
claim as any precedent or ground for their practice. We 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 19 

must therefore necessarily conclude they have no ground 
at all ; which we further demonstrate as follows : — 

2. The gospel ought to be preached freely, according to 
the injunction of our Lord Jesus to his disciples when he 
sent them forth to preach. Matt. x. 8 : " Freely you have 
received, freely give." This is far from bargaining for so 
much a year, and, if it be not paid, take away food, clothes, 
bedding, and what not, rather than go unpaid. Doubtless 
those are no true shepherds who mind the fleece more 
than the flock. The apostles would rather work with 
their own hands than make the gospel burthensome or 
chargeable to any (1 Thess. ii. 9 ; Acts xx. 34 ; 1 Cor. 
iv. [12] ; 2 Thess. iii. 8). Now, they are otherwise minded 
than the apostles who would rather make their gospel 
burthensome than work. The apostle coveted no man's 
gold or silver or apparel (Acts xx. 23). What thought 
will true charity allow us of those, who not only covet, 
but forcibly take away, either gold, silver, or apparel, and 
that where it can[not be] well spared, from families and 
children ] The gospel is the power of God, and therefore 
neither to be bought or sold. Christ Jesus invites people 
freely. His ministers ought not to make people pay. 

3. Preachers are to receive maintenance but as other 
men ; viz., when they are poor and want it. And here we 
are not backward, according to our abilities, to minister to 
the necessities of any men. Only this ought not to be 
forced or compelled from any, but ought to be left to the 
giver's freedom. 

4. The true ministers of Christ never received any thing 
(if they stood in need) but from such who had been bene- 
fited by them ; and, in that case, they thought it but 
reasonable (as indeed we do, if there be occasion) that 
those who from them had received spirituals should (if 
they stood in need) communicate • to them their temporals 
(1 Cor. ix. 11 ; Rom. xv. 27). Now, therefore, have we 
been benefited by your preachers'? Do we receive of 



20 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

their spirituals ? Say they not of us, we are heretics I Let 
them, therefore, first convict us, and put us into a capacity 
of receiving some advantage from them (if they can), be- 
fore they receive maintenance from us. It is related (in 
the book called " Clark's Lives") of one Rothwell, a man 
famous in England in his day, that a collection having 
been made for him in his absence, and understanding, at his 
return, some had given that he was persuaded had not been 
profited by his preaching, he returned their money again. 
It were well if there were more so honestly minded. 

5. We do really believe your preachers are none of 
the true ministers of Christ. Now, how can it reasonably 
be expected from us we should maintain or contribute 
towards the maintenance of such a ministry as we judge 
not true, without guilty consciences and manifest contra- 
diction of ourselves and principles ? 

We request, for conclusion, you will please to consider 
whether you may not prejudice yourselves in your public 
interest with the king (you yourselves having your liberty 
but upon sufferance), if you should compel any to conform 
in any respect, either by giving maintenance or otherwise, 
to such a church government or ministry as is repugnant to 
the Church of England. 

We leave the whole to your serious consideration, desir- 
ing (if it may be) we may be eased in the forementioned 
case, — viz., that you will please to distinguish between the 
country rate and your preachers' maintenance, and that 
we may not be imposed upon against our consciences ; 
that so, under you, we may live a peaceable and quiet life, 
in all godliness and honesty ; that so, the end for which 
you are placed in government being truly answered, in the 
promotion and propagation of the common benefit, we 
therein may have our share . 

Who are your true friends, Edward Wanton. 

Joseph Colman. 
Nathael Fitsrandal. 
Wilt j am Allen. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 21 



ROGER WILLIAMS TO THOMAS HINCKLEY AND OTHERS, 
COMMISSIONERS. 

To the much honored Mr. Thomas Hinckley and the rest of the much 
honored Commissioners from the respective Colonies, assembled at 
Providence, October 4, 1678 (ut vulgd). 

Much honored Sirs, — Your wisdoms know that this 
town is liable to many payments ; that moneys will be 
drawn like blood from many amongst us : for some of us 
have appeared legally in town-meetings to answer the 
charge and summons and declaration of the plaintiff 
against the town of Providence. Others have not ap- 
peared at our town-meetings ; or, appearing, have dis- 
sented from the major vote, which hath always (in all 
these transactions) carried on matters in just order and 
quietness. The non-appearers and dissenters will not 
pay, as being none of the town in this case. 

We had much heat in our last town-meeting. I mo- 
tioned a suspending of proceedings until the sitting of 
this high court. Both parties yielded, and professed to 
submit to your decision, in active or passive obedience. 
We were hot; so no address was orderly prepared, &c. : 
and therefore I hold it my humble duty, in the town's 
name, to pray your favorable and most seasonable help 

into us. I presume not to add a word as to our matters ; 
no, not to urge to your remembrance the maxim of Queen 

Ixperience (secundce cogitationes meliores). Only I pray 
you to remember that all lands and all nations are but a 
drop of a bucket in the eyes of that King of kings, and 

iOrd of lords, whom I humbly beseech to adorn your 

Leads with that heavenly crown at your parting from us. 
Beati pacifici. 

So prays your most unworthy servant, 

Roger Williams. 



22 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



JOHN COTTON TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Plymouth, Feb. 14, 1678. 
Worshipful and much honored Friend, — This last 
week came such uncomfortable tidings from Barnstable 
hither, that I knew not how to satisfy myself without 
troubling you with a few lines ; I hope, not proceeding 
from a principle inclining to meddle with other men's 
matters, but from a sincere desire of the best good of that 
people, who are, God knows, very deservedly dear and 
precious to me. It doth indeed male audire with wiser 
than myself, that such discouragements should attend Mr. 
Bowles; that such mean things should be so taken up, and 
presented as matter to alienate the affections of people 
from him. I am sure the speakers do greatly suffer in 
their names, in more towns than this, for their weakness 
herein ; and your whole place, I fear, will be so blemished 
thereby, as that you will find it more difficult to obtain a 
minister next year than this. I need not tell you, worthy 
sir, that it is a dying time with preachers, young as well 
as old ; and it is very manifest, there is very great like- 
lihood of scarcity of ministers ; and if I may, without 
offence, whisper it in your ear, I dare say Mr. M. is far 
below Mr. B. for learning and abilities, although his name 
be deservedly more precious with those who knew his 
predecessors. That you are too heavy, and weigh down 
the whole town (as is said), I freely say, that, without 
doubt, you may lawfully do it in all cases generally : but 
I could, upon my knees, humbly beg of you, worthy sir, 
that you would not only permit, but countenance, as much 
as you can with a safe conscience, a vote of your people 
for Mr. B., who (I hear] are much more satisfied with 
him, hearing how honest an answer was indeed sent from 
him to them at the return of the messenger ; though (it 
seems) not so thoroughly declared as should have been. 
If, upon such toys as these, Mr. B. should go home with- 



• 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 23 

out a renewed invitation from the people, I doubt it would 
too deeply reflect upon their reputation, and prove a great 
bar to future success in motions of such a nature. And, 
good sir (humbly again and again begging pardon of you 
for my boldness with you), if you should appear slow to 
promote a call for Mr. B., out of a secret hope and desire 
to obtain one yet more suitable (at least for yourself), I 
verily fear you will find yourself uncomfortably disap- 
pointed. Were it not much more desirable to wait upon 
God under his ministry, and to follow the throne of grace 
with earnest prayers that this man may be fitted to do 
all that which (it may be) you rather expect in another \ 
Much honored in the Lord, I should be ashamed to look 
you in the face, after so much presumptuous writing 
to you, were I not persuaded in my heart (after humble 
seeking the face of God thereabouts) that the Lord called 
me thereunto. I know your candor is great, and your 
present manifestation of it I shall esteem it a great favor. 
Myself and wife present due respects and service to you. 
Sir, Cotton presents his service to you. I have had no 
news from Boston a long time. The good Lord guide 
you in a right way ! Craving your prayers for me and 
mine, 

I rest, sir, your worship's servant in Christ, 

John Cotton. 



My love to Mr. Bar. Lathrop and his wife, and to 
lder Cobb and his. 



GEOPvGE SHOVE TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 



k Worshipful Sir, — Since my return from Plymouth, I 
ear of a petition or motion (for I know not what to call 
i,, my information is so slender) of the Quakers to the 
authority of this Colony, that they may be capacified for 
voting and bearing office in townships where they dwell ; 



24 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

and, as it is represented to me, their cause is so far fa- 
vored, that it is consulted on their behalf, because they 
will not take the oath of allegiance, that an engagement 
may be framed on purpose for them, that so that inca- 
pacity may be removed for their enjoying of privileges in 
common with other subjects. Had I heard of it before my 
coming from Plymouth, I should have endeavored a right 
understanding of the matter, and have discharged my 
own conscience in that case, when I had opportunity to 
do it more fully than now I can by letter ; but, it being 
wholly hid from me till I came home, I cannot satisfy 
myself without a seasonable application in this way for 
a right understanding of the thing, and the prevention of 
an evil, which, to me, hath so formidable an aspect. 

When I consider the question proposed to the ministry 
of this Colony two years since, and their resolution of it, 
which I believe is for them a standing testimony against 
the profession and practices of Quakers (I fear, sinfully 
connived at by authority), and as to some of them whose 
remembrance ought to be dear to us, their last and dying 
testimony; and together with the seeming acceptance that 
our answer had with yourselves, that had desired of us a 
resolution of the due bounds of toleration, — I cannot but 
observe a divine hand in it, that it was done at that time ; 
which, had it been omitted till now, we had been less ca- 
pable of performing. And, ever since that time, I have 
been listening to hear if any thing might be effected by 
authority in compliance with that testimony. And I 
think, after that, God expected something from you. It 
was, with me, beyond controversy, that you were sincere 
in your inquiry ; and therefore, that, at least, it was ever 
upon your hearts what you might do towards the discoun- 
tenance of professions and practices dangerous, subver- 
sive to the faith, and to the whole interest of Christ 
among us. But I confess now, fearing this to be true 
which I have heard, I am at a stand. It fills me with 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 25 

astonishment. It makes my loins at a stand. I never 
was more disappointed. If snch a perverse generation as 
this are so far indulged that justice must bend to them, 
and the wholesome laws of our Colony must course for 
their interest, I will for ever cease to expect they shall 
have any discountenance. Nay, if that which ushered 
them to the Bench at Rhode Island — viz., coining of 
an engagement to their whimsical fancy to supply the 
place of an oath — be now done for them here, to usher 
them in to vote [in heresy]], pray, let us go on, and let 
such engagement pass instead of all solemn oaths imposed 
upon men in any place of trust, and let us erect a stage 
in this Colony for them to act their parts upon ; for now 
Rhode Island begins to know them, and to be weary of 
their government. I know not how the Orthodox part 
in Sandwich receive this motion ; but I dare be bold to 
make my conjecture, that the success of it would soon 
make them all sick of their seals or profession, and to 
constrain them to consult of turning Quakers too, or else 
quitting their places, and leaving them to vote among 
themselves. For their men's meetings, and other artifices 
to pack votes, will outbid all that are in community with 
them, though by far the greater part; and that, put to the 
pride and haughtiness of their spirits, will make any, out- 
bid and conquered by them, impatient of their bitter in- 
sultings. But I am sensible I may but shoot at a venture; 
and therefore, craving pardon of my boldness, expecting 
a reply, and commending you and all your weighty affairs 
under your hands to Him that can do all things, with my 
humble service to yourself and worthy consort, I sub- 
scribe, sir, 

Your servant in the Lord, 

George Shove. 

4 



26 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



SAMUEL PHILLIPS TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Worshipful and much honored Sir, — Yours of the 
6th of June came to hand on the 15th instant, and was 
read before the church in Rowley the same day ; and the 
result is, that almost the whole church did show their dis- 
sent as to parting with their minister, and not one would 
show any consent to it : so that, at present, the holy provi- 
dence of God doth seem to fasten me where by his mercy 
I have had so long continuance. The brethren that have 
dissented from me, and the major part of the church, as 
to some late transactions amongst us (which ere long are to 
be looked into by a council of our honored General Court's 
sending), they will yield no consent to any motion of my 
going from them ; and did express themselves, some of 
them, to be utterly against my removal : and a great part 
of the town are of the same mind with the church. Some 
brethren did express themselves somewhat troubled that a 
letter upon such an account should come from your wor- 
ship ; but they did withal acknowledge that your motion to 
our church was so piously, wisely, and with good cautions, 
expressed, that there was no just matter of offence. 
Moreover, it seems not unworthy noting, that your godly 
letter, though it prevails not as to the obtaining what your 
worship and your good people desire (according to God) 
with reference to my worthless self, yet it has (so far as I 
can discern) been beneficial to unite our hearts more to- 
gether, wherein your worship has obtained one gracious 
end of your writing. There has been and still is love in 
the body of the church, both brethren and sisters, to their 
weak earthen vessel ; and speeches about parting has 
drawn it forth. Pray for us, honored sir, that the Lord 
would continue and increase it to his glory and our mutual 
edification. 

For yourselves, we do heartily condole with you for the 
great bereavement you have met with in the death of that 






THE HINCKLEY TAPERS. 27 

eminent and holy man of God, your late reverend, pre- 
cious, and faithful pastor, Mr. Walley ; and we doubt not 
but the tender bowel-mercies of the great Shepherd of the 
sheep are moving towards and for you. And as the Lord 
has enabled you humbly and believingly to seek to him to 
bestow upon you a pastor after his own heart, as a fruit of 
Christ's ascension, so we hope, and shall not cease to desire, 
that the Lord of the harvest would vouchsafe to be near 
unto you in what you call upon him for in this matter ; for 
he will have mercy upon his afflicted. 

But that your worship and good people should have any 
thoughts towards myself (a poor shrub to have made up 
that breach where so fruitful a tree lately stood) is matter 
of wonderment to me, especially when I consider what 
great ground I have to look upon myself as less than the 
least of all God's saints, and also at this time under a 
cloud of obloquy ; yet such was your charity, that you 
would not admit any alienating impressions upon your 
spirits, but even at such a time express your abundant 
love to me. My God and my fathers' God reward it to you ; 
for you have been a comfort to me, and, as it were, com- 
panions with me in my trials. And, indeed, so affecting is 
your undeserved kindness herein, that the thankful sense 
of it will (by God's help) abide with me whilst I live. 
And, did Providence open a door for my leaving the place 
where I am, I know no other place that my heart is so 
much endeared to as to yourselves ;. and the rather that I 
might have the help and comfort of your worship's society, 
as well as of the rest of God's dear people with you. But, 
seeing this cannot be, the good Lord grant us the comfort 
of love and fellowship of and in the Spirit here, and a 
joyful gathering together to the great assembly and church 
of the first-born, and to Jesus, the Mediator of the new 
covenant, in God's everlasting kingdom ! Amen. 

As to matters depending in our honored General Court 
when your worship left Boston, the issue is, that the Lord 



28 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

has rolled off those unjust reproaches that were cast upon 
me, blessed be his holy name ! The sentence at Ipswich 
Court is reversed; the complainers admonished, and to bear 
the charges of our brethren at both courts : and I hope the 
Lord will yet farther appear to heal our church differences, 
when the Reverend Council of Churches shall come, by the 
advice of the honored General Court. No more, but my 
earnest desire of the continuance of your prayers for me 
and the people of God with me, that the God of peace 
would be pleased to grant us peace always by all means ; 
without whose gift no means will obtain it. My service to 
yourself, honored sir, and to your dear and pious consort 
presented, with my cordial respects to the church and con- 
gregation of God in Barnstable, I take leave, and rest 

Your much endeared and deeply obliged servant in the 
Lord, Samuel Phillips. 

Rowley, June 18, 1679. 

Notes by Rev. Thomas Prince. 

1677-8, March 24. — Eev. Mr. Thomas. [Sic.'] 

April 15. — Mr. Hinckley, employed by the church at Barnstable to 
look out for help for them, came to Cambridge to get Mr. Isaac Fos- 
ter to go thither, and earnestly endeavored to persuade him to it ; but 
the Charlestown Church Committee had been with Mr. Foster just 
before. 

1678, May 22. — Mr. Isaac Foster installed Fellow of Harvard 
College. 

1678, May 27. — Mr. Hinckley and Elder Chipman came to Mr. 
Peter Thacher's house in Boston to request him to go with them to 
Barnstable, to be there two sabbaths. 

May 29. — Mr. P. Thacher sets out for Barnstable. 

June 12. — Returned to Boston two or three hours after his dear 
sister Davis was buried. 

1678, June 27. — T. Hinckley, Esq., writes to Mr. Peter Thacher, 
thanking for his labor, soliciting his complying answer and return, and 
sympathizing with him in his afflictive bereavement. 

July 8. — Mr. P. Thacher keeps a private fast to seek direction about 
his going to Barnstable. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 29 

July 19. — Elder Chipman and Mr. Allen of Barnstable come from 
the church there to Mr. Peter Thacher's at Boston to request him and 
his wife to go up with them. Mr. P. Thacher refers them to his 
father. 

July 22. — Rev. Mr. Thomas Thacher of Boston writes his four pro- 
posals to the people at Barnstable, as conditions of his consenting to his 
son's going thither. 

Oct. 15, Tuesday, p. at 6. — Rev. Mr. Thomas Thacher of Boston 
dies. 

Nov. 1. — Theodora Thacher born; and, Nov. 24, baptized at Dor- 
chester by Rev. Mr. Josiah Flint. 

1678-9, Feb. 14. — Rev. Mr. Cotton of Plymouth presses Mr. Hinck- 
ley's encouraging Mr. Bowles to continue and settle at Barnstable. 

1679, June 6. — Mr. Hinckley, in behalf of Barnstable, writes to the 
church at Rowley to let them have their pastor, the Rev. Mr. Phillips ; 
to which letter this is an answer, dated June 18. 

1680, Sept. 23. — Rev. Messrs. James Allen, Increase Mather, Sam- 
uel Torrey, and Samuel Willard, write to Elder Chipman and the church 
at Barnstable to quiet them for their being disappointed of Mr. Thach- 
er ; and exhort to unity, &c. 

1683, < -w- i n' [ — Mr- Jonathan Russel ordained at Barnstable. 



ROGER WILLIAMS TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Providence, July 4, 1679 (ut vulyo). 
Sir, — Your heavenly meditations on that heavenly Mr. 
Walley, I kindly and thankfully received, and pray your 
leave to say four words : First, You hold forth in your own 
soul a bright character of a true son of God, who attri- 
bute your deep distresses, &c, to his all-wise and his most 
gracious hand eternal : Una eademque manus, &c. 

2. Though a natural spirit will pretend high to spirit- 
uals, yet I rejoice to see you (with rejoicing) predicating 
such graces in the deceased, as hoping that a spiritual 
light hath given yourself that spiritual eye as clearly to see 
and rejoice in that image of God in another. 

3. I praise God for that heavenly stirring-up yourself 
and others to an humble inqriry after those coals of jea- 



30 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

lousy which have kindled such a fire of jealousy in the 
nostrils of the Most High against you ; and I pray your 
patience to suffer me to say, that, above these forty years 
in a barbarous wilderness, driven out on pain of death, I 
have (as I believe) been the Eternal his poor witness in 
sackcloth against your churches and ministries, as being but 
State policies and a mixture of golden images, unto which 
(were your carnal sword so long) you would musically 
persuade, or by fiery torments compel, to bow down, as 
many as (that great type of inventors and persecutors) 
Nebuchadnezzar did. I have studiously avoided clamorous- 
ness ; and yet (being called) I have divers times, and espe- 
cially in the Bloody Tenent yet more bloody, humbly offered 
my reasons, and to Mr. Nath. Morton before this last winter 
(upon his charges on me) : and I humbly and heartily 
desire, in the fear of the Most High, to ponder (in the 
double weights of the King Eternal) the sharpest rebukes 
or censures, and to present my thoughts in love, patience, 
and meekness. 

4. Can you say, with a true, broken heart and contrite 
spirit (deeply distressed Tho. Hinckley), and not consider 
how, not many weeks or months before, myself and so 
many other innocent souls, as to W. Harris, you deeply 
distressed by your adding gall to our (mine own above) 
forty years' vinegar in countenancing that prodigy of pride 
and scorning, W. Harris, who, being an impudent morris- 
dancer in Kent, under the cloak of (scurrilous) jests against 
the bishop, got into a flight to New England, and, under 
a cloak of separation, got in with myself, till his self-ends 
and restless strife, and at last his atheistical denying of 
heaven and hell, made honest souls to fly from him ? Now 
he courts the Baptists ; then he kicks off them, and flatters 
the Foxians ; then the drunkards (which he calls all that 
are not of the former two amongst us) ; then, knowing 
the prejudices of the other Colonies against us, he dares to 
abuse his Majesty and Council, to bring New England 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 31 

upon us ; and when your noble self discerned and dis- 
owned his old and only monstrous song, Hoc est Corpus 
meum (up streams without limits), how hath he run about 
the world again to force my conscience to give him more 
up Wanasquatuckqut than the bounds so punctually set 
us by the sachems in our grand deed ! It is not question- 
able, is that, if he be not satisfied with his poor bone he 
hath so long fancied, he will stamp on yourself, and his 
Majesty and Council too, and make Home, if he can 
(bloody Rome), his sanctuary ; for he saith he can go to 
Mass : yea (fleeter e si nequeam, &c.), he will down to devils 
and witches ; for he saith he can go to the witch at Endor 
for a piece of bread. I am not insensible of his long- 
thirsting after my blood. I humbly pray the blessed Lord 
to return him or rebuke him, and to deliver my soul and 
yours from all our distresses. So daily prays, sir, 

Your most unworthy servant, R. W. 

My humble respects to your honored Governor, Major 
Cudworth, &c. * 



KING CHARLES II. TO GOV. JOSIAH WINSLOW AND THE 
GENERAL COURT OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 

Charles R. 

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. [We] have 
with great satisfaction read your letter bearing date [the] 
1st of July last, in return to another from us of the [ 
February, 167f, together with copies of other letters 
f[rom] you unto us, dated the 12th of June, 1677, con- 
taining [a] narrative of the success which you and other 
of ou[r] good subjects there have had against the rebel- 
lious [ ], and the total overthrow given unto that common 
[enemy]. And the said papers having been particularly 
exami[ned] by the Lords of our Privy Council, appointed 



32 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

a Committee of Foreign Plantations, and their opinions 
thereupon being reported unto us in our said council, we 
have taken into our royal consideration, how that, by your 
loyalty and good conduct in that war, you have been [the] 
happy instruments to enlarge our dominions, [and bring] 
that new territory of Mount Hope unto a more immediate 
and perfect allegiance and dependence on us. We are, 
therefore, graciously pleased to give and grant, and do 
hereby give and grant, unto you the full and entire pro- 
perty of the said [lands], or scope of lands, commonly called 
Mount Hope (containing, by common estimation, seven 
thousand acres, more or less), for the sole and proper use 
and behoof of yourselves and the rest of our said Colony 
of New Plymouth, to be holden of us, our heirs and succes- 
sors, as of our Castle of Windsor, in our County of Berks, 
in free and common socage ; yielding and paying therefor 
to us, our heirs and successors, as a quit-rent and acknow- 
ledgment of this our royal donation, seven beaver-skins, to 
be delivered at our said Castle of Windsor every year, on 
the Feast of St. John the Baptist ; or, in default thereof, 
fourteen marks, to be paid into our royal exchequer, — the 
said payment to commence from the day of the date of 
these presents. Saving, nevertheless, all such just right 
and title to the premises, or any part thereof, as any others 
of our good subjects may lawfully have thereunto. 

And whereas we are given to understand that our said 
Colony of New Plymouth was the most ancient of all the 
rest within that our dominion of New England, and hap- 
pened to be settled by so much casualty as that you have only 
a general grant from the old Council of Plymouth ; and 
that there are wanting several necessary provisions for 
your incorporation, which are esteemed lit for the confirm- 
ing of your peace and happiness, and the giving you a 
nearer dependence and protection from the crown, — for 
these considerations, therefore, and in regard of the many 
instances of your loyalty, as well ancient as what hath 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 33 

been by you lately expressed, we further graciously pro- 
mise and declare our royal intentions to confer upon our 
said Colony of New Plymouth our royal charter, that may 
contain all such privileges, rights, and franchises, for your 
good government and advantage, as shall by you, upon due 
application, be reasonably desired, and by us thought fit. 
And so we bid you farewell. 

From our court at Whitehall, this twelfth day of Janu- 
ary, in the one and thirtieth year of our reign. 

By his majesty's command. 

H. Coventry. 

To our trusty and well-beloved Josiah Winslow, Esq., Governor ; and 
to the General Court of our Colony of New Plymouth, within our 
dominion of New England ; and to our Governor and General Court 
thereof for the time being. 



FROM WM. BLATHWAYT, ENCLOSING THE KING'S LETTER. 

Plantation Office in Whitehall, 
the 29th of February, 167a. 

Sir, — The duty of my place, and honor I bear for the 
great merit and eminency you have expressed on all occa- 
sions where the interest of his majesty and his subjects 
have been concerned, oblige me by this conveyance to im- 
part unto you the good success which has attended the late 
applications from yourself and the Colony of New Ply- 
mouth, and withal to transmit the enclosed letter from his 
majesty in that behalf. 

kit was in September last his majesty received, by the 
hands of Mr. James Boyd, that letter from the General 
Court, dated the 1st of July, 1679 : whereupon Mr. Se- 
cretary Coventry was immediately ordered to signify his 
majesty's sense of the dutiful respects declared therein, 
with a particular assurance cf his royal kindness and pro- 



34 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

tection towards yourself ; and Mr. Randolph delivered you 
a letter to that effect. Soon after, the Lords of the Privy 
Council, appointed a Committee for Trade and Foreign 
Plantations, took the Address of the Colony into their 
consideration ; and, upon their report, his majesty was 
pleased to signify his gracious pleasure, which you find 
contained in the enclosed letter, notwithstanding the pre- 
tensions of Mr. Crowne to participate of his bounty in 
compensation of the loss of Nova Scotia. 

Some time after, another letter, touching the same lands 
of Mount Hope, was received from the Commissioners of 
the Confederate Colonies, dated at Boston the 25th 
of August last, the style of which is so different from 
the first, that, had it arrived sooner, it might in some 
manner, I fear, have obstructed his majesty's favor which 
he had before so freely granted in consideration of the 
humble address and acknowledgments of New-Plymouth 
Colony. And whereas it does also concern the Narra- 
ganset country, you will shortly be informed of the 
acceptation it finds with his majesty, from the effects it 
will produce when it shall have been fully considered by 
the Lords of the same Committee. 

In the mean while, his majesty remains very well satis- 
fied with your particular services, and with the dutifulness 
and loyal expressions of the Colony you govern ; and 
offers to give them such testimony of his kindness as may 
be proper for them to desire : in the effectual prosecution 
whereof, or in any thing else, if I can be anyways service- 
able in my station to the Colony and yourself, as I have 
endeavored to be in what is already past, I will esteem it 
no small happiness ; as being with all respect, sir, 

Your most humble servant, 

William Blathwayt. 

The first original of this and his majesty's letter was deli- 
vered unto Mr. James Boyd on the 29th of February, 16-g-jj-. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 35 

1169693 

WILLIAM NEWLAND TO JOSIAH WINSLOW. 

Governor, — In the sense of true love and respect unto 
thee, and a desire that lives in my heart of thy everlasting 
well-being, I hereby signify unto thee, in answer to thy 
desire ; namely, something to put thee in mind or to thy 
consideration of that which I spake unto thee when I was 
last with thee, concerning the late law or laws made, 
whereby we are deprived of our common rights and privi- 
leges, and so are made sufferers ; and like to be much 
more, if those laws continue in force against us : the 
which considering the ground and foundation of them to 
be a false petition, proceeding from a bad, backbiting 
spirit, which regardeth not how it devoureth the inno- 
cent, though without a cause. Great pity it is indeed that 
such things, which tend to, and whereby the innocent are, 
devouring, should have any longer life or being, especially 
amongst a people which do profess themselves to be Chris- 
tians. O Governor ! I desire with my whole heart thy 
everlasting peace, and, if it be the Lord's will, that thou 
mayst have a conscience void of offence before God and 
towards all men ; and as touching that petition wherein we 
are so odiously rendered to all people, yet herein is our 
comfort, and in this have we peace, — even in the sensible 
feeling of the purging, cleansing, sanctifying, and redeem- 
ing power which in Christ Jesus is manifested, and more 
and more manifesting in us daily. Blessed be the name of 
the Lord our God for ever and ever, who hath cleansed 
and is yet cleansing our hearts from all filthiness both of 
flesh and spirit, and hath redeemed our souls from that 
mire and dirt which they that lie wallowing therein are 
ready to cast out against God's truth and people ! But 
the Lord our God, who hath redeemed us, he will clear 
our innocency, and bring the reproaches of our adversaries 
upon their own heads. So, Governor, desiring thy faith- 



36 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

fulness and diligence for the removing of that above men- 
tioned, by which the Spirit of God is burdened and his 
people oppressed, I rest and remain to thee a true and 

faithful friend. 

Willm. Newland. 
Sandwich, this 18 3 mo. : '80. 



PETITION OF GEORGE SHOVE TO THE GOVERNMENT OF 
THE COLONY OF PLYMOUTH. 

To the Right Worshipful Governor and Deputy- Governor, with the 
Worshipful Assistants, assembled at Plymouth, June \, 1680. 

Right Honorable and Worshipful, — It were great 
ingratitude to God, who continueth our peace and 
maketh us so happy in our rulers in this wilderness, 
unnecessarily to augment their burden and trouble. 
This consideration, with many more upon the heart of 
your petitioner, hath made him slow to complain, as will- 
ing rather to suffer than contend for his right ; being 
assured that God knows how to requite good for the 
wrong we suffer from men. But now (at least to his own 
apprehension) he is concluded under a necessity to make 
your authority his refuge. Be pleased, therefore, to take 
cognizance of his grievance, presented to your view as fol- 
loweth : — 

Some of the proprietors of the township of Taunton, 
in this Colony, purchasing a certain parcel of land, lying 
between Taunton's north line and the south line of Mas- 
sachusetts Colony, for themselves and their associates, 
your petitioner (who is also a proprietor in the said Taun- 
ton) essayed to join with them in their purchase of the 
said lands ; upon which, at the motion of some of them- 
selves, it was agreed in a convention of the said proprie- 
tors that his proportion of charge in the said purchase 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 37 

should be defrayed amongst them : which he, being 
informed of (though more than he ever sought), accepted 
as their kindness, and, upon that account, disbursed not at 
the times of payment as others did ; and, a considerable 
time passing between the time of the purchase and the 
making of the deed they now hold the said lands by, — 
(viz.) two years or thereabouts, — he never had the least 
intimation that his interest in the said lands was ques- 
tioned. Nevertheless, when this deed was obtained, in 
which the names of all the proprietors concerned ought 
to have been expressed, his name, and his only, was 
omitted ; whereby that which he interpreted as a kindness 
he perceived to be managed to the contrary, and was in 
danger to prove a considerable damage. And after long 
patience exercised, and divers overtures made by him (some 
whereof, being in writing, are extant) to the said proprie- 
tors, in which he claimed his interest in the said lands 
(which yet lie in community not divided), the most of the 
said proprietors, being sensible how injurious it would be 
to exclude him in such a manner, were so ingenuous as to 
offer him a small script, with their several names subscribed 
thereto, wherein they acknowledge your petitioner's right, 
and that his name ought to have been put into the deed, 
&c, as may appear upon view of the said script. But 
some persons concerned appear against it, and deny his 
interest ; making non-payment (though not by his default) 
their advantage to deprive him of his just right. 

In this, your petitioner briefly (yet he trusts you will find 
faithfully) hath presented his case before you ; to whose 
sentence and judgment he freely subjects it, requesting 
your favorable construction of this his address, who most 
unwillingly and of constraint occasions you such trouble, 
is bound incessantly to pray for you, and subscribeth him- 
self, worthy patriots, 

Your servant in every thing in the Lord, 

George Shove. 



38 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



PETITION OF JOHN BAILEY AND OTHERS, OF SCITUATE. 

To the Honorable General Court now assembled at 
Plymouth, June, 1680. 

Humbly showeth, &c., 

That we whose names are here underwritten, being in- 
habitants of the town of Scituate and members of this 
Commonwealth, cannot but acknowledge it as to be our 
great privilege to enjoy, so to be our bond and duty to sup- 
port and uphold, the present government under which we 
live, by all due means ; acknowledging it to be the great 
and undeserved favor of our gracious God to us, that our 
judges may proceed of ourselves, and that strangers rule 
not over us ; and that we have such fundamental laws 
and constitutions, so carefully revised and so essentially 
good, and suitable to the well-being of this Commonwealth, 
that they ought to be, as they are declared, for ever 
preserved unviolable : so that, although succeeding laws 
and orders, through change of time and choice of persons, 
may infringe upon the due liberty of the subject ; and if 
the judges themselves (though the best of men), yet, being 
but men, may through ignorance or mistake err in the 
dispensation of justice, as holy records gives us examples 
of for our instruction, — yet those just constitutions, the 
defence of our due liberties, may recover the subject's 
rights, whom the law says shall not be damnified in any 
respect, through color of law or countenance of authority, 
without legal conviction by due process. The considera- 
tion of the above-written premises, duly weighed, doth both 
embolden and encourage us to present our grievances to 
this Honored Court, who are yet unconcerned in the 
grounds of our present complaint ; and, having no Court 
of Appeal nor higher power within our jurisdiction, we 
crave your serious consideration and application to our 
redress as the Lord shall direct in a case of so great 



! 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. &$ 

moment, not only as to our own particulars, who take 
ourselves to be greatly wronged and oppressed, but also, 
and that more especially, as it hath so deep an influence 
into the general liberties of the whole inhabitants of this 
jurisdiction ; the case of each plantation in this Colony 
being, or liable to be, parallel with ours, who have our 
goods liable to be taken from us, as delinquents, for not 
performing a duty, who were never yet convicted by 
any law of God or man of any duty incumbent upon us 
to do the thing required of us to that purpose, in refer- 
ence to the building a new meeting-house in o[ur] town, 
as appears enjoined by an order of Court bearing date 
October, 1679 ; it being, as we conceive, so directly con- 
trary to the due liberties of our town, who, with the con- 
currence of the churches, preferred their minds to the 
Honored Court at March last past : so that if there were 
either law or reason for the merit of the case, as it is 
required, which we cannot apprehend of, yet it could not 
appertain to us, the most of whom never appertained to 
that society, but do judge that we are, according to the 
rule both of law and gospel, in a regular way for the 
maintaining the worship of God without any such forcible 
means as is uncomfortable for us to yield to. But yet 
further : suppose it should be imagined that the towns have 
not a regular power within themselves to order their own 
prudential matters, which the law allows them, and that 
this were a just injunction laid upon us so to act in and 
with that society ; yet could it be in reason denied us, as 
here it is, our own free vote and approbation in our own con- 
cerns, but must be as children under age, under tutor, only 
to be appointed what to do % — on which account, there has 
been such unusual austerity used about this rate as we 
have not been exercised with before. Our case being 
thus dubious and difficult, finding no rule nor reason 
quietly to submit to it, and seeing ourselves barred of all 
usual methods of law for any trial by due process, do yet 



40 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

further crave of this Honored Court some satisfaction, 
either by your own determination as it may stand with the 
general interest of the Colony, or by making way for our 
due process in the premises, and for your help and direc- 
tion therein. We earnestly implore the guidance of His 
good Spirit, in whose hand is our breath and all our ways ; 
and so rest your humble petitioners, 



John Bayley. 
Daniel Staycy. 
Thomas Pinchin, Sen. 
John Curtis. 
Josiah Palmer. 
Zachariah Dimmon. 
Henry Chittenden. 
Anthony Dodson. 
Benjamin Pirce. 
Peter Worthylake. 
Samuell Holbrook. 
John Booth. 
John Allin. 
Thomas Wood. 
Nathanell Turner. 



John Bairstow. 
Jonathan Jackson. 
Jonathan Cudworth. 
Joseph White. 
Benjamin Woodwarth. 
John Buck, Sen. 
Steven Vinall. 
Daniel Daman. 
Matthew Gannet. 
Peter Collimoore. 

His 
William + Randall, Sen. 
mark. 



Joseph Woodwarth. 
[In the above signatures, the original orthography is retained.] 



JOSIAH WINSLOW TO KING CHARLES II. 

Marshfield in N.P., July 3, '80. 

Dread Sovereign, — As the great King of kings takes 
pleasure to magnify his rich grace in conferring great 
favors upon undeserving persons, not taking his measures 
from their merits, but from his own royal bounty ; even so 
have your majesty (in imitation of that most excellent pat- 
tern) abundantly exceeded in your princely favors any thing 
of desert or worthiness that can be found in your poor 
subjects of this Colony, who have only had an ambition, 
but have wanted opportunity and ability, to express our 
loyalty and good affection to your majesty's person and 
interest by any considerable service. Great sir, we 
received and read with highest gratitude your majesty's 






THE HINCKLEY TAPERS. 41 

most gracious letter, dated from your court at Whitehall, 
Jan. 12th, -J-J, in the 31st year of your happy reign, de- 
claring your free donation and settlement of our lands 
at Mount Hope ; and further expressing your gracious 
intentions and princely purpose to grant us your royal 
charter, that shall contain all such privileges, rights, and 
franchises for our good government and advantage as shall 
by us, upon due application, be reasonably desired, and by 
your majesty thought fit. These are humbly tendered to 
pay our acknowledgment for those great favors bestowed 
on and tendered to your unworthy subjects of this poor 
Colony, and to inform your majesty that we are thereby 
emboldened, and do intend very speedily, to send some 
person or persons to wait upon your majesty with copy of 
our old and (indeed) imperfect grant, and to make our 
humble address for obtaining your majesty's free and royal 
tender. Meantime, we are studious how, by any service 
of ours, we might discharge one mite of the great obliga- 
tions your bounty and goodness have laid us under ; and 
are daily praying on our bended knees for your majesty's 
long life and happy reign, and felicity here and eternally ; 
and beg the favor still to be placed amongst your majesty's 

Most loyal subjects and humble suppliants. 

J. W., 

In the name and behalf of your majesty's Colony of N.P. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY AND BARNABAS LOTHROP, IN BEHALF 
OF THE CHURCH AT BARNSTABLE, TO REV. MESSRS. AL- 
LEN, MATHER, TORREY, AND WILLARD. 

Reverend, and highly esteemed in our Lord Jesus, — 
This day of the Lord's just and solemn rebuke upon us, in 
not prospering any endeavors hitherunto used for the re- 
settlement of his holy ordinances amongst us, hath been a 

6 



42 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

time of much temptation and disquiet through our weak- 
ness and different apprehension ; and though it was 
hoped, after one negative answer given by the Reverend 
Mr. Thacher as to the church's motion for his taking up 
of office here, that, on another application to him, there 
would have been a quiet setting-down under God's dispose 
of his answer, whether it should have been in the affirma- 
tive or negative, with which we suppose you have been 
already acquainted : but so it is, his answer being again 
in the negative, that, through the strength of the affections 
of many towards him, they cannot quietly sit down under 
it, so as to be as free as might be desired to join together 
to look out for another supply, till further means be used 
for the obtainment of him. Whereupon, the matter being 
seriously weighed, and all circumstances considered with 
the fears of the issue of that affair, it being judged by 
divers that Mr. Thacher' s staying might yet be obtained, if 
the elder and Mr. Thomas Hinckley did manifest their real 
desires thereof, — Mr. Thomas Hinckley, therefore, did (be- 
fore Mr. Thacher's giving of his last negative answer, then 
in a readiness to be given, and was afterwards delivered by 
him) declare to the congregation, as he had done before 
and since to Mr. Thacher, and still abides by, that for his 
part, as things were now circumstanced with us, he did 
really and heartily desire that Mr. Thacher might yet stay 
with us, and accept of the church's call to office that had 
been given to him ; and he hoped he should own him in 
that work, and carry with due respect to him therein ; and 
voted for the same, when the elder who fell in therewith 
put to vote to the whole congregation, whether it were 
their desire for his continuance with us as aforesaid. Some 
other of the dissenting brethren manifesting also their de- 
sires of his continuance as aforesaid, and none of them 
manifesting any unwillingness thereunto, but Mr. Thacher 
replying that the staff and power were now out of his 
hand, having given some encouragement to the church of 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 43 

Milton for his coming thither, — it was thought fit, therefore, 
by the congregation, both church and town, that the state 
of things, as now represented, should by our honored mes- 
sengers, the reverend elder and respected friend Lieuten- 
ant Joseph Lothrop, be presented to yourselves (upon whose 
counsel Mr. Thacher hath much dependence), with desire, 
that if what hath been said by us, and what Mr. Thacher 
may farther write to you, you may see light, that you 
would be pleased to alter your former counsel to him, and 
advise him here to stay, and quiet the brethren of Milton 
about it, if it may be done without any wrong to them by 
any engagement of Mr. Thachers to them, of which your- 
selves better understand than we, and of which Mr. 
Thacher is tender. And it is greatly hoped, that, if God 
pleases to dispose his fixing here, it may be for his glory, 
and the quiet settlement and good of this poor distressed 
congregation. Thus craving your earnest prayers for 
God's gracious appearance for us as the matter may in 
any wise require, with your own best help to us, we rest 
your unworthy brethren, in the name and by the appoint- 
ment of the congregation, both church and town. 

Signed pr Thos. Hinckley. 

Barnabas Lothrop. 



ANSWER OF THE MINISTERS TO THE ABOVE LETTER. 

Honored, reverend, and beloved in the Lord, — See- 
ing it hath pleased God to direct you unto us from time to 
time for counsel and advice in a matter of greatest concern- 
ment unto your settlement under the administration of 
God's word and worship by an able, faithful ministry ; and 
having thereby obtained a more full and distinct under- 
standing of the state of affairs with you, — we are bold in 
Christ Jesus (we hope), with bowels of Christian affection 



44 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

and compassion, to make this application to you ; wherein 
we do assure you of our deep sympathy with you in the 
great sorrow and affliction which you are under by the 
soul-afflicting privation of the comfort and soul-satisfaction 
which some time you enjoyed, under the influences of 
divine grace and blessing, by the ministry of your last dear 
pastor, who, although he be dead, yet speaketh, and hath, 
we hope, living epistles of commendation in your hearts, 
written, not with ink, but by the Spirit of the living God ; 
as also under your long suspension from re-settlement in 
the house of God ; more especially, also, considering that 
you are at this time reduced unto an extraordinary juncture 
of difficulties, disadvantages, and discouragements, in your 
progress thereunto, — out of sincere respect, therefore, 
unto the laboring interest of Christ with you, we do, with 
confidence of your Christian acceptance, oifer you advice 
(as we believe, according to the mind of Christ) in these 
few following particulars : — 

1. That you labor unto a more thorough understanding 
and humbling sense of the causes of God's controversy 
with you, both in bereaving of you of what you once en- 
joyed with such signal tokens of God's special grace and 
favor, and in leaving of you so long destitute of a settled 
and satisfactory supply, and in withdrawing from you so 
much of his spiritual and gracious presence in his house. 
Dear brethren, whether you may not acknowledge, at least 
to God, many of those general evils which God is plead- 
ing with the most of his churches for, too much unthank- 
fulness under your past enjoyments, and too much unpro- 
fitableness under your past improvement ; too much neglect 
of the work of Christ, and of a deep decay in the life and 
power of religion ; too much of a spirit of division and dis- 
sension, with carnal and self respects in the management 
of the affairs of Christ, — we do not charge you : but, with 
a holy jealousy, we desire to warn you, as from the Lord, 
to take great heed that you proceed with thorough exami- 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 45 

nation of your hearts and ways, and deep humiliation 
before God. 

2. That you endeavor, through the grace of God, with 
all lowliness, meekness, long-suffering, and forbearing one 
with another in love, to keep the unity of the spirit in the 
bond of peace entire among yourselves. We beseech you, 
above all things, put on charity, which is the bond of per- 
fectness. Oh ! beware lest Satan should get an advantage 
upon you ; for you should not be ignorant of his devices. 
It is a time of great temptation unto all the churches, and 
a special hour of temptation unto you. As you hope to 
escape undoing, disorder, and confusion ; as you hope for 
the God of peace to dwell with you, — so labor to preserve 
union: for God is not the author of confusion, but of 
peace, as in all the churches of saints. 

3. That you labor for the future to manage the work of 
Christ according to gospel order, — the order which our 
Lord Jesus hath appointed in his church, with whom 
Christ hath betrusted all church power and privilege. In 
this way you shall obtain our Lord Jesus his presence and 
assistance, and keep your work under the hand of Christ, 
the only great Shepherd and Bishop of souls, who holdeth 
all the stars in his right hand. 

4. We beseech you to labor to bear the failure and 
frustration of your hopes of settlement by Mr. Thacher 
patiently, peaceably, and quietly. We commend your fer- 
vent love to him, and the regular expressions thereof; and 
it is our hearty prayer, that the peace of God may rule in 
your hearts, and overrule you unto love, peace, and union 
amongst yourselves, lest Satan should take advantage, from 
the fervency of your affection unto him, to cool and quench 
your charity one to another, especially towards such whom 
you ought highly to esteem and dearly to love in the Lord, 
and for whose painful and faithful labors to obtain the best 
supply and settlement for you, you ought to be thankful 
unto God: for we can assure you, that the much-honored 



46 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

Mr. Thomas Hinckley hath been from the beginning most 
heartily engaged in all his consultations and solicitations 
on your behalf with us, and we believe with divers others 
more worthy than ourselves, whom he hath been pleased 
to improve as your servants for the furtherance of your 
supply, and hath accordingly made his applications with 
great importunity to persons most desirable, and, we 
believe, with a sincere and affectionate desire and design 
to obtain a supply unto your full satisfaction in some pro- 
portion to what you have lost. And although he, with a 
considerable part of the church, hath not acted with such 
freedom and satisfaction towards the settlement of Mr. 
Thacher, yet we are well assured it hath not been out of 
any personal disrespect to him (concerning whose piety and 
other good qualifications he hath given his constant testi- 
mony) ; and that both himself and the rest of the dissenting 
brethren have manifested much self-denial in a way of 
compliance, as far as they could with satisfaction to con- 
science, as fully appeareth by a letter from yourselves to 
us. And although we have a dear esteem and love to our 
beloved brother, Mr. Peter Thacher, as a pious, faithful 
servant of our Lord Jesus in the work of the ministry, 
with whom we believe God will be graciously present, 
yet we cannot but plainly say, that we have not been 
thoroughly satisfied concerning the clearness of his call to 
Barnstable this last time : but, since the matter hath been 
by you presented to our consideration, we have, we hope, 
in the fear of God, advised his peaceable dismission from 
you and return ; which, had it been managed with mutual 
forbearance and condescension, it might have been an 
happy means to a comfortable issue, by your joint concur- 
rence in your after-proceeding, according to your own 
public and solemn agreement once and again. But truly, 
brethren, we fear that you have under a present temptation 
missed it much by endeavoring to cast the blame of Mr. 
Thachefs departure as an odium upon those whom you 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 47 

wrongfully judge the blameworthy causes of it: for Mr. 
Thacher took his direction from God, by advice upon 
which he grounded all his resolves for his removal, as he 
himself hath divers times expressed ; neither did your 
faithful elder, our Brother Chipman, fail in the manage- 
ment of your last address to us, wherein he labored with 
much instancy and fidelity unto you, and with expressions 
of much affection to Mr. Thacher. 

And now, dearly beloved, we pray you to accept of this 
our poor labor of love for you, whereunto (we hope we 
may sincerely say) we have been moved from our un- 
feigned love unto you, wherein we have been enlarged and 
confirmed by what we have heard of the presence of God 
with you, and the grace of God in you, and the happy and 
hopeful progress of the work of Christ among you, under 
the ministry of that eminent and blessed servant of Christ 
who labored long with you. Oh, let the lively remem- 
brance and living experience of the grace and blessing of 
God, communicated to yourselves by his ministrations, re- 
main as a soul-binding obligation upon you to cleave 
together in love in a way of holy communion and fellow- 
ship one with another, that you may stand fast in one 
spirit, with one mind striving together for the faith and 
order of the gospel ! 

It is your great duty and concernment, therefore, in all 
your future transactions, to cry mightily unto God for the 
pardon of all past sins, for the return of his presence, for 
a fulness of his Spirit, by whom you may obtain counsel 
and conduct, and be enabled for the time to come to labor 
with all sincerity as for God and for Christ with great solem- 
nity, as becomes a church of Christ, in the management of 
the greatest affairs of the kingdom of Christ on earth, and 
which is of greatest spiritual and eternal concernment 
unto yourselves, your children and posterity after you ; 
and with that wisdom which is from above, which is pure, 
peaceable, gentle, and easy ti be entreated, without par- 



4:8 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

tiality, without hypocrisy, and all this by a lively exer- 
cise of faith and independence upon our Lord Jesus for 
the full accomplishment of the great promise unto his 
church, whereby he hath engaged to give them pastors 
after his own heart, to feed them with knowledge and 
understanding. 

Finally, brethren, we leave you under that divine com- 
pellation (2 Phil, i.) : " If there be, therefore, any consola- 
tion in Christ, if any comfort of love, if any fellowship of 
the Spirit, if any bowels and mercies, fulfil ye my joy, that 
ye may be like-minded, having the same love, being of one 
accord, of one mind. Let nothing be done through strife 
or vain-glory ; but, in lowliness of mind, let each esteem 
other better than themselves. Let this mind be in you 
which was also in Christ Jesus ; " in whom we are 

Yours in the fellowship of the gospel, 

James Allen. 
Increase Mather. 
Samuell Torrey. 
Samuell Willard. 
Boston, September 23d, 1680. 



PETITION OF THE COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH TO 
KING CHARLES II. 

TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. 

The humble Petition and Address of the General Court of your Ma- 
jesty's Colony of New Plymouth in New England. 

Most gracious and dread Sovereign, — It may justly 
render us guilty of the high crime of ingratitude to God 
and your majesty, should we not in all humble thankful- 
ness own and accept your majesty's most ample clemency 
and especial grace in stooping so low as to cast an eye of 
royal favor upon this your poor Colony ; not only, upon 






THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 49 

our first address to your majesty (soon after your happy 
restoration), in your gracious acceptation of that poor 
script to be the transcript (as indeed it was) of our loyal 
hearts, and with like grace accepting that poor mite of 
our respects in our reception and entertainment (according 
to the meanness of our condition) of your majesty's hono- 
rable commissioners in the year 1664, together with the 
gracious assurance given us, under your royal hand, of 
the continuance and enlargement of our liberties and pri- 
vileges, both civil and religious ; but also now again, with a 
superadded act of your royal bounty and justice, in con- 
firming to us the lands of Mount Hope* (notwithstanding 
the earnest petition and endeavor of some to obtain it of 
your majesty from us), which, in defence of your majesty's 
interest and our lives, cost us so much blood and treasure, 
being undoubtedly within our patent grant. And further, 
that out of the gracious disposition and free motion of 
your own princely, benign mind, you are pleased to invite 
and encourage us to make our due application to your 
majesty for the granting and confirming such liberties and 
franchises unto us as may be for the most happy govern- 
ment of your majesty's subjects in this Colony, which the 
largeness of your royal understanding espied to be wanting 
in our former charter (from the Honorable Council of Ply- 
mouth), not so easy for ourselves to discern ; and through 
your princely care therein became as eyes to the blind, and 
a royal foster-father to this your poor nursling in this 
remote wilderness. The contemplating whereof both in- 
fluenceth and animateth us (notwithstanding the deep sense 
of our own inaptness to speak unto our lord the king, and of 
our great impotency, by reason of our poverty, remoteness, 
nd otherwise, as to these approaches) to present our hum- 
ble supplication unto our prince (in whose sight we hope 



* 1679-80, Jan. 12, K. Charles in his letter granted Mount Hope to Plymouth Colony. 
— Prince. 



50 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

to find grace) for your majesty's gracious protection of us 
in the continuance of our civil privileges and religious 
liberties ; in our walking with peaceable and loyal minds 
in the faith of the gospel, according to the order of the 
gospel ; which order, according to the general profession 
here, is the Congregational way, therein only differing from 
our Orthodox brethren, but agreeing as to the doctrinal 
points of religion with the profession of the Church of 
England and other reformed churches, and not infringing 
the liberties of others who are of Orthodox principles and 
good conversation, though differing from us in point of 
church order, — ■ each doing their part for the due encou- 
ragement and support of an able, godly Orthodox minister, 
in every township and plantation, to preach sound doctrine 
and further true piety on gospel principles ; which is the 
best means to secure and oblige to true loyalty (though 
they should be of differing persuasions as to church order), 
and the best preservative against degeneracy from the 
Christian manners and religion of the English into Athe- 
ism and brutish Paganism. The free exercise of which 
religion, without offence and without the imposition of 
other ceremonies on them in the public worship of God, 
together with the enlargement of his majesty's dominion, 
was the known ends of the first-comers hither in the year 
1620 ; leaving the pleasant land of their nativity; transport- 
ing themselves, wives and children, over the vast ocean ; 
willingly conflicting with many grievous difficulties and 
sufferings in this waste, howling wilderness, amongst wild 
men and wild beasts: for though they might have en- 
joyed those religious liberties, according to the best light 
of their consciences, under the States of Holland, who 
offered them great favor there, yet through their innate 
loyalty were restless, that they themselves, and their chil- 
dren after them, might live under the protection of their 
own native prince, and enlarge his dominions. And there- 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 51 



memory, did adventure (at their own proper cost and 
charge), through many foreseen and afterward felt suffer- 
ings, to break the ice and settle the first English plantation 
in this then uncultivated, remote part of your dominions, 
where, through the great goodness of God's protecting 
favor and blessing upon their extraordinary care and hard 
labor, they became a succor and help to many of his ma- 
jesty's subjects, both planters and others, who fell upon 
this coast ; and, after some years here spent by consent of 
their then gracious sovereign, did obtain letters patents from 
his Honorable Council of Plymouth, with many privileges 
therein granted ; and through the good hand of God upon 
us, and the favor of your royal progenitors and of your 
majesty, we have had now near about sixty years'* lively 
experience of the good consistency of the order of these 
churches, with civil government and order, together with 
loyalty to kingly government and authority, and the tran- 
quillity of this Colony, with the propagation of religion 
amongst sundry of the poor native Indians. May it 
therefore please your most excellent majesty, of your 
especial grace and mere motion, to favor us with your 
. gracious letters patents for our incorporation into a body 
politic, with singular the privileges as your majesty out of 
royal favor hath been accustomed to grant, as to other 
Colonies, so to your majesty's Colony of Connecticut; it 
becoming us to be humbly confident in your majesty's favor 
for granting us as ample privileges as to them, seeing that 
we bore the brunt of the first English Colony here settled 
for the propagation of religion and enlargement of your 
majesty's dominions ; and, by the providence of God here 
first arriving in the winter season, we passed to the extre- 

* The sixty years would be complete in November or December, 1680. 
This, therefore, seems to be drawn in September, lu80, and while Governor Winslow 
was living, who died on Dec. 18, 1680. — Prince. 



52 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

mities thereof, without houses to shelter in ; had not the 
opportunity to view the country, but were forced to sit 
down in the barrenest part thereof (as is by many well 
known), and destitute of any convenient place within our 
precincts for trade of beaver or fishing, as other parts of 
the country are advantaged with, especially since Penob- 
scot and other of those eastern parts fit for trade, granted 
to us in our patent, were by the French forcibly taken and 
detained from us, and (as we are informed) were since 
by your majesty granted to his highness the Duke of York ; 
besides our great poverty by reason of the late war with 
our barbarous enemies. And although, according to our 
bounden duty, we intended to have sent one of ours to 
have waited on your majesty with these, yet, considering our 
paucity of fit men to stand before your majesty, and the 
hazard of the seas, w T ith our own poverty, and especially 
having the happiness to hand these to your majesty by the 
Right Honorable Thomas Lord Culpepper,* who is willing 
to condescend to give us his favor to so low a service for 
us, we hope your gracious majesty will not charge it as 
any neglect of our dutiful respects unto your majesty : and 
therefore, in confidence of your royal favor, have betrusted 
and entreated Mr. William Blaithwayt to give himself the 
trouble of managing this weighty concern for us, if it may 
be pleasing to your majesty ; but, if otherwise, we shall 
readily attend to your majesty's commands and directions 
signified unto us. Meanwhile, humbly submit ourselves 
with our proposals hereunto annexed, containing the heads 
of what we chiefly desire, unto your majesty's good 
pleasure. 



* 1680, Aug. 24, Lord Cullpeper, Governor of Virginia, comes to Boston, in his re- 
turn for England. — Prince. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 53 



LINES BY THOMAS HINCKLEY, ON THE DEATH OF 
GOVERNOR JOSIAH WINSLOW. 

Upon the Death of the Honorable and highly esteemed Josiah Winslow, 
Esq., Governor of his Majesty's Colony of New Plymouth in New 
England; deceased on the 18th of November \_Dec. 18. — Prince], 
1680, in the fifty-second Year of his Age, and eighth Year of his 
Government ; and was the first Governor that was born in Nev) 
England. 

What Heaven's blazing sign so formidable 

Means, fully to express I am not able. 

Tremendous ire sure doth appear in's brow 

By this great breach that's made upon us now ; 

Which speaks more wrath for us, I fear, behind, 

Who unto God so good have been unkind. 

O Plymouth Colony ! thou art brought low 

By former, and by this last, breaking blow ; 

Which gives us cause for deep humiliation, 

And to take up most bitter lamentation. 

Winslow, thy Governor renowned, he dies : 

Thy dying state I dread it signifies. 

Now he is gone, care less to live do I, 

To see such day of great calamity 

As is coming. Now none like him is left 

'Mongst us. Alas ! we sadly are bereft 

Of his help, who in dark and cloudy day 

Did strengthen, lead, and guide us in our way. 

His place wa's high ; his parts were also great ; 

Yet men of low degree with him might treat : 

Large wisdom, love, and friendly courtesy, 

Noble and free, eke full of charity. 

He justice loved, eke truth and piety ; 

And to his prince graced with true loyalty ; 

Both far and near, esteemed in many hearts ; 

And much endeared by his rare deserts. 

He for his country's good did take great care ; 

To venture's life and health he did not fear. 

Here he endured much pain and misery ; 

But now is gone to true felicity, 

Into the bosom of his Saviour dear, 

Which on his death-bed he so longed for here. 



54 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

His gain may comfort his relations dear, 

And moderate their hearts'-grief everywhere. 

But why do I less useful live this day, 

And such as I, when he is ta'en away ? 

Who was of greater worth in's generation ? 

Alas ! this calls for doleful lamentation. 

My burden much increased is thereby : 

God grant us better conduct speedily ! 

Poor I can't stand under this present trust : 

Without God's special help, sink down I must. 

O courts of justice ! do ye now lament ; 

Your guide is gone, your troubles do augment ? 

And cry to God, all folk in every place, 

For to revive his work, return his face ; 

Granting successors in this government 

May be, as he, with blessings ornament, — 

Not children nor oppressors for our rulers, 

That have not skill nor will to be our healers, —^ 

And give us favor in oiir sovereign's eyes, 

To grant us still our rich immunities, 

Both civil and religious, to possess, 

That we may more abound in thankfulness. 

O Death ! why didst thou him strike with thy dart ? 

Sure God sent thee to make's all feel's just smart. 

Our loss in such a time of need's most great : 

The dreadful aspect of God's angry heat, 

Which calls on us now to repent, and turn 

From all our sins which make God's anger burn ; 

And nevermore unto our sins be kind, 

Lest that we lose all mercies left behind. 

Let's neither slight his hand that hath us stricken, 

Nor faint because we are so sorely smitten : 

But give we ear to th' shrill voice of his rod, 

And more attentive be to voice of 's word ; 

Doing the work of us that yet do live. 

The glory which is due to God to give, 

He doth require it strictly at our hand : 

That glory may dwell yet within our land. 

If we his glory do sincerely mind, 

He'll after-mercies for us surely find. 

When man deems that his hope is past and gone, 

And, trembling, thinks that he is quite undone, 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. .')') 

Then God appears, a present help at hand, 

And causeth his again on feet to stand ; 

Who's wont, in mount of greatest strait and fear, 

Make rich and suitable supplies appear. 

It's sure most meet for us to kiss the rod, 

And humbly to submit unto our God. 

His will is, now the streams from us are took, 

That to the fountain full we more may look, 

With fervent prayers for his return with speed, 

To give us help according to our need ; 

And all our sins for his Son's sake forgive, 

And evermore let's in his favor live. 

God out of's treasure give us for our store, 

And be our all, both now and evermore ! 

Time bids me not enlarge my verse, 

But follow mourning after th' hearse. 
Bereaved and distressed 

T. Hinckley. 

epitaph. 

Winslow renowned in this dark cell doth lie : 
His body's here ; his soul nor name did die. 
Great ornament and crown to the Colony, — ■ 
Here born, — most pleasant was his company. 
O Grave ! thou must not him detain alway : 
Christ will him raise again at latter day. 

Omnibus ille bonis flebilis occidit, 

Nulli flebilior quam mihi. 

T. H. 



JOHN COTTON TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Plymouth, Jan. 13, 1681. 

Much honored Sir, — One Latin sentence from a Gov- 
ernor justly merits from me many sentences in way of reta- 
liation ; and though at present I cannot send so fully as I 
would (my son being not to return till the morrow), yet 
duty obliges to give you a hint of what, from uncertain 
rumors, is this day turned into real certainties by Captain 
Thomas, whom I even now spake with, and who came 



56 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

lately from Boston. The king in his letter doth take no- 
tice of their not sending messengers ; but imputes it not 
to their disloyalty, yet expressly requires their attending 
his command in that respect, and will not have his autho- 
rity slighted. It is taken for granted by Godlywise, that 
the immediate cause of the diversion of further harshness 
was an ambassador from the States of Holland, who (as 
God ordered it, and, as some suppose, was contrived by 
some religious Protestants of the Council) came in the 
very instant when great motions were on foot for regula- 
tions, or rather subversions, of Massachusetts, and solemnly 
demands, in the name of the States, that his majesty would 
forthwith declare whether he were for Protestantism, yea 
or no. They had waited long to know his resolution in that 
respect ; and could not, would not, tarry any longer for his 
answer. They had suffered much by delay, and now call 
for a speedy result : hence it was no time to destroy New 
England, a place of Protestants. Our peace is yet length- 
ened out, and our pleasant things not taken away. Upon 
this account, public thanks is given in sundry congrega- 
tions in the Bay. Mr. Randolph hath complained that 
violation of the king's laws respecting trade is connived 
at ; and that, when he sues any on that account, he is forced 
to pay moneys (which is not the custom in such cases in 
Old England) ; and that he hath not justice, &c. The king 
writes on his behalf, that they be careful to do him justice ; 
that he be heard without demanding money of him ; that 
his appeals to Old England be allowed, in case he be not 
satisfied with any verdict, &c. The Duke of York hath 
as much acknowledgment in and from Scotland as his 
heart desires. Papists have great hopes that the king will 
declare for them. The French king goes on doing mis- 
chief 

Old Mr. Ting is dead. The awful hand of God, in per- 
mitting scandalous sins to break forth here, I presume is 
no news to you. Samuel Dunham, a poor old drunkard, — 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 57 

God gave the church strength to purge him out. The 
case of George Watson and his wife was before the church 
last sabbath and last Wednesday : they show some signs 
of the beginning of repentance ; yet we are generally 
agreed this next sabbath to proceed to censure, and have 
appointed Feb. 8 for a day of humiliation (the church 
alone) on the account of such sad outbreakings. Pity, 
good sir, and pray for this poor church, that upon it may 
be engraven,. " Holiness to the Lord." 

Myself and wife present our humble service to you and 
Mrs. Hinckley, begging to be continually remembered in 
your prayers. 

I rest, sir, your honor's to love and serve, 

John Cotton, Senior. 

Mr. Saltonstall hath a printed book in vindication of the 
Protestants, and Captain Thomas hath many printed pieces 
of news. Could I obtain them, I would soon transmit 
them to your honor. 

Your letter to Mr. Randolph I this day received, and 
shall send by the first [sic]. 



GEORGE SHOVE TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Taunton, Feb. 23, '8£. 
Right worshipful Sir, — It hath been my ambition 
now for a great while to wait upon you at Barnstable ; but 
Providence hitherto hath given check thereto, and I am 
not able to say when I shall be favored with an opportu- 
nity to perform my respects to your worship in such a way. 
These are, therefore, to present my service to you and Mrs. 
Hinckley, and testify my deep sense of obligation, and to 
bespeak your favorable construction that tidings of your 
sickness (that I say not death) have not commanded from 
me a visit. 

8 



58 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

You are. sir, much upon my heart, especially considering 
the times we are brought unto, and the almost insuperable 
difficulties that appear every day (at least in my apprehen- 
sion) in your way to accomplishing of any thing considerable 
for the interest of religion, which I believe is upon your 
heart above any other concern in the world ; and I doubt 
not you have the prayers of all our churches (such as they 
are), that the Lord will be with you ; and I hope some are 
not wanting to offer to your pious consideration what may 
be necessary to be done for the honor of God and further- 
ance of reformation, who are much better able to deal 
thoroughly therein than myself. Yet one thing I cannot 
but suggest, which sometimes formerly I have mentioned 
as of great concernment ; and that is, that some effectual 
provision (if it be possible) may be made against the open 
profanation of the Lord's Day. I must confess, it is very 
hard to suppress that sin in some parts of our Colony ; 
and I fear every day will render this more difficult. Had 
Pocasset lands been in the hands of men that had sincere 
regard to religion, there were much more hopes of effect- 
ing something to the purpose. The Lord, of his mercy, 
do away the guilt of so improvident (that I say not irre- 
ligious) disposal of those lands, the sad consequence 
whereof will soon appear! Thorn. Case's crew, if I am 
not misinformed, have already — one or more of them — 
an interest there ; and if such stand at the gate of our 
Colony, and that opening to that Colony, that tramples the 
sabbath under foot, what can we expect but that we shall 
be involved in guilt daily by their wickedness committed 
within our gates] If, in this so desperate a case, your 
honor can find out any sure expedient that the profaning 
of the Lord's Day may be prevented, it will much conduce 
to the securing of religion and the turning-away of God's 
wrath from us, which else will undoubtedly kindle a fire 
upon us not to be quenched. At the next Court it is my 
purpose to wait upon you at Plymouth, if the Lord will. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 59 

I was at Boston the beginning of this month ; but, Brother 
Walley being at Barnstable at that time, I doubt not he 
gave your honor a more full account of the state of Eng- 
land, &c., than opportunity will give me leave now to do 
by letter. Committing, therefore, yourself and all the 
great concerns under your hands to Him that can do above 
all we can ask or think, I subscribe 

Your honor's much obliged servant, 

George Shove. 



PETITION FROM THE CHURCH AT PLYMOUTH TO THE 
GOVERNOR AND ASSISTANTS. 

To the Honored the Governor and Assistants of the Colony of New 
Plymouth, now sitting this 1th of March, 16|i. 

THE HUMBLE PETITION OF THE CHURCH OF GOD AT PLYMOUTH. 

Much honored in the Lord, — The deep sense that is 
upon our spirits (and ought to be more and more) of the 
dishonor that is brought to the name of God, the blemish 
to religion, the hardening of the hearts of many in rebel- 
lion against God, by the abounding of sin, and in particu- 
lar the sin of sensuality and intemperance (especially when 
those upon whom the name of God is called are carried 
away in and with the stream of such vile temptations), hath 
quickened us to many serious thoughts, how we might, if 
possible, be instrumental in God's hand to prevent the 
spreading of such iniquity, and the inflicting of that wrath 
which such sins call aloud to Heaven to render vengeance 
for. As it is the duty of churches in their way to bear 
due testimony against growing scandals, so we are humbly 
bold in the Lord to present to your serious considerations, 
that we cannot but think the Lord calls upon you in your 
political capacity, as to be a terror to evil-doers, and there- 
fore not to suffer such offenders to pass without due shame 
and punishment, so also tc the improvement of all due 



60 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

means for the suppression of such scandalous evils. We 
call to mind that rule in the Mosaical law which hath 
moral equity in it (Exod. xxi. 33, 34), and are bold to 
allude thereunto in the present case. The multiplying of 
ordinaries, or places of strong drink, we judge to be as 
the digging or opening of a pit ; whereby, unless the pit 
be duly covered, life is endangered. We humbly, there- 
fore, request, seeing the Lord takes such care of the brute 
creature that his life may not be hazarded, that you will 
herein resemble the blessed God, whose name you bear, 
in taking effectual care that the life of his rational crea- 
ture may not be thrown away by falling into such pits 
as are indeed pits of perdition. Such places, we know, 
cannot lawfully be without your allowance and approba- 
tion ; and therefore we humbly entreat that the power 
you have received from God may be improved for God 
in this specialty amongst others, — namely, the lessen- 
ing the number of such houses in this town. We are 
very confident, that, in the middle of the town, one public 
house is very sufficient for the entertainment of travellers : 
and yet within your sight, when you are in the place of 
justice, you may behold at least four or five houses, where, 
not only at Court times (which there may be need of), but 
all the year long, more or less strong drink is sold ; where- 
by much precious time is spent and money lost by men's 
going from one drinking-house to another, till not only all 
appearance of religion, but reason, is in a manner lost ; 
and not only English, but Indians, are greatly maintained 
in a course and way of drunkenness. We humbly desire, 
that, in the heart of the town, there may be but one 
licensed tavern ; and that all others (at least between the 
courts) may be utterly suppressed, under severe penalties. 
We crave pardon for our boldness, and leave our petition at 
your feet ; who, we doubt not, account it your honor to pro- 
mote the interest of Christ in holiness. We trust God will 
incline your hearts effectually to move in this matter for the 



THE HINCKLEY PATERS. () 1 

suppression of these growing evils, so as that we shall he 
encouraged to hope and believe that God will delight to 
bless you, and make you yet more abundant blessings 
to this his people ; and also to continue our prayers to the 
Lord our God, that he would fill you eminently with his 
Holy Spirit for that end. We humbly take leave ; and 
subscribe ourselves, gentlemen, 

Your honors' to serve in our Lord Jesus, 

John Cotton, Pastor. 

Thomas Cushman, Elder, 

With the consent of the Church. 



MATTHEW MAYHEW TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Mr. Thomas Hinckley. 

Eight Worshipful, — My grandfather's (while living) 
high esteem of your honored self, and the loving respect 
which I doubt not yourself bare to him, may, I hope, suf- 
ficiently excuse this. It pleased God of his great goodness, 
as to continue my honored grandfather's life to a great age 
(wanting but six days of ninety years), so to give the com- 
fort of his life, and to ours as well as his comfort, in his 
sickness (which was six days) to give him an increase of 
faith and comfort, manifested by many expressions ; one 
of which I may not omit, being seasonable, as in all, so 
especially in these times : viz., " I have lived by faith, and 
have found God in his Son ; and there I find him now. 
Therefore, if you would find God, look for him in his Son : 
there he is to be found, and nowhere else ;" &c. He mani- 
fested great assurance of salvation. He was of low price 
in his own esteem, saying that he had been both unprofit- 
able and unworthy, — not deserving the esteem many had 
of him ; and that he was only accepted in and through the 
Lord Jesus, &c. 



62 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



Sir, I thought, Might I to presume to entreat your reso- 
lution in a case here happening ? A man dying, by his 
will giveth to certain men his estate, not expressing the 
value ; but one-third to one, one-third to another, &c. Two 
of these are executors, and exhibit an inventory of the 
estate to the court, apprized by officers of the town, who 
give oath that this is all the estate they can find. For this 
estate, the executors give bond to satisfy debts and legacies 
as far as the estate : afterward it appeareth that other, 
both land and chattels, belong to this estate. Be pleased 
to excuse my ignorance into whose hands this estate shall 
come ; for which, want of years and experience might 
plead a pardon : and, might I crave a line or two of your 
better understanding, shall not only thankfully acknow- 
ledge you therein, but be further bound unto your honor, 
who am 

Your worship's friend and servant, 

Matt. Mayhew. 

Bat: Mart: Viney bd , April 13 <h , 1682. 

I think, without detraction, I may say, no man hath ever 
in this land approved himself so absolute a father to the 
Indians as my honored grandfather. I see no great hope 
that there will ever be the like in this selfish age. 



EDWARD RAWSON, WILLIAM RAWSON, AND ANN RAWSON, 
TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Sm, — Your and my son and daughter Eawson present 
their humble duty to you, with their thankful acknow- 
ledgments for all your love and kindness to them ; and 
hereby signify unto you, not only their receipt of your 
loving lines dated 10th instant, but also, that, immediately 
and seasonably before Mr. Worden had touched your stuff, 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 63 

signified your pleasure to him, and that he promised con- 
formity thereunto, and, as they understand, hath not cut 
them out, but doubt not of his compliance with your will. 
And, for what you mentioned in yours, as to them they 
most gladly and readily have testified their obedience to 
your commands, and have sent their good mother a pound 
of hops, with the hat, bonnets, trucking-cloth, and other 
things mentioned, by this boat, Thomas Toby, by whom 
we hope you will have them safely conveyed unto you ; 
assuring you, nothing here is more pleasant than to be 
found complying with your just desires ; that they rejoice 
to hear of God's goodness to you and their good mother, 
and all their brothers and sisters' health, presenting here- 
by their humble duty to their mother, very kind love to 
their brother John Glover, and the rest of their brothers 
and sisters, and all yours with you, desiring it may stand 
with your good liking and their sister Abigail as you men- 
tion. She may be here at our election, 24th May, where 
she shall be welcome. 

Your dutiful children, 

William Rawson. 
Ann Eawson. 

Honored Sir, — I accounted it a kindness to have such 
an opportunity (as this is to present my service to your 
honored self and my good sister your wife), that so I might 
very thankfully, as hereby I do, acknowledge your great 
love and faithfulness in such a juncture of trouble and 
sorrow, so to appear by your writing and your great labor 
of love in discoursing and wording it with those two gentle- 
men, Mr. W. S. and Mr. J. D., as there was need ; which I 
could not have imagined till it did so evidently appear. 
I am more willing to look on God's frowns upon me in my 
age, than on the instruments who neither would nor 
could ; but (as David said) it may be God bid him, &c. 
Your love therein appeared ; as a friend, Solomon saith, is 



64 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

nearer than a brother. I confess, as it was more than I 
conld have expected, so it was and is marvellous and more 
obliging. When you went home, you left behind you a 
better testimony of your endeared love by your last dis- 
coursing with, and leaving with those gentlemen your 
farewell, as I was afterwards acquainted with by my son 
Torrey, whose unwearied love and constant hath appeared 
more ways than one. Since your departure, himself and 
cousin Wilson, I thank them, on their own minds went to 
Dorchester to Mr. W. S. ; lodged there ; and, say what they 
could, found them in his rough " Semper Idem." Nothing 
but the house at 330, &c. Since when, on the next lecture- 
day, they discoursed me before the governor and magis- 
trates with their fair proposition ; that is, to sink or give 
me £20 of the £30 interest, giving them a firm deed, &c. 
It's too tedious to particularize. They had discourse; drew 
up the governor into a frame that seemed to me a peg 
higher: but on discourse, and being tired and vexed, I 
tendered them on my proposition, that I would give them 
on all considerations ; and to prevent further trouble, &c, 
for nothing less than prison, &c, I would, on even terms, 
and to quit scores, give them a firm deed, &c. ; but that 
was hissed at. The Governor then said I had made a 
full and fair proposition, and that he would advise them 
to take it ; and were it his case, as it was theirs, he 
would. Then Mr. T. D. said he would let him have it, 
— the £350. That night, the Governor replied he would 
then take it ; only would grant the use of it for two 
years for the use of the money, and I should have three 
years' time to sell it, and have the benefit of the overplus. 
But they would allow him but one year : so that fell 
after that, they tendered, by my son Torrey and Cousin 
Wilson, that I should have the house one year for use, 
and give security for the £10. I confess I am tired and 
spent ; but, every day seeing so much of man's wrath, and 
little of justice, &c, I have and shall hold to my own pro- 






THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. i)7) 

position. All things considered, and to prevent further 
trouble, I would quit scores, telling them once and again, 
since that they are so far from giving me £20, that I will 
add £20 more freely to their £30 interest to do me the 
justice as to let the house be prized as it ought ; for I had 
given them £200 in the price. And thus it stands and 
holds from one day and time to another. I resolve to see 
and feel, it may be, their execution, before I will yield any 
further. Our General Court approacheth, and our agents 
will be going. I doubt not but God in the moment will 
appear, either to give them a more just frame, &c, or help 
me to see his further mind and will. I have tired you, 
yet could do [no] less than give you this account ; know- 
ing your wisdom is such, that no disadvantage shall come 
to me by it, but, when perused, may be burnt. Commend- 
ing you and your affairs to God's special grace and bless- 
ing, remain, sir, 

Your very humble servant, 

Edward Rawson. 

My very kind love to Mr. John Glover, to your two 
worthy daughters Mrs. Mercy and Experience, and all 
yours. 

Boston, 28th April, 1682. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO WILLIAM BLATHWAYT. 

Boston, 26 May, 1682. 

Honored Sir, — Having sent a letter to you in Septem- 
ber last per hand of Major James Cudworth, the Deputy- 
Governor of his majesty's Colony of New Plymouth ; and 
coming down to Boston with expectation to have received 
an account from him concerning the business of our pa- 
tent, the management whereof we have been bold to 
commit to your trust, desiring him to wait on you in 
such service as, per your advice, might tend to the better 



66 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



despatch of those affairs ; but finding no return from him 
by Clerk, lately arrived in here from London, only hearing 
I had a letter from him by way of Barbadoes, — which as 
yet I have not seen, it being sent up by sea whilst I came 
down by land ; so that I am at present under some disap- 
pointment of what might be necessary to write about that 
concern, only having this opportunity by the hand of Mr. 
Joseph Dudley, one of the agents for the Massachusetts 
Colony (a gentleman of known loyalty and fidelity and 
good affection to his majesty, as well as lover of his 
country), — I thought it my duty to acquaint you with 
my receipt of your letter of 22d October, 1681, and to 
return you many humble thanks for your continued good 
affection and undeserved respects to this poor, low, though 
we trust, to his majesty, truly loyal Colony, in your readi- 
ness to serve them according to their good confidence 
reposed in you, notwithstanding the decease of our late 
honored Governor Winslow, whose eminent personal 
worth amongst us could only merit the favor which doth 
more strongly oblige us to a grateful acknowledgment 
to you thereof, according to our low and mean capa- 
city, though not fully answerable to your merit. What 
progress thereto has been made by Major Cudworth we 
yet understand not, but hope we shall by next ship's 
arrival, and then be in better capacity to make a more 
suitable return unto you. Sir, as to the payment of our 
acknowledgment of the seven beaver-skins to his majesty, 
I am very sorry to hear of the failure thereof, which I am 
informed was occasioned by the agent's taking the liberty 
given in his majesty's letter for the payment of fourteen 
marks into the exchequer (in default or stead of the 
skins), which, as is said, was tendered in the exchequer ; 
but they, having no order about it, did not receive it, 
whereby it remains unpaid. But I hope more effectual 
course will be taken for the speedy and more satisfactory 
payment thereof, and, meanwhile, not to be imputed as 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. f)7 

any designed neglect of his majesty's demands from us, 
who, in most humble duty and sincere loyalty, desire to 
prostrate ourselves and concerns at his majesty's feet, 
hoping we may find grace in his eyes, and thereby place 
in his royal heart, to be numbered amongst his majesty's 
most loyal and submissive subjects, and, as such, to be 
encouraged with such privileges by his royal grant as are 
humbly petitioned for in our address to his most excellent 
majesty, and according to the largeness of his royal fa- 
vor granted to his majesty's Colonies of Connecticut and 
Rhode Island ; of which the noble Lord Culpepper as- 
sured us there need be no doubt of, we being the first of 
his majesty's Colonies that broke the ice and endured the 
brunt in these remote parts of his dominions, and have, 
and we trust shall ever approve ourselves his majesty's 
loyal subjects. But not to give you further trouble, save 
my most humble service presented to his lordship if with 
you, with humble salutations to yourself, craving leave still 
to confide in your care and candor to promote the accom- 
plishment of our desires according to the purport of our 
address to his majesty, and letters to yourself, I remain, 

Worthy sir, your most humble servant, 

T. H. 



PELEG SANFORD TO THOMAS HINCKLEY AND THE GENERAL 
COURT OF PLYMOUTH COLONY. 

Newport, May 27, 1682. 
Honored Gentlemen, — By order of General Winslow, 
from Mr. Smith's * when the united forces was under his 
command in the year 1675, I disbursed, for relief and pre- 
servation of several men's lives (then wounded and dis- 
tressed), a considerable sum of money, as by the account 
will appear now presented unto your view by Captain 
Thomas. In the year 167f, I addressed myself unto the 

* See Collections of the R. I. Hist. Soc, vol. v. p. 161. 



68 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

General, sent him my account, but was referred unto 
the Commissioners of the United Colonies to sit at Hart- 
ford in the year 1678, who (as I am informed), by reason 
of the General's absence, referred the matter unto their 
next meeting at Plymouth, in March, 167|, where the 
matter was spoken of: but neither the General nor Go- 
vernor Leet had brought my accounts with them, although 
I had sent each of them one ; which omission, with the 
Massachusetts Commissioners' earnestness, and haste to 
return to Governor Leverett's burial, would not admit 
the General to send home for my account. (So nothing 
in general passed.) Myself the very next day came to the 
General's house, where I found Governor Leet ; had dis- 
course with them about the affair : who, considering my 
large disbursements, the long time disbursed, my own 
money clear of coming danger, the justice of my demands, 
&c, were then pledged to give, under both their hands, 
their allowance and acceptance of my account unto Bos- 
ton United Commissioners, desiring their compliance there- 
with ; of which Captain Church is able to acquaint you, 
having attested the writing. Mr. Browne was present 
when it was delivered me at the General's. Having 
obtained this, I sent a copy of my account and the afore- 
mentioned writing unto Mr. Dudley, who informed me he 
had delivered them unto Mr. Danford, and was by him 
some way mislaid: so. that, when the commissioners met at 
Boston about corporation-business, it could not be found ; 
although some of the commissioners' care and trouble 
taken therein was great for the finding of my accounts if 
in town, though in other hands (as I was informed of by 
the Hon. Governor Hinckley). But none could then be 
found, although I had sent one to Governor Leverett in his 
lifetime, and one to Captain Hutchinson. After this infor- 
mation, I delivered unto Mr. Dudley another account, who 
expressly informed me, that it was accepted and allowed 
by Mr. Danford and himself, and sent unto the General 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 69 

some time before his death ; but that, likewise, cannot 
now be found. 

Honored gentlemen, these several disappointments, my 
great charge and trial since, and my own necessity press- 
ing, forces me to present these few lines unto your 
serious Christian consideration, desiring that you will 
order me speedy satisfaction for your part, share, or 
proportion of my account; being above six years since 
disbursed to my exceeding great loss ; which, pray you, 
conscientiously consider. I know not but that some of 
you particularly may be sensible of my former great 
troubles and disbursements, and my present inability to 
forbear ; and therefore shall not further at this time give 
you trouble. Desiring the Lord to bless and protect you, 
I remain, 

Honored gentlemen, your most humble servant and 
neighbor to his power, 

Peleg Sanford. 



PELEG SANFOKD TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Newport, June first, 1682. 

Honorable Sir, — It pleasing the Lord to visit you 
with sickness at my last being at Plymouth, prevented the 
presentation of my humble address unto your honor ; but 
since it hath been his good and gracious pleasure to re- 
store your health and strength, and again return unto the 
chair of justice, his good name for ever be praised ! I 
have made bold to lay hold of this opportunity to remind 
your honor of my great disbursement in the year 1675, 
by General Winslow's order, for the preservation of the 
wounded men of the Confederate Army, which your worthy 
self (as I am informed) did, at Boston in the year 1679, 
take great care, pains, and travel about for its settlement 
and payment ; for which I return my most humble (though 



TO THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

unworthy) thanks, humbly desiring, since all former en- 
deavors and applications have proved ineffectual, that 
your honor will please seriously to consider thereof, and 
cause the ordering of your Colony's proportion to be 
speedily paid. 

Sir, your knowledge in this matter is such, that I need 
say no more, but to inform you, that, as yet, I am not reim- 
bursed one penny more than credit given for, but have 
been out pounds in application, &c. 

Sir, upon the 30th of May last came some Indian news 
to me by Captain Richard Smith (himself having neither 
seen nor spoken with any of them), that several Narro- 
ganset Indians (formerly enemies) are up in the country 
near Albany, to the number of about one hundred men, 
women, and children: about sixty men were armed, and 
about thirty of them was lately near his house on the 
Rock. His Indians inform that their desire is to return 
in peace. "We shall endeavor speech with them ; of which 
your honor may expect further advice from him that is, 

Sir, your most humble servant, 

Peleg Sanford. 

Honorable Sir, — About three weeks since, I had a 
small sloop, that would carry about four cord of wood, 
run away with from Newport Harbor by one John Gyles, 
a tall, slender, black man ; and one John Odlyne, a white- 
ly countenanced youth, pretty tall. The sloop is about a 
year old ; hath a fore cuddy, and only seats aftward : the 
head of her rudder goes without board. Humbly pray, 
that if men or sloop, or both, be within your jurisdiction, 
you will cause them to be secured until further advice. 

Sir, please to command the like or any other office of 
love, and it shall readily be observed by, 

Sir, your most humble servant, 

Peleg Sanford. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 71 



CHARLES II. TO THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL OF THE 
COLONY OF PLYMOUTH. 

Charles R. 

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. "Whereas 
we have lately thought fit to take the government of our 
Province of New Hampshire into our immediate care ; 
and have, for the better protection of the inhabitants 
thereof, constituted and appointed our trusty and well- 
beloved Edward Cranfield, Esq., our Lieutenant Gover- 
nor and Commander in Chief of that Province, with 
especial directions, among other things, to be aiding 
and assisting, to the best of his power and with the 
forces under his command, unto our loving subjects of 
the neighboring Colonies within our dominion of New 
England, and particularly to our Colony of New Ply- 
mouth, in case of any insurrection or rebellion, or of any 
attempt or invasion of any of our enemies, whereby our 
subjects may be annoyed or disturbed in the quiet and 
peaceable enjoyment of their properties and estates : we 
are therefore pleased hereby to signify the same unto you 
as an effect of our gracious disposition for the security 
and benefit of our Colony under your government, and to 
let you understand that we do in the same manner expect 
and require that a mutual assistance be readily given by 
you and our said Colony of New Plymouth unto the 
said Edward Cranfield, and our good subjects inhabit- 
ing within the government wherewith he is intrusted, if 
the like invasion or attempt shall at any time be made 
upon them by any people or nation whatsoever, whether 
Indians or others ; and that you afford them on such occa- 
sion such number of forces and other aid as the condition 
of our Colony under your direction shall permit ; which 
we will esteem an acceptable service unto us, as it will 
much conduce to the common safety and preservation of 
all our subjects aforesaid. And so we bid you farewell. 



72 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

Given at our court at Windsor, the fifth day of June, 
1682, in the four and thirtieth year of our reign. 
By his majesty's command, 

L. Jejskins. 



CERTIFICATE OF APPOINTMENT OF THOMAS HINCKLEY AND 
TWO OTHERS, COMMITTEE TO SETTLE DISPUTE RESPECT- 
ING HOG ISLAND (NEAR BRISTOL). 

The General Court assembled at Plymouth the 7th of 
July, 1682, do constitute, authorize, and empower the 
Honored Thomas Hinckley, Esquire, Governor, Mr. Bar- 
nabas Lothrop, and Captain Nathaniel Thomas, with full 
commission to issue and finally determine the difference 
and controversy between this Colony and our neighbors 
of Rhode Island, about the jurisdiction of Hog Island 
or any part thereof, by agreement with those that may be 
commissioned in the behalf of Rhode Island or otherwise, 
as they shall see cause. 

As attesteth Nathaniel Morton, Secretary. 

Hog Island, called by the Indians Chessewanucke, is situated be- 
tween the points of Mount Hope and Papasquash Neck, in the harbor of 
Bristol. A controversy as to jurisdiction over the island existed in 
1658, when it became a subject of negotiation between the Colonies of 
New Plymouth and Rhode Island, was continued from time to time, 
and does not appear to have been disposed of in 1686. At the July 
Court at Plymouth, in 1684, Richard Smith of Narraganset complained 
against John Burden of Portsmouth for unjustly detaining the island 
from the complainant ; and the jury found a verdict in his favor, which 
was accepted by the court. 

In 1686, Smith presented a petition to Sir Edmund Andros, Gover- 
nor, complaining that he was forcibly kept out and interrupted in his 
possession of the island, which he had purchased of the Indians, and 
had confirmation thereof from the General Court of New Plymouth ; 
from which unjust molestation he hoped to be relieved. What the final 
issue of the matter was, does not appear. — Rhode-Island Colony Records, 
vol. i. pp. 373, 390, 409 ; ibid.; vol. ii. pp. 112, 220. Plymouth Colony 
Records, vol. vii. pp. 250, 255, 256, 276. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 73 



JOSHUA MOODEY TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Ports ., 17 8r, 1682. 

Much honored Sir, — After I had finished my son's 
letter, wherein I gave him an account of our matters, 
which I desired him to impart to your honor, our Gover- 
nor was pleased to show me a letter he received from Mr. 
Blathwayt, Clerk to the Committee for foreign Planta- 
tions, wherein I found something concerning your govern- 
ment, which I offered him to communicate to your honor ; 
and he (being busy in writing for England) readily accepted 
of my offer. The sum is, the said Blathwayt desired him 
to give you notice that he had been very solicitous about 
the business of your new patent ; and it had received de- 
spatch ere this, had not one of your magistrates told him, 
about Christmas last, that he was bound to the West, and 
desired him to suspend any further instances at the coun- 
cil till his return. But, he never appearing since, the said 
Blathwayt is now resolved to bring things to maturity 
speedily, and send your government a draught to see how 
you will like it. In the mean time, desires our Gover- 
nor to procure him a copy of your old patent, which he 
thinks he had formerly from Governor Winslow ; but is 
mislaid, so that it cannot be found. And further assures 
your Colony, that the King and Council are very sensible 
of your loyalty, and that you will always find the effects 
of it. This is the sum of what concerned yourselves, 
being signed by William Blathwayt, dated from Wind- 
sor, 18 July, 1682, and sent after our Governor to the 
Downs. I thought it advisable to acquaint your honor 
with it, that you may know how your matters stand. I 
have no further intelligence to add to what is in my son's 
letter, saving that I believe the Province of Maine will 
be added to our government. I humbly beg your fervent 
prayers for me and us all, and the acceptance of my 

10 



74 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

hearty thanks to yourself and good lady for all kindness 
to me and mine. 

I am, honored sir, your humble servant, 

Joshua Moodey. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO WILLIAM BLATHWAYT. 

Barnstable in New England, 
18 of November, 1682. 

Sir, — Since mine of the 26th of May last unto you 
per Mr. Dudley, I received a letter, by the way of Barba- 
does, from Major James Cudworth,* our then Deputy 
Governor (of which I had then only heard, as I then sig- 
nified to you), wherein he acquainted me of his safe arrival 
at London ; and, being writ immediately on his arrival, 
had not then opportunity to inform me what progress was 



* James Cudworth was a freeman of Scituate in 1634. He filled various important 
public offices in that town and in Plymouth Colony. In 1675, he was chosen " General 
and Commander-in-Chief of the forces that are or may be sent forth against the enemy." 
In 1681, he was elected Deputy-Governor, and was also appointed an agent for the Colony 
to England. Deane (" History of Scituate," p. 250) remarks, that " he had undoubtedly the 
talents of a brave and able commander." — " When he took the field in Philip's War, he 
was past seventy years of age." 

He probably went to England on his mission in 1681. Deane states (p. 250), "It ap- 
pears that General Cudworth did not proceed to England on his mission until the summer 
of 1682;" and Baylies, in his " Memoir of Plymouth Colony," vol. iv. part 4, p. 134, says, 
" General James Cudworth went over as the Colony-Agent in 1682, and died in London of 
the small-pox soon after his arrival, and before he had any opportunity to take the mea- 
sures necessary for his success." Deane is in error when he states that General Cudworth's 
will was dated in the spring of 1682: it is dated Sept. 15, 1681. Governor Hinckley, in 
his letter to Mr. Blathwayt, dated 26th May, 1682, refers to his own letter to him, by the 
hand of Major James Cudworth, in September last: and in this letter it will be seen that he 
speaks of a letter from General Cudworth, which he had heard of in May as on its way to 
him ; which letter was written by the general soon after his arrival. It may be noticed, 
also, that General Cudworth, as Deputy- Governor, was present at the July Court at Ply- 
mouth in 1681, but was not present at any subsequent court. — Plymouth Colony Re- 
cords, Book of Wills, vol. iv. 2d part, p. 8; Deane' 's History of Scituate; Baylies' Memoir 
of Plymouth Colony. 

There is in the collection a copy of another letter from Governor Hinckley to Mr. 
Blathwayt, bearing the same date, comprehending the same topics, — suggesting thirty 
guineas as a compensation, instead of fifty, mentioned in the preceding copy. As the 
above letter contains a more extended discussion of its subject than the other, the publi- 
cation of the latter is omitted. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 70 

made in the business of our patent committed to your 
trust, hoping that per first ship hither bound he should be 
enabled to give us so[me] good account thereof. But so it 
pleased God, that (to our grief) the next news we heard 
was of his death ; which, being so sudden, we doubt he 
had not fit opportunity to present himself before the King 
and Council in our behalf by your help and advice, nor to 
render to yourself some small testimony of our grateful 
respects for your trouble and pains about our concerns. 
Yet were not out of hope but that we might receive 
some account of that affair from yourself, especially when 
Governor Cranfield should arrive ; but were informed per 
Mr. Randolph that there was no news by him from you of 
our affair (only Mr. Randolph presented us with a letter 
from his majesty to us, brought by said Governor, where- 
in he is graciously pleased to take care of the welfare of 
his good subjects under that Governor's charge and ours, 
by commanding our mutual assistance of each other in case 
of invasion by enemies, &c. ; which, with all humble thank- 
fulness, is cheerfully accepted of us). But whatever more 
momentous concerns hath hitherto impeded you in ours, 
yet still we confide in your favor and readiness to do your 
best for the obtaining for us a patent, according to the 
purport of our humble address and petition to his gracious 
majesty, with the heads of what we humbly proposed as 
our desires annexed thereunto, sent over by Governor 
Winslow per my Lord Culpepper ; a duplicate whereof I 
sent, per said Governor's order, to yourself : which is for 
substance no other than what his majesty, out of his royal 
grace and favor, hath granted to his Colonies of Connecti- 
cut and Rhode Island ; my Lord Culpepper assuring us, 
that we need not doubt but his majesty would grant us as 
large privileges in our charter as he had done to those 
Colonies, we being the first that broke the ice and under- 
went the brunt, at our own charge, for the enlarging his 
majesty's dominions in this heretofore waste, howling wil- 



76 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS, 

derness, amidst wild men and wild beasts, conflicting with 
so many and sore difficulties therein as is hard to believe. 
And also hoped, that in consideration thereof, and of our 
great poverty, — partly by the barrenness of our lands, 
which his lordship saw by passing through them, and part- 
ly by the desolations made by our barbarous enemies in 
their consuming to ashes some of our whole towns, and 
burning many houses of other of our towns (this Colony 
being the first seat of the war), and, by the great expense 
of that war, being brought very low, — we might obtain 
of his gracious majesty the taking-out of our patent, with- 
out any considerable charge. But our greatest depend- 
ence, under God, is on his excellent majesty's gracious 
disposition in assuring us, under his royal hand, of the 
continuance and enlargement of our liberties and privi- 
leges, both civil and religious, and, of his like especial 
grace, entertaining in his princely breast so good an 
opinion of our loyalty ; for which we are humbly thankful, 
and trust (through divine assistance) that we shall never 
forfeit. May you please, therefore, again to present, with 
our humble duty from truly loyal hearts, to our most 
gracious sovereign, our humble supplication, that out of 
his accustomed clemency and grace he would please to 
grant our former humble petition and address, owning and 
encouraging us with like privileges as he hath granted to 
other his good subjects as aforesaid, and have (through 
his royal favor) been enjoyed by us hitherto, and that 
(through the good hand of God upon us) without any 
trouble given his majesty by any just complaint to his ma- 
jesty against us (for aught we know) ; and also (if it may 
not be too much boldness in us so mean a people) we 
desire our most humble service may be presented to the 
Eight Honorable Lords of the Council, humbly craving 
their lordships' favor to promote the accomplishment of 
our desires as aforesaid. So shall we be much obliged, as 
in duty bound, ever to pray for their lordships, &c. 






THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 77 

Sir, we hope the boundaries of our lands granted in our 
first patent will not be straitened, and as mentioned in the 
heads of that new draught we humbly proposed as our de- 
sires in our petition and address aforesaid ; which, as to the 
boundaries, agrees with our first patent, as you may see 
by comparing that first old patent therewith, — a copy of 
which patent was sent over by the late Governor Winslow ; 
in whose last letter to your worthy self, with my first (in 
which I sent a draught, or map, of the Narroganset country, 
and of ours), something is argued about said Narroganset, 
alias Nahaganset River, which is the southerly bounds of 
our said old patent : which letters we desire you would 
please to look over, to furnish yourself with such just 
pleas as may be needful in our behalf touching said 
bounds, and his majesty's final determination of said Naha- 
ganset River as shall seem good and right unto him ; which 
we desire humbly to acquiesce in. Be pleased, further, 
to understand, that though the first planters of Rhode 
Island did apply themselves to the authority of this Colony 
for their leave to sit down on that island, which was 
granted to them, yet since have unworthily endeavored to 
encroach upon us ; obtaining, through their misinforma- 
tion of his majesty, a patent not only for that and other 
islands, but also for some miles upon the main, on our side, 
which was more than thirty years granted to us in our 
patent before their patent, and were possessed by this 
Colony, and much of those lands improved by some of 
ours before any of them were seated on Rhode Island or 
knew New England, and so much of those lands pur- 
chased of the Indians by us as was judged they could 
spare, and were being cleared up, to be undoubtedly within 
our patent to the fall satisfaction of his majesty's commis- 
sioners, on their sight of our patent and the place, in the 
year 1664; who made a temporary settlement of the bounds 
between them and us until his majesty's judgment and de- 
termination thereof be known, — viz., that the salt water 



78 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

between the main and Rhode Island, from Seconett Rocks 
northward to that point of the main land next over against 
Mount-Hope Point ; and from thence the water betwixt 
Rhode Island and a right line drawn from said point to 
Mount-Hope Point ; and so from point to point to the 
river's mouth called Sekonck, below, and Pautucket, 
above ; and then said river till it meet with Massachusetts 
line, — to be the present bounds between our Colony and 
Rhode Island till his majesty's pleasure be further known, 
&c. ; which was directed by you to our Colony and theirs, 
under the hands and seals of three of said commissioners ; 
which we ever since rested in, and they also seemed so 
to do, without claiming on the main, or we on the island. 
But, of late, Mr. Richard Smith, of Narroganset, peti- 
tioned our court for their assistance of him to his just 
rights, by ejection of some of the Rhode Islanders, by due 
course of law, that have trespassed him by taking posses- 
sion of and making waste upon his island, or little islet, 
lying near Mount Hope, and is commonly called Hog 
Island, and is the little islet (which you may see in the 
draft aforementioned which I sent over to you) that 
lies in the mouth of Mount-Hope Harbor, now called New 
Bristol, and helps to make that harbor. Upon which peti- 
tion we thought best (for the preservation of peace between 
the two Colonies) to have first a treaty between us and 
them about it, to see if that matter might be peaceably 
issued between us, seeing they laid claim to said island 
to be within their Colony, and we to be within ours ; our 
court having given liberty to said Mr. Smith many years 
since to purchase said island, who did purchase it of the 
Sachem of Mount Hope and the Pockonockett country, and 
was affirmed by the old Indians always to belong to Mount 
Hope and to the sachems thereof, and had his said pur- 
chase of the island acknowledged by said sachem, and 
recorded in our court-records many years agone. . In that 
treaty between some of our gentlemen and some of theirs 






THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 79 

appointed thereto, we alleged that not the right line, drawn 
from point to point (which they and we saw, being on the 
place, cnt the said Hog Island in two, leaving part, — 
viz., about a quarter or third part of said islet on our side 
to us, and the greater part without said line), but the 
water between Rhode Island and the said line, was the 
bounds set by the commissioners ; and therefore the whole 
island belonged to our Colony : for we must go to the 
water which was without the line between them and said 
line, which water lay without the islet ; and so said islet 
was left within unto us, and that the main channel, they 
knew, lay without said island. They alleged an explana- 
tion of said commissioners' act, made by them after their 
first act under their hands and seals ; viz., that their 
meaning was, that, where the said line did cut any little 
island in two, there that whole island shall belong to that 
Colony into which the greatest part of it should fall. We 
replied, that we doubted that explanation-act was surrepti- 
tiously obtained, being done several days after our gentle- 
men were come away, as appeared by the date of it ; and 
we never saw it before till they now showed a copy of it 
this last summer : neither was it directed to us, but to their 
Colony only ; whereas their first act was directed both to 
our Colony and to Rhode Island. Besides, we told them 
we could not look at their last act of explanation as bind- 
ing to us, for the reasons aforesaid, and because it was 
done without Colonel Nicholls, without whose concurrence 
no act the rest did was valid, as appeared by his majesty's 
commission to them ; and further, that we were very 
confident, that had any of our gentlemen been there, or 
said commissioners seen that little islet how it lies, — 
being so near the main, and helping to make Mount-Hope 
Harbor, and part of it lying within a line drawn from 
point to point at mouth of said harbor ; the main channel 
also being without it, and the commodiousness thereof to 
fortify that harbor, — they would not have left it such a 



80 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

bone of contention, but determined it to our Colony, 
where Mr. Smith thinks he may have justice, but doubts 
he shall not have it amongst them. So we broke up the 
treaty, each abounding in their own general opinion : they 
being resolved to keep their possession per force, unless his 
majesty otherwise determine it ; and we being not willing 
to contest with them, notwithstanding we apprehend it our 
indubitable right, but most willingly submit the whole 
matter to his majesty's judgment and determination. I 
have been willing the rather (almost to the tiring of my- 
self and you in this tedious discourse) to inform the more 
fully how that case stands, because, if I mistake not, I 
heard Mr. Smith say he had some time applied himself to 
his Majesty and Council about it, and betrusted yourself 
to manage it for him. Now, though it cannot in our 
reason seem rational for those waters and Sekonck, alias 
Pautucket River, to be the Narroganset River, the Co- 
weeset country, lying betwixt that Sekonck, alias Pau- 
tucket River, and the Narroganset country, where, in rea- 
son, the Narroganset River must be found; yet let that 
Narroganset River be where it will, as better reason may 
determine it, yet half the said river is ours, by the bounds 
of our patent: and then, of necessity, that little Hog 
Island in controversy must needs be ours, being within said 
river, our patent granting us all the lands within and be- 
tween such boundaries and the one half of Narroganset 
River, which is our southerly bounds. 

But we humbly prostrate ourselves and all our whole 
concerns in the premises at his majesty's feet, in humble 
confidence of his favor and justice as aforesaid. 

Sir, taking it for granted (for any thing we hear) that 
there was a failure of fit opportunity per Major Cud- 
worth, as aforesaid, we have taken the best course we can, 
and doubt not but to effect it, that you may herewith, and 
per the bearer hereof, be presented with fifty guineas, as 
a small token and testimony of our respects, and thankful 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. SI 

acknowledgment of your love, trouble, and service for us ; 
hoping we may have better opportunity, upon your obtain- 
ing for us our desires in the premises, to show ourselves 
more grateful to you ; meanwhile hoping of your can- 
dor in accepting this our poor mite in comparison of your 
desert, as having it impressed on your generous mind that 
donum a dantis animo pensatur. 

Sir, one thing more, which I had almost forgot: viz., 
that, if it may stand with his majesty's good pleasure, it 
is desired that the tenor of our hold from his majesty 
might be inserted in our new patent as it is in our old, — 
viz., as of his manor of East Greenwich, &c. ; because it 
having been our usual custom here, in our deeds of sale 
and conveyances of land one from another, to insert 
after the habendum to the property, "To be holden of 
his majesty as of his manor of East Greenwich, in the 
county of Kent, in the realm of England, in free and 
common socage, and not in capite nor knight's service," 
&c. ; which if the hold should be changed to be of any 
other of his majesty's manors, it would, we fear, much 
startle many of our common people, and make them afraid 
of the title to their lands ; concerning which, you know, 
people used to be very solicitous. So, craving pardon for 
this great trouble in confidence of your favor, I rest, wor- 
thy sir, your very humble servant, in the name and behalf 
of the General Court of his majesty's Colony of New 
Plymouth, 

Thomas Hinckley, 

Governor. 

Sir, — The magistrates in place here now are Major 
William Bradford, Deputy Governor ; John Alden, John 
Freeman, James Brown, Daniel Smith, Barnabas Lothrop, 
and John Thatcher, Assistants. 

Sir, if fit opportunity present, it might be a work of 
charity well becoming a generous and noble mind to move 

11 



82 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

a few words to his gracious majesty and Honorable Coun- 
cil in behalf of and reference to the late William Harris of 
Pautuxett, in Providence Plantation, his case, concerning 
which much travel spent by him ; an account whereof, as to 
what his majesty was pleased to order to be done here, was 
sent over to you under the hand of the late honored Gover- 
nor Winslow by his majesty's command, for his final deter- 
mination of that controversy. The poor man's family being 
like to lose all for want of an issue put to that matter, 
after the poor old man's great charge and travel, having 
made two voyages, as I remember, to England about it, 
and the third time was taken by the Turks as he was 
going over, and at last with much difficulty redeemed ; 
and quickly after his arrival in London died, before he had 
opportunity to obtain that favor of the issuing that long 
controversy as he desired and hoped for ; which if yet it 
might be done, the poor man's wife and children would 
have cause to bless God, and pray for a blessing and abun- 
dant reward on the instruments thereof. 

I humbly crave pardon for this boldness ; and am 

Your humble servant, 

T. H. 



EDWARD RANDOLPH TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, Janry. 22, 1682. 

Honored Sir, — I am to acquaint you, that, on the 23d 
of this instant, his majesty, by order of Council of 20th of 
September last, doth bring a quo warranto against this 
charter, and I am ordered to come to England to attend 
that service ; and his majesty hath ordered the agents to 
send home for full instructions, which may mitigate the 
proceedings in England. 

I have been at Piscataqua, where Governor Cranfield 
is appointed Chief in that Province ; and believe in 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. K) 

a little time that of Maine will be added to his govern- 
ment. Abont the 23d of October last, I seized there a 
Scotch vessel ; and, on the 21st of December, a court 
was called to try her : but one Jeffryes, a Scotchman, 
and inhabitant there, contrived her escape two days before 
the trial ; yet was so wicked as to declare upon oath that 
he knew nothing, directly or indirectly, of it ; but the 
contrary was made [to] appear by two witnesses. How- 
ever, the vessel was gone ; yet I proceeded to trial. At 
first, the jury against law and evidence (as is practicable 
here in my affairs) bring in their verdict against the king. 
Afterwards, finding themselves in a great error, and desire 
leave of the court to amend their verdict, which was 
granted, the ketch was condemned, and sold to Jeffryes for 
£120. Mr. Stileman, captain of the fort, was put out of fort 
and council for his neglect ; and Mr. Moode[y] received 
a severe check from the Governor for intermeddling in 
matters of government, and was desired to forbear, else 
would ... as a disturber of the peace of his majesty's 
Government. Mr. Waldron sits very uneasy, having done 
very ill things. Here is a General Court called on the 
first Wednesday in February to consult the necessaries of 
this place. It's believed they will not intrust their agents 
with further power, but commit their charter to a fair trial 
at law. 

I go to Piscataqua about the 10th of February; return, 
God willing, in a fortnight's time. 'Twill be very neces- 
sary that I see you in Boston about the beginning of 
March to adjust the matters of our Colony, being to go 
aboard a ship from hence about the middle of that month. 
I have many papers to communicate, and shall be ready 
to receive your commands. 

I remain, sir, your servant, 

Ed. Randolph. 

From Mr. Rawson's house ; who is very ill of a cough, 
the common distemper of this place. 



84 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



FROM THE GENERAL COURT OF THE COLONY OF NEW PLY- 
MOUTH TO THE CHURCH IN DUXBURY. 

The General Court now assembled at Plymouth to the Brethren of the 
Church in Duxborough send, wishing the continuance and increase 
of grace and all spiritual blessings in heavenly places in Jesus 
Christ our Lord. 

Brethren, honored and beloved, — The present state 
of this Colony, which is much on our heart, and we hope 
on yours also, requiring (as we judge) that we should make 
our address to the king's majesty, in order to the confirma- 
tion and enlargement of our privileges, whereunto we are 
by him graciously invited and encouraged, we have judged 
it meet, that, as a super-addition to former applications, we 
should address ourselves to him by an agent : and the 
God of all wisdom having (as we hope) of his abundant 
mercy directed this court, with great unanimity, to fix our 
eyes upon, and make choice of, your reverend pastor, as a 
person we esteem well accomplished for that affair, it is 
our instant request to yourselves, in whose hearts, we doubt 
not, God hath given him a great interest, that as you have 
received so great a gift from God, so you will now, at his 
demand, lend him to the Lord for a little season, to give up 
himself to a service wherein not only your own, but the 
weal of all these churches and this whole Colony together, 
with the glory of God, is highly concerned, in hope that at 
his hand you shall, after a while, receive him again with 
advantage ; and it shall be our care to join issue with your- 
selves towards the obtaining of a comfortable supply for 
you in the work of the ministry during his absence. 

Now, brethren, may it please the Lord, of his great 
goodness, to incline your hearts to deny yourselves thus 
far for the public good. You will therein, no doubt, bring 
much honor to God, through the thanksgivings of many, 
especially if the Lord so far delight in us as to crown the 
affair with his blessing. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 83 

We also request the other inhabitants and good people 
of Duxborough, whose interest is great in the pastor (and 
we doubt not but his labors among you have made him 
desirable), that you will also, upon the forementioned con- 
siderations, add unto the church's consent your free concur- 
rence. And we have sent our worthy friends, Mr. Arnold 
and Lieutenant Morton, to wait upon you for an answer ; 
which may it be according to our desire and (we think) 
our just expectations, it will be to us a further pledge of 
the favor of God to this Colony, and greatly oblige us to 
yourselves, who salute you all in the Lord ; and are, bre- 
thren and friends, 

By order of the General Court, 

Nathaniel Morton, Secretary. 

Plymouth, Feb. 8, n. — [Prince'] 8f. 

The time desired you would please to appoint, to give 
meeting to our said friends to receive your answer, is on 
next fourth day,* about ten o'clock, at your meeting- 
house. 



REPORT OF SAMUEL ARNOLD AND EPHRAIM MORTON IN 
RELATION TO THE ABOVE. 

May it please your Honor, — According to your order, 
we met at Duxborough on the day appointed,f where, 
the congregation being convened to give their answer to 
the letter they had received from the General Court, and 
having, in their entrance into their work, sought God by 
prayer, after much agitation and variety of apprehensions 
relating to the weighty case that was before them, the day 



* i.e., Feb. 14. — Prince. 

t i.e., by ye preceding paper, on Feb. 14, 1GS2-3. — Prince. 



86 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

being far spent, the matter was put to vote by Captain 
Standish desiring every man to express his mind, and 
taking them in order one after another, promiscuously, as 
they were seated, members and non-members ; there being 
thirty-eight persons that voted. Fifteen voted in the affir- 
mative, and twenty-three in the negative ; of which fifteen, 
in our observation, nine were of the church, — six of the 
church dissenting ; the Deputy Governor # suspending his 
vote, not acting either way. The most judicious and con- 
siderate part of the brethren were willing to consent to 
the court's desire, except the worshipful Mr. Alden, who, 
out of his pious and zealous affection to his pastor and 
his labors, did dissent ; and the lieutenant, his son. There 
were divers of the inhabitants absent, not having been 
warned, who dwell at Matakeeset,*)" which we have reason 
to apprehend would not have been strenuous in their dis- 
sent; living so far remote, that they rarely meet in that 
congregation. Mr. Wiswall did fully declare himself will- 
ing in the assembly to attend the work, if God did clear 
up his call ; clearly taking of an objection started by some 
(viz.), that he might possibly, if called from them by serv- 
ing the country in this affair, it might tend to loosen the 
office relation wherein he was now bound to them, assur- 
ing them that he was theirs ; and that, if God called him 
to that work and spared his life to return, they might 
challenge him as their own. We did endeavor to pro- 
mote the public affair, both by word and by some lines 
drawn up to that end, wherewith we presented them ; 
and should have done more, but, our commission being 
only to wait upon them and receive their answer, we 
were careful not to exceed. Thus have we presented 
your honor with a brief and true account of that day's 
transaction ; and, desiring the Father of lights to direct 
you and your council in the further prosecution of this 



* Bradford. f Now Pembroke. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 87 

your affair, and whatever else may tend to the glory of 
God and the promotion of the weal of this Colony, we 
subscribe ourselves 

Your honor's humble servants, 

Samuel Arnold, Sen. 
Ephraim Morton, Sen. 



GEORGE SHOVE TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Taunton, Jul. 3, '83. 
Eight worshipful Sir, — These are to present my 
service to your honor, and to express my sense of the 
weight of the affairs under your hands, and, I doubt not, 
much upon your heart, especially at this time, in the 
case of the Indians under suspicion of murder, and that 
of the Quakers, both before you this court. It would be 
too much presumption for me to advise positively, not 
called thereto nor advantaged with a full understanding 
of the matter ; yet, that I might not seem regardless of 
my duty and respect to your honor and to the interest 
of Christ, I am bold to offer to your censure my thoughts, 
wherein I am far from being peremptory. First, it seems 
probable that God is about to try the Colony, how they 
will use government while it is in their hands; and if 
there should be a discovery of want of wisdom, or zeal to 
appear for God, as the matter may require, it may reason- 
ably be thought time for God to prove others with it, and 
deprive us of our privileges : so that I think God calls to 
utmost care and circumspection and dependence upon 
himself in yourselves, under whose consideration these 
cases now fall. Secondly, in the matter of the murder, 
two things seem principally considerable: viz., if the mat- 
ter of fact be clear, and persons accused can be legally 
convicted ; then whether it *all under this court's cog- 



88 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

nizance, — I mean, whether the Indians have yet allowed 
them power of government, and exercise of judgment in 
things that touch life. If these be both granted, then, as 
the stranger or sojourner within our gate must be con- 
strained to observe the sabbath, so the murderer within 
our~ r gate must be punished, if we would not that God 
should lay blood to our charge. — Num. 35: 33. 

Finally, as to the matter of the Quakers : if it be 
granted now not advisable to take notice of them as 
Quakers and seducers (which yet I determine not), yet 
if they be found guilty of high immorality, — as riot, 
blasphemy, or blasphemous irreverence, in speaking of 
the dreadful name of God, &c, — and escape without con- 
dign punishment, I see not how those whose duty it is 
to be a terror to evil works can be discharged of guilt. 
And if, by occasion of such fearful crimes committed by 
such, any provision can be made against their going about 
to seduce, I incline to think God would accept it as ser- 
vice done to his name. 

My strait of time forbids me to say more. May your 

honor please to accept what 

boldness it will oblige me still to be 



Mr. Christopher Almie sends to know Brother Natha- 
niel's result about his affa[ir at] Barbadoes. I wait for 
your honor to furnish me with a reply. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO SIMON BRADSTREET. 

Plymouth, 19 of August, 1683. 
Honorable Sir, — Your honor's letters, with the gentle- 
men's of your Council and General Conventions of 17th of 
July last and of 2d of August instant, having been read and 
considered by our General Court, they manifested their 
concurrence with you, to assist the best they can, accord- 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. H l .) 

ing to their low capacity, in repelling and suppressing the 
common Indian enemy that hath committed so many bar- 
barous murders and outrages, not only upon their majesty's 
subjects at the eastward, but also on some of the people 
(as we are informed) in that Colony unto whose assistance 
we are more especially obliged. They hope they may 
(at least, it will be their endeavor to) raise one hundred 
of English and Indian soldiers together, and, it may be, 
some numbers more of Indians, if you can furnish them 
with arms, which we cannot do. Our court have thought 
it best in this difficult juncture, though it will be very 
hard, for the better encouragement both of English and 
Indian soldiers (and, if it may be, to save a press), accord- 
ing to Captain Church's proposition both to you and us, 
to allow both the English and Indians alike six shillings 
per week, in money or money price, besides their diet and 
ammunition ; and so tenpence for every scalp or head of 
the fighting men of the enemy killed, brought in to and 
accepted of such English officers as may be intrusted to 
inspect that matter ; and all the portable plunder and 
captives taken by them to be equally divided amongst 
them. For better carrying on that rule, the court have 
committed the management of the whole affair to Major 
Walley and myself, being chosen commissioners for that 
end, to meet with yours and the gentlemen of Connec- 
ticut, at such time as you shall appoint, to consult and 
order such suitable ways and means (according to the in- 
structions given us) as may, with the blessing of God, be 
thought most conducible to the common good and safety 
of the whole, and against the common enemy. Mean- 
while, they do concur with you in your sending some fit 
person or persons from yourselves and Connecticut, in 
your and our name, to treat their magnates in such man- 
ner as shall be judged meet ; and though ours have not a 
fit person in capacity to go, yet are willing to bear their 

12 



90 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

due proportion of the charge. I and Major Walley pur- 
pose, God willing, to be at Boston about the middle or 
latter end of the next week ; hoping we may then meet 
the Connecticut gentlemen there, and others, from Rhode 
Island or elsewhere, to whom you think good to send. 
It may do well to engage against the common enemy, 
unless you think good to send to us severally to meet 
sooner than the time aforesaid at Boston. Not else at 
present ; but with desire to commit you all, with our- 
selves, to the good guidance and blessing of the Almighty 
in all these difficult and momentous concerns that lie be- 
fore us, in haste remain, 

Gentlemen, your assured friend and humble servant, 

Thos. Hinckley, Govr. 



APPOINTMENT OF THOMAS HINCKLEY, DANIEL SMITH, AND 
JOHN WALLEY, TO DEFEND THE EIGHT OF THE COLONY 
TO NARRAGANSET LANDS. 

Barnstable. 

At a Court of Assistants held the seventh of August, 1683. 

In pursuance of his majesty's command, and the order of 
his honored commissioners, the Council then convened 
did request and fully authorize Thomas Hinckley, Esq., 
Governor of his majesty's Colony of New Plymouth, 
either by himself, or with the assistance of Daniel Smith, 
Esq., Assistant, or Captain John Walley, as opportunity 
may present, to make plea in defence of the rights of 
this Colony as to their jurisdiction or title to any lands 
granted by our patent, lying within the bounds thereof in 
Narraganset or elsewhere, against any that shall lay claim 
thereunto, before his said majesty's commissioners. 

Ita atteslr. William Bradford, Deputy Governor. 



WILLIAM BLATHWAYT TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 



I THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 91 

Whitehall, the 27 Sept., 1683. 

S[m], — I intended to put this letter into your hands 
by the conveyance of Mr. Randolph, who went lately to 
New England with his majesty's writ of quo warranto 
against the Colony of Massachusetts Bay, and other com- 
mands in relation to that government ; but, having by 
some pressing occasions missed of that opportunity, I do 
now acknowledge the receipt of your letter dated the 18th 
March last, as I have taken particular notice of your de- 
sires for the passing a new patent for the Colony of New 
Plymouth. I am sorry for the loss of Mr. Cudworth, 
which has really occasioned the delays that have happened 
hitherto ; but, since we are now to make the best use that 
may be of the time to come, I would first acquaint you 
that it is absolutely necessary that I receive the map you 
mention of the Narraganset country, with an authentic 
copy of your old patent, which are not yet come to my 
hands, and will be a good direction and help in preparing 
a new charter agreeable to them and the purport of your 
petition to his majesty, with the heads proposed by you. 

II do not at all doubt .of the continuance of the boundaries 
allotted by your first patent ; and that the tenure you 
mention as of the manor of East Greenwich will be 
granted, with all necessary privileges and immunities, 
both civil and religious. But I must deal plainly with 
you, that it is not probable any thing will be determined in 
that behalf until his majesty do see an issue of proceed- 
ings in relation to the Massachusetts Colony ; and that, 
upon regulating their charter, that Colony be brought 
under such an actual dependence upon the Crown as 
becomes his majesty's good subjects. From hence it will 



92 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

be that your patent will receive its model ; and although 
you may be assured of all you desire, yet it will be ex- 
pected, that, in acknowledgment of so great favors, such 
provisions may be inserted as are necessary for the mainte- 
nance of his majesty's authority, which, as I am confident, 
you will most readily embrace, with- the continuance of 
that loyalty his majesty has already commended in you. 
So will you thereby obtain a pre-eminence before others, 
whose behavior has been less dutiful. 

Having thus given you my thoughts touching the con- 
cerns of your Colony, I desire you to rest assured that I 
will be ready on all occasions to promote your interest 
and welfare, both in the despatch of your patent, or any 
thing else you shall intrust me with. And, that I may be 
the more capable of a successful performance, it will 
be convenient that you fully instruct Mr. Randolph with 
all particulars of your business, that upon his return to 
England, which will be in few weeks after his arrival 
in your parts, we may join our endeavors in behalf of 
your Colony; to which, and to yourself, I acknowledge 
myself much obliged by your late kindness, and will al- 
ways remain, 

Sir, your most humble and faithful servant, 

William Blathwayt. 

"What you mention in the postscript of your letter con- 
cerning the wife and children of Wm. Harris of Patuxet is 
very fit to be considered in order to his majesty's final 
commands ; but I am afraid nothing will be done in it, nor 
any thing else of that kind, till the main business of the 
Massachusetts Colony be settled. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 98 

EDWARD RANDOLPH TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston in N. Engd., Oct. 29th, 1683. 

Sir, — I am very glad I can advise you, that, God 
be thanked, I arrived here Friday last. I have brought 
you no letters, because you would not intrust me with any 
to Mr. Blathwayt ; neither, I believe, has your agent, Jacob 
Jesson. I have not, however, failed to do your Colony 
all the service you made me capable of; which I refer till 
meeting, and hope you will not fail to send me positive 
word when you will be in Boston. By the enclosed 
papers, you will see what transactions have been in Eng- 
land, and how far his majesty is resolved to deal with this 
Colony. It therefore stands you in hand to be very care- 
ful to improve the present opportunity ; for, be confident, 
what regulation is made here will pass through all New 
England. I was no way wanting with Mr. Blathwayt in 
your behalf. He is very full of great business, and can- 
not but with great difficulty be spoken with. He was 
putting me upon your business : but, by some accident, 
either the copy of your grant sent over by Governor 
Winslow is mislaid, or quite lost ; for, after a long search, 
it could not be found ; so that I could not make one step 
about it. I am directed to write to you for another at- 
tested copy of your grant, or grants ; and have verbal 
instructions for a petition to his majesty from your govern- 
ment, and how you must make your further applications 
for a settlement of your Colony. If you neglect this pre- 
sent opportunity, you may be concluded without any hopes 
of a revocation. My stay here will be not above three 
weeks. This General Court sat only long enough to bid 
their agents welcome from England, and then dissolved ; 
but, upon my coming, they now irstantly call another 
court. You may very well be informed of Mr. Blath- 
wayt' s station and business by Major Dudley; and then you 



94 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

will be sensible of your mistakes, and the better advised 
for this present. I shall stay in England four or five 
months. I must have two hours' discourse with you. I 
know not whether I shall have time to go to Rhode Island, 
where I am very much wanted upon several accounts. I 
believe the court will sit some time next week at farthest ; 
that is, about the 10th of November. Excuse my haste, 
for I am going to New Hampshire ; and have only to add, 
that I am ready to do your Colony all friendly offices, and 
am, sir, 

Your assured friend and servant, 

Ed. Randolph. 
My service to Mr. Lathrop. 

This letter contains only the hints of such things as you 
[and] I must discourse : therefore let me see it with you. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO WILLIAM BLATHWAYT. 

Barnstable, November 22, 1683. 

Sir, — Although we have not received any letter from 
you, — neither last year by Governor Cranfield, nor this 
year by Mr. Randolph, or otherwise, — though Mr. Jesson 
writes that you intended to send one per Mr. Randolph, 
and that he delivered mine, with the small gratuity sent 
unto you, — which I hope will not be offensive to you nor 
Mr. Randolph that it was not sent by him, considering 
that we were forced to be beholden to a merchant to make 
return by exchange of our moneys, and it seemed to us 
necessary the letter should be delivered with the money, — 
we intended no disrespect to yourself nor him in it. Sir, 
we have received so good a character of you per Mr. 
Dudley, in conjunction with the good opinion we had 
before entertained of you, that still emboldens us to repose 
our confidence in you to do your best in the managing 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 95 

that concern of our patent betrusted with you. I have 
sent a true copy of our former patent (before understanding, 
by Mr. Eandolph, that that which Governor Winslow sent 
over to you was mislaid), and our humble petition and 
address renewed to his majesty according to Mr. Ran- 
dolph's advice from your verbal direction ; for which we 
give you our hearty thanks, and desire you would be 
please[d] to take a fit opportunity (with our humble duty) 
to present to his most gracious majesty ; and that, if op- 
portunity suit, it may be presented by you and Mr. Ean- 
dolph together, whom we have also desired to be helpful 
to us, and assistant with you, as opportunity presents, to 
further the accomplishment of our desires in the business 
of our patent ; and hope we shall not show ourselves un- 
grateful to either of you for your labor of love therein. 

Sir, though we can truly say it hath been our desire and 
utmost care to do equal justice and right to every man, 
without partiality, according to his majesty's commands 
and our oaths, yet it is possible some men may complain 
of wrong ; it being sometimes natural to men, out of 
selfish respects, to think they have wrong if they have not 
what they would, though never so just. However, it being 
a great trouble to us to hear some men's complaints, when 
we see not how in justice we can give them that relief 
they would have, which makes us most willing that such 
as they deem more indifferent judges might have and de- 
termine the right in such controversies, if it seem good to 
his majesty to appoint some in each Colony to issue such 
controversies as he was pleased to order some years since 
in the particular case of William Harris of Patuxit, or 
such other way as his majesty in his royal wisdom shall 
see cause to appoint, — if any complaint shall be made by 
any of the Quakers, we have to say, that, many years 
since, some fines were levied upon their estates for their 
perverse practices to public disturbance through their he- 
retical and heterodox princimes, tending to undermine 



96 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

religion and all civil order ; refusing to take the oath of 
allegiance to his majesty, or fidelity to the government. 
But, since we had any hints of his majesty's indulgence 
towards them, we have forborne the execution of such 
penalties upon them ; only, of late, some few of them 
have had a small fine executed on them for their per- 
verse, disorderly carriage together as man and wife in a 
clandestine way of their own, wherein they can pretend 
no conscience, but perversely set themselves against all 
civil order : for it hath been told them, that if they would 
appear before a magistrate, or such as are appointed to see 
marriages be orderly done, and express themselves in their 
own words, that they did before him, or desire him to take 
notice, that they took each other as man and wife, &c, in 
any words that might express the substance of the mar- 
riage covenant between them, it should suffice. But such 
was the perverseness of one or two of them, that they 
would not so do, and therefore [were] fined: but, if his 
majesty would have us indulge them also in their own 
clandestine way of marrying, his directions and commands 
shall oblige us to obedience therein; also, for the future, 
not to give you further trouble, but in hope of your favor 
in our business and concerns desired of you, 

I am, worthy sir, your humble servant, 

Thomas Hinckley. 



EDWARD RANDOLPH TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Nober. 24th, 1683. 

Sir, — I am not a little concerned to find that not only 
the complaint that the Quakers in your Colony are 
whipped and fined for not marrying according to your 
law, but that you have countenanced the late arbitrary, and 
till now unheard-of, proceedings against Mr. Saffin, by im- 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 97 

prisoning him, with other illegal practices ; all which will 
fall very heavy upon you particularly : for, unless you had 
assented, no man durst venture upon such methods ; and 
assure you nothing could so much impede the getting-out 
your patent as this. For how will the Lords of his Majes- 
ty's Council argue, that if you who have no grant or power 
to govern (for all you can pretend to by your grant from 
the Earl of Warwick is only the soil in your Colony, and 
no color for government) : so that you have very much 
exposed yourself. I am now going for England; and 
would be very glad to be instructed what answer to make 
when these matters are laid before the lords, and backed 
with undeniable proofs which will be here made and 
taken. 

Sir, I write not this out of friendship to Mr. Safnn, 
— I am sorry that you have given him such advantage 
against you, — but to assure you that I cannot omit to show 
my respect to that Colony whereof I am a member ; and 
therefore, in great friendship, advise that you send me 
down your narrative of the matter, and also empower me, 
by the seal of the Colony, to appear on your behalf. I 
would gladly have this matter accommodated ; and, for the 
future, let me entreat you not to appear to gratify one 
party to wrong your own judgment, and to give occasion 
of such reflections as must be made by all impartial men 
upon your government. You may send your papers to 
Mr. Shrimpton, who will take care to convey them to me, 
if gone for England ; but, if you had rather engage Mr. 
Jesson, you have your liberty. 

I am, sir, your assured loving friend and countryman, 

Ed. Eandolph. 

13 



98 THE HINCKLEY TAPERS. 



ADDRESS OF THE COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH TO KING 

CHARLES II. 

I suppose drawn in Nov., 1683. — Prince. 

TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. 

The humble Petition and Address of the Governor and Council of 
your Majesty 9 s Colony of New Plymouth in New England, in 
the behalf of the General Court there and the Colony, — 

Showeth, — 

That as we have looked upon ourselves under the highest 
sacred obligations to pray for the life of our sovereign lord 
the king, both in ordinary and extraordinary duties, under 
the benign influence of whose royal favor and protection, 
we, through the mercy of God, do enjoy so much happi- 
ness and tranquillity as is with us this day ; so, understand- 
ing by your majesty's declaration — which providentially 
came to our hand the first of this instant November, whilst 
we were convened in court, with some other papers of in- 
telligence, by the friendly courtesy of Mr. Randolph — that 
God Almighty was graciously pleased (we hope, in return 
of our prayers, as of other your majesty's good subjects) 
wonderfully to deliver your sacred person and government 
from that late horrid and treasonable conspiracy therein 
mentioned,* we could do no less than, in conscience of our 
bounden duty and in harmony therewith, to appoint the 
fifteenth day of this instant November to be kept as a day 
of solemn thanksgiving unto God for his great mercy in 
his signal salvation of your majesty's royal person from 
that and all other hellish and execrable conspiracies and 
most wicked, bloody designs ; rejoicing also to see and 
hear the several congregations in this Colony so cheerfully 



* I suppose this was wt. was called the' Rye-house Plot, wh. Salmon says was disco- 
vered in June, 1683; there being no other discovered between 1680 and K. Charles II.'s 
death on Feb. 6, 1684-5. I conclude, therefore, this address was drawn in November, 
1683. — Prince. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 99 

and readily to comply with that duty, and the several 
ministers thereof to exhort and incite the people with en- 
larged hearts to render thanks and praise unto God for his 
wonderful favor and mercy to your majesty, and to us and 
all your good subjects therein. The which we humbly pray 
your majesty graciously to accept as the most sincere and 
solemn protestation and demonstration of our hearts' loyal- 
ty, duty, and affection towards your majesty's royal person 
and government, numbering us amongst your subjects ; 
and, as such (being also that your majesty's Colony, which, 
at their own proper cost and charge, first broke the ice 
and encountered the distressing hazards and hardships of 
settling the first plantation in this waste and then unculti- 
vated wilderness, for the propagation of religion and 
enlarging of your dominions in these remote ends of the 
earth), to encourage us, out of your most princely grace, 
with the grant of such liberties and franchises, by your 
gracious letters patents, for our incorporation into a body 
politic, with such privileges as, out of the largeness of 
your royal bounty, you have been pleased to grant to 
other your majesty's Colonies here of Connecticut and 
Rhode Island, and which might be for the more happy 
government of your majesty's good subjects in this Colony, 
which the largeness of your royal understanding espied to 
be wanting in our former patent, obtained from the Honor- 
able Council of Plymouth (not so easy for us to discern) ; 
and, out of the superabundant grace and most free dispo- 
sition of your own princely mind, were pleased, with an 
unparalleled condescension, in imitation of the blessed 
God and Father of mercies, to be beforehand with us 
poor, low, unworthy ones as we are ; inviting us to make 
a due application to your majesty for what your royal wis- 
dom knew we had need of, better than we ourselves ; 
which did both influence and animate the General Court 
here to send their humble petition and address to your 
excellent majesty, with a draught of the heads of those pri- 



100 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

vileges they desired to be granted and confirmed to them, 
if it might stand with your majesty's good pleasure, signed 
by that late eminently loyal and accomplished gentleman 
for your majesty's service, Major Josiah Winslow, then 
Governor, and sent over by the hand of the noble Lord 
Culpepper in the year 1680, and intrusted with the Honor- 
able William Blathwayt, Esq., whom we entreated to give 
himself the trouble to manage this weighty concern for us. 
Yet, that we might not be thought to neglect your majesty, 
we did, the year following, employ one of our magistrates 
(Major James Cud worth) to wait upon your majesty accord- 
ing to such direction and assistance, as he might receive 
from Mr. Blathwayt. But it pleased God to take him 
away by death, soon after his arrival at London, before he 
could have the happiness of that opportunity for us : and 
though we doubt not of Mr. Blathwayt's faithfulness and 
care, according to the trust we reposed in him, and the as- 
surance thereof he was pleased lovingly to give us in his 
station, and the good character we received of him ; yet, 
partly by your majesty's more weighty concerns and his 
own, and partly by the mislaying the copy of our former 
patent sent over by Governor Winslow, so it is, that, as yet, 
we have received no further answer of our humble peti- 
tion and desires than that some hopeful progress hath 
been made in the business of our patent, and that your 
gracious majesty and your Honorable Council have a good 
opinion of our loyalty ; for which we desire to be thank- 
ful to God and your majesty and their lordships, and trust 
(through divine assistance) we shall never forfeit. And 
now, having sent over another true copy of our former 
patent, and contemplating not only the gracious assurance, 
given under your royal hand, of continuing of our liber 
ties, both civil and religious, but also your gracious and 
low condescension of your princely grace unto us, we have 
found in our hearts to renew our humble prayer and sup- 
plication to our lord the king, that you may graciously 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 101 

please to give your order for a bill to be prepared for your 
royal signature, to pass your great seal, for the granting, 
&c., as hath been formerly petitioned for, as soon as your 
majesty's more weighty conterns may give admittance unto, 
and with as much ease as to the charge thereof as may be, 
considering our great poverty, — partly by the barrenness 
of most of our lands, and blasting and mildews on our 
principal grain, and the great desolations made upon 
many of our towns by the barbarous Indians ; this Colony 
being the first seat of that cruel war. And as it was our 
desire, notwithstanding the proposals annexed to our for- 
mer petition and address, containing the heads of what we 
chiefly desired to be granted, yet humbly to submit our- 
selves and proposals to your majesty's good pleasure, so 
we desire still to submit those proposals of our desires to 
your majesty's regulation, as you shall see fit for us ; hop- 
ing to find grace in your sight, especially as to our religious 
liberties, that, under your royal favor and protection, as we 
have, so we may, with peaceable and loyal minds, have 
the liberty of our consciences in the public worship of 
God according to Scripture pattern and gospel order, 
which, in all humility, according to our best light and the 
general profession here, is the congregational way; therein 
only differing from our orthodox brethren of the Church 
of England, agreeing with them and other the reformed 
churches in their profession of the doctrinal points of 
religion. To enjoy such liberties, without offence to those 
worthy persons who were otherwise minded, — and that 
under the protection of their own natural prince, and liege 
lord, and the enlargement of his dominions, — was the 
known end of the first comers' great adventure into this 
remote wilderness in the year 1620, some of whom are 
still surviving, and many others risen up and come amongst 
us, who have received in the same principles both of reli- 
gion, and loyalty to their prince, and hope never to depart 
from the same, though not desir ng to censure or infringe the 






102 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

liberties of other your good subjects of orthodox principles 
and good conversation, though [differing] from us as to 
church order; yet do desire it may stand with your majesty's 
good pleasure, that, according to your majesty's honorable 
commissioners' proposition in the year 1664, and our Gene- 
ral Court's concession thereto, may be granted: viz., that 
where the major part of any of our towns and plantations 
do invite or agree to have an able orthodox minister or 
preacher, that preaches sound doctrine, to further true 
piety and good life, though he differ as to this or that per- 
suasion about church order and discipline, shall yet, not- 
withstanding, be encouraged and supported in his work by 
all the people of such town and place ; as also that care 
be taken that each plantation may be put upon the use of 
means to obtain and maintain some able man that may 
teach them to fear God and honor the king, that so they 
may not degenerate from the Christian religion and man- 
ners of the English into brutish paganism and atheism ; 
for want of which care, lamentable experience shows to 
be the sad condition of some places in this wilderness. 
Most gracious and dread sovereign, we humbly prostrate 
ourselves and concerns at your royal feet, humbly beg- 
ging your majesty's pardon for this boldness, and for 
whatsoever else your piercing eye hath at any time dis- 
cerned amiss in us ; desiring readily to submit to your 
majesty's directions and commands. 

Now, God most high, that rules over all, — that God 
that performeth all things for you, and hath hitherto saved 
you with many signal salvations and great deliverances, — 
please graciously still to preserve your royal person from 
all treacherous and deceitful men, bless and crown you 
with long and happy life and reign here, and eternal glory 
hereafter. So sincerely pray your most loyal subjects and 
humble suppliants. 

Thomas Hinckley, Govt., 

In the name of the Council of your majesty's Colony 
of New Plymouth, and in behalf thereof. 



THE HINCKLEY TAPERS. 103 



JOHN COTTON TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Plymouth, December 27, 1683. 

Much honored Sir, — Having lately received tidings of 
great import from a solid hand, I take myself obliged to 
present your honor therewith : — 

" Persecutions of the dissenters do increase in England, 
etc., to a marvellous height ; and many persons of all 
ranks are forced to fly. A gentleman, a deacon of Dr. 
Annesleye's church, that is arrived here last week, told 
me that there are warrants out for every nonconformist 
minister in the city of London. Two or three religious 
noblemen are said to have absconded in Scotland lately. 
In London, the Common Council, having an instrument 
sent them by the king for them to sign their resignation 
to his pleasure, retracted their old vote of compliance, and 
refused to do what was required in the matter of submis- 
sion : upon which his majesty hath entered judgment 
against the charter, and appointed, instead of the mayor, 
a custos civitatis ; and, instead of the aldermen, a number 
of picked justices to supply their place. 

" In Hungaria, there is the most signal revolution which 
this last age hath brought forth. The male contents, as 
they are called, have made most honorable articles with 
the Turks to pay them forty thousand crowns annual 
acknowledgment; and, for this, to command on all occa- 
sions the whole Turkish power to assist them. Hungary 
is now, upon the matter, all theirs. The Jesuits are not 
only banished that kingdom, but perpetually exiled from all 
the Turkish dominions. Count Techli [Tekeli] is a king ; 
and the Hungarians, after his decease, to choose whom 
they please for his successor. The churches have the liber- 
ties of the gospel again, and so have the schools. The suf- 
fering Protestants return from all quarters to their ancient 
possessions. The witnesses stand upon their feet, and 



104 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

hear the great voice from heaven ; and the light which is 
risen in that most eastern part of Europe is longed for 
westward by many, — more than the day by the morning- 
watchers. The Turks had almost carried Vienna, when 
an army of Germany and Polanders, with great loss to 
themselves, forced them to raise their siege. Nevertheless, 
in their march away, they swept the countries horribly, and 
are like to beat it again early in the spring." 

God is doing great things in the world. He in mercy 
prepare us to meet him ! With due service from me and 
mine to you and yours, requesting your daily prayers, 

I rest, sir, your honor's servant, 

John Cotton. 



REMONSTRANCE OF THE INHABITANTS OF BRAINTREE 
AGAINST THE COMPLAINT OF RICHARD THAYER. 

1683. — Prince. 

A Remonstrance made by the Inhabitants of the Town of Braintree, 
within the Massachusetts Colony in Neiv England, against a Com- 
plaint exhibited, to the King's most excellent Majesty by Richard 
Thayer, complaining against us. 

Wherein, having first made the most sincere and solemn 
protestation of our loyalty and subjection, under sacred 
obligations, unto our sovereign lord the king, with our 
most hearty and humble acknowledgment of his majesty's 
royal favor in granting and giving unto us a being under 
his government of the Massachusetts, by the benefit of 
which we have lived under the most benign influence of 
his princely wisdom, power, grace, and goodness, with 
much tranquillity and prosperity, unto this day, and for the 
continuance of which shall for ever remain most humble 
and earnest suppliants unto the great God and our most 
gracious king, as the greatest happiness that we can (at this 
distance) crave, or in this wilderness enjoy, — 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 1 ().j 

We do profess ourselves (upon the reading and hearing 
of a true copy) to be surprised with astonishment at the 
impudence and presumption of the said Rich. Thayer in 
daring to approach the royal presence, for audience, with 
a complaint made up and composed of notorious untruth and 
falsehood ; under which we do relieve ourselves only by the 
consideration of his character and condition, whereby he is 
notoriously known in New England to be a person too like- 
ly to be the author of such a composure ; wherein he boldly 
and most impudently speaks that which will appear to be 
incredible, and impossible in reason to be believed, when 
his falsehood therein shall be detected and the truth de- 
clared ; which we shall hereby endeavor to do truly and 
fully. For — 

Whereas R. Thayer saith that he, with several others 
of his majesty's subjects, went into New England about 
forty years ago : it is true that his very poor father, with 
eight poor children, of which this Richard was one, came 
into New England two and forty years ago, in the year 
forty-one, in exceeding mean and low condition, and was 
suffered to sojourn, as a poor man and stranger, in a remote 
and obscure part of our town, until he adventured to pur- 
chase only four acres of land, which at that time, and in 
that place, might be bought for about shillings, — a 
very small matter, yet more than the poor man was able 
or willing to pay. The grantor, yet living with us, now 
saith he is not paid for it to this day. This Richard, who 
now affirms himself to have been such a mighty purchaser 
as to make himself a partner and proprietor, with about 
seven more, in and of a township, lands, and plantations, 
which he talks of, was then, and divers years after, in his 
nonage, uncapable to be such a potent purchaser or great 
proprietor as he pretends he was. And — 

Whereas he saith that himself, with several others, 
about forty years ago came to New England, and pur- 
chased, &c. : we do not knew that any one who came 

14 



106 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

over with him settled with him in this town, or were any 
way concerned with him in this or any other purchase. 
Sure we are, that none of them, nominated with him upon 
the Indian deed by which he claims, came to New England 
with him, or knew any thing of him until he appeared in 
the pitiful condition aforesaid. 

He also pretends his great purchase to be made, about 
two and forty years ago, of Wompotucke Josias ; whereas 
that sachem was then in nonage as well as himself, under 
guardianship, — not capable to sell his country : which, 
indeed, was really sold by Kickquatabut, his father, and 
Sagamore John, his grandfather, and other petty sachems, 
and bought by the English, long before R. Thayer was 
brought to New England, and we believe more than twenty 
years before the deed given by Wompotucke Josias ; 
which, indeed, was given and received only as a confirma- 
tion of the English title, long before truly made by pur- 
chase, but not so amply confirmed by writing, which was 
not thought so necessary unto Indian conveyances until of 
later times. Neither can it be thought that Wompotucke 
Josias, who was known to be of more than ordinary under- 
standing in the language and affairs of the English,— -being 
bred up from his childhood among us, and a great lover of 
us, — would sell our township and lands from us to R. 
Thayer, much less for twenty and four pounds, which he 
know [sic] was valuable at so high a rate with the English 
proprietors, had he not acknowledged our former right 
from his predecessors to be good, and accepted that small 
sum as an acknowledgment from us for his confirmation 
of our former title by writing. 

He saith, themselves and families enjoyed quiet posses- 
sion for many years ; whereas it is known that neither he, 
nor any other purchaser nominated upon the said deed, 
ever possessed the township of Braintree, or any part 
thereof, by virtue of that purchase : both he and they had 
possession and enjoyment long before his pretended pur- 






THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 107 

chase was made. Neither have any of those nominated 
with him upon said deed ever pretended any the least right 
of propriety to any lands or possessions by virtue of that 
deed. What other deeds and writings, in his complaint, 
he speaks of, we know not : we were never concerned 
with him in any other. The deed itself, whereby he makes 
his claim, declares him to be only a purchaser for, and on 
behalf of, said town and inhabitants thereof; and therefore 
that he purchased no propriety unto himself or unto any 
other, but only procured the confirmation of the common 
right, from the Indian title, to his own and to every other 
particular inhabitant's lands and possessions within the 
township of Braintree, — every other inhabitant having 
as good a claim, by that deed, to the town of Braintree, 
and his own particular possessions therein, as R. Thayer, 
and most of them much better, and paid more to that pur- 
chase. It cannot be imagined that we betrusted R. Thayer 
to buy both ourselves and our children out of all lands 
and possessions, and so out of the world. 

He complains that the General Court hath disposed of 
a great part of his lands, to his great grief. It is true, 
those lands were disposed of by the General Court twenty 
or thirty years before Thayer was a purchaser, or the deed 
by which he claims had any being. That ever he had 
any trial with Captain Clapp for any land within the town- 
ship of Braintree, or by any claim from the foresaid 
deed, we do not understand. That Major Savage might 
defend his right and possession against his imaginary, pre- 
tended Indian claim, rightfully, we believe. 

He yet further complains, that he hath been dispossessed 
of his lands and plantations, and prays in his petition 
that he may be forthwith restored to the town and lands, 
according to his purchase and former long enjoyment, &c. 
We never understood that he made such vast claims to 
whole plantations in New England, nor unto our town, 
much less that he had possession and (as he saith) long 



108 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

enjoyment of our town and lands ; and we know that he 
hath never been dispossessed and ejected. If ever he had 
possession and enjoyment of the town of Brain tree, he 
hath it still. The Government never ejected him, that we 
know. 

He presumes boldly in his complaint, that this and 
divers other adjacent towns are neither within the Massa- 
chusetts nor Plymouth jurisdiction. But how is it, then, 
that R. Thayer himself hath been so often and great a 
plaintiff in his majesty's courts of justice here, and brought 
so many cases and actions to a trial under this Government of 
the Massachusetts, and pleaded the liberties and laws of it t 
Or how doth he complain of wrong and injury, by their 
not granting of him an appeal, if both himself, his lands 
and possessions, be (as he saith) without their jurisdiction, 
and independent thereupon, and consequently his cases 
beyond their cognizance 1 Or how could he return from 
England (as he saith he did) upon promise from the then 
New-England agents, with confidence and expectation of 
all justice and right to be done him by this Government, 
which he pleads had never any power to exercise any ju- 
risdiction over him or his territories \ Or how can he, 
with those other whom he pretends to personate in his 
complaint, approve themselves such good and loyal sub- 
jects to his majesty, having, without charter from him, 
purchased and possessed some of his majesty's towns and 
plantations, and (as now he supposeth) lived between forty 
and fifty years without any exercise of his majesty's Go- 
vernment, and so could have been contented to live for 
ever, had it not been for the tyranny and oppression of this 
Colony, which he makes such grievous cry and complaint 
of, and in the same breath confesseth that he and his 
people had quiet possession for many years, and former 
long enjoyment of his said purchase, which was made but 
about twenty years since % Surely, then, it is but very 
lately that he hath felt that tyranny and oppression. 



THE HINCKLEY PArERS. 109 

And whereas he complains most deeply and sensibly 
of the ntter ruin of himself and family : we believe it to be 
the real burden of his complaint. But we are witnesses to 
our knowledge that he hath brought this ruin upon him- 
self: for although he was never much better, yet now Ave 
believe he hath made himself somewhat worse than poor ; 
having expended his time, and that little estate which he 
had, in contention and litigation by lawsuits, and, we more 
than fear, driven an unlawful and dangerous trade with 
the Indians, tending much to their debauching, with whom 
he hath been dealing so much for Indian deeds and title 
to lands. And by these ways, having made himself one 
of the forlorn hope amongst men of desperate fortunes, 
he hath left himself little or nothing but such imaginary 
vexatious claims to his neighbors' lands and possessions ; 
and can find nothing to do for his living but by this way 
of lying, and romancing about his vast domains and terri- 
tories of lands, plantations, and towns, to prosecute his 
fictitious claims, whilst his wife and family live in sordid 
poverty at home. 

We have received notice that he hath presented a pro- 
test against us for refusing to give him a copy of the said 
deed, to his great damage ; whereas the town never gave 
him such denial, — only some persons told him the deed was 
not then perfected. A copy he might have taken long since 
at his pleasure. Neither did we then understand it the 
town's business to give him, or any other particular inha- 
bitant, a copy; and if the town be Richard Thayer s by 
virtue of that deed, as he supposeth, the town was not 
concerned in said deed. In obedience to his majesty's 
order, we do readily transmit an authentic copy out of 
the public records. 

That H. Thayer hath represented us (not only) as his 
poor terre-tenants and vassals, living upon his lands and 
plantations without rendering unto him his dues, but also 
as a vagrant people, living together, with many others in 



110 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

the adjacent towns, without any of his majesty's jurisdic- 
tions and the exercise of his majesty's Government ; . and 
also insinuates that we of the town of Braintree and the 
people of other towns do find ourselves aggrieved by 
the extension of the southern line of the Massachusetts, 
and oppressed by the tyranny of that his majesty's Govern- 
ment. Herein he hath most evidently wronged us ; for it 
hath appeared by an humble address to his sacred majesty, 
made and subscribed by an hundred thirty-four hands out 
of this small town (consisting of about ninety or an hun- 
dred families at the most), and by as many proportionably 
out of the neighboring towns, that we, together with the 
body of the people in these towns, are far from any such 
sense of tyranny and oppression here. 

We cannot tell whether R. Thayer can find one beside 
himself that will complain as he hath done. We are be- 
yond our expression thankful for the mercy of God, and 
the grace and favor of our gracious sovereign in continu- 
ing unto us that royal charter, whereby we are settled 
under his majesty's Government in the Massachusetts 
Colony, upon which our fathers with their families were, 
by his majesty's authority here, placed upon and possessed 
of these lands by the indubitable right of our charter, 
as indisputably within the true bounds and limits thereof, 
and that from the first original of the plantation of this 
Colony ; and have ever since, both by person and estate, 
supported his majesty's Government here, and endeavored 
to the utmost of our power and ability to serve his majes- 
ty as his true and loyal subjects, rejoicing in all those 
great acts of grace whereby his majesty hath most gra- 
ciously heretofore and hitherunto at all times owned and 
cherished us as his good subjects of the Massachusetts. 
And we shall ever pray that (as such) we, and ours after 
us, may live to fear God and honor the king. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. Ill 



SAMUEL TORREY TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Honored and dear Sir, — In great straits of time, and 
under a deep, most affecting, and afflicting sense of sym- 
pathizing sorrow, I can (only in a word) assure you of my 
very heart and soul in all love and service, more especially 
in that duty wherein only (through the grace of God) I 
may hope to minister comfort and to procure help from 
heaven for you, whence I know is all your expectation, 
and whence is all our salvation. Sir, we do with thank- 
fulness, both to God [and] yourselves, acknowledge the 
tender care, love, and labor laid upon the lovely babe * 
removed both from you and us. It is not our least com- 
fort that it died in your arms and bosom, — I mean, under 
your prayers and blessing, — and was resigned up to God 
by your faith. The tidings of Cousin Tho. and Exper. 
sickness was most sadly surprising unto us, and the more 
because what we observed of more than ordinary good- 
ness, worth, and deserving in him, especially in his being 
last with us upon his journey, did much engage our hearts 
unto him. The more earnestly we, together with your- 
selves, pray for his life, yet the more comfort shall both 
yourselves and we have in his death, if God shall please to 
remove him. Upon like considerations, we are no less con- 
cerned for and comforted concerning your daughter : and 
yet most of all thoughtful are we, and prayerful would we 
be for yourselves, that God may continue health and life 
unto you; which we desire (not so much for your own 
sakes, unto whom to die would be gain) as for the sake of 
yours, among whom we reckon ourselves, but more for 
the sake of the churches and people of God, unto whom 
God hath made your life, yea, both your lives, so precious. 



* This was ye 1st child of Uncle & Aunt "Rawson, wc. died at its Grandfather Hinck- 
ley's, at Barnstable, abt. Dec. 2, 1683. — PHnce. 



112 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

The Lord in mercy spare his people, and suffer his ser- 
vants, who are his remembrances, to stand before him in 
the breach, to turn away wrath ! 

Sir, we have received from my father Rawson what is 
herewithal sent ; and, according to your desire, give you 
an account what we do in this sickness. First, as soon as 
we are taken, we take a vomit of the infusion of crocus 
metallorum. When it hath done working, some hours 
after, we take a small dose of pil. mfi, two or three, more 
or less, according as they work. This we take once in 
twenty-four hours, to keep the body soluble throughout 
the whole sickness. 

Three hours after the pills first given, or the first dose 
of pills, we take two full and large spoonfuls of treacle- 
water to a man or woman, and proportionably to a child. 
Let the treacle-water be thoroughly tinged or colored with 
saffron ; and, after this, give only one spoonful of treacle- 
water every eight hours throughout the sickness. This 
to drive out the malignity by sweat ; to keep the sick in a 
breathing sweat ; which is the most hopeful sign of re- 
covery. If they be distempered in their heads, then, in- 
stead of one dose of pills, we give the following glister ; 
viz., one handful of common barley, washed and boiled 
in water. To the barley-water add a good spoonful of 
butter, as much of sugar, and as much small salt as will lie 
upon a sixpence. When it is almost cold enough to be 
given, add the two yolks of eggs beaten, and give it. 

If the disease continue strong, and much afflict the 
head, we apply blister-plasters to the ankles, a little above 
the ankle-bone, on the inside : sometimes, in case of strong 
deliriums, or distraction, to the neck ; sometimes to the 
wrists. We drink barley-water ; in which boil anise-seed, 
liquorice, figs sliced, raisins stoned, a good quantity of 
maiden-hair, and pimpernel, or as many of these things 
as may be * had. Of this they may drink always their fill. 
We find beer or cider not good. For change of drink, 



THE HINCKLEY TAPERS. 1 1 3 

sometimes we take posset-drink, in which we boil feather- 
few. If the pain of the side be very grievous, we apply 
stone-horse dung outwardly, and steep some in white wine 
or cider, and give inwardly, and administer a salt-water 
glister. For the mouth, we take strawberry-leaves, five- 
finger, violet, columbine, black-brier leaves, sorrel, — of 
each, a like quantity boiled in spring water : sweeten it 
with sirup of violets, or honey. With this, both wash and 
soring the mouth and throat often, night and day. It avail- 
eth much to the comfort of the sick to keep the mouth 
clean. 

Stew prunes, together with a little quantity of senna, 
tied up in a rag : take it some time, instead of the pills. 

The Eternal God be your refuge, and underneath let be 
his everlasting arms ; which is and shall be the prayer of, 

Honored sir, yours most entirely, 

S. T. 

I conclude, Samuel Torrey, whose 1st wife was Mary, dtr. to Secre- 
tary Rawson. — Prince. 



! 



JOHN COTTON TO MARY HINCKLEY. 

Plymouth, January 10, 1683. 

Honored and dear Friend, — A due sympathy one with 
another in affliction is a gospel duty. God's bowels yearn 
towards his in distress ; and, could we show ourselves the 
children of God by bowels of affection to the distressed, 
t would well become our Christian profession. I am not 
able to do or say what my heart is willing to express in 
this case ; but, hearing that you are deeply dejected under 
the late bereaving stroke of God's hand in your family,* 



* This was Uncle & Aunt Rawson's 1st child, wc. died at its Grandfather Hinckley's, 
I suppose abt. ye 2 of Dec, 1683. — Prince. 

15 



114 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

I cannot but, in conscience of my duty to God, and in 
compassion to you, — whom my blessed father loved, and 
whom I much respect in the Lord, — speak a few words, 
that may, by divine blessing, tend to allay that excessive 
grief that hath taken hold of you. Consider, I beseech 
you, what is done, and who hath done it, and why is it 
done] You have lost a dear grandchild by an ordinary 
disease. What is there in this more than the common 
portion of the children of men ; yea, and of the children of 
God? You are not the first afflicted in this kind. My 
own dear mother, besides the death of her own, passed 
under this rod in the death of a pleasant grandchild of 
eight years old, on whom her heart was exceedingly set. 
If God deal with you as with a child, you have hereby an 
evidence of your adoption. You will not be cast down 
because God seals his fatherly love to your soul by this 
correction. God hath done what is done, and he did you 
no wrong. His right was greater to that little one than 
yours. It was covenant-seed, and God hath made haste to 
accomplish all covenant-mercy to it. I hope this will not 
grieve you. A babe embraced in the arms of Jesus Christ, 
the Redeemer and Shepherd of these lambs, lies safer and 
more comfortably than in the bosom of the most tender- 
hearted grandmother. Will this grieve you ] What did 
you intend in the keeping of this child, if it had lived 1 
Certainly you meant, while it was with you, to train it up 
for the Lord ; and did you not often pray for it, that its 
soul might be accepted in the covenant of grace] All 
your good purposes, desires, and prayers are answered in 
this, that it is safe in heaven. Your work is rewarded to 
the utmost of the wishes of your heart; and who can tell 
(but He that knows all our hearts) how much you needed 
this affliction, and how much spiritual good God intends 
to your soul hereby] Weaning dispensations are very 
merciful to a child of God. Our hearts cleave too close 
to earthly enjoyments. God, who is well worthy, would 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 115 

have more of our affections ; and happy is that affliction 
that is sanctified to cause the heart to be more in love 
with God. Upon my thoughts of your present visitations, 
I thought of Psalm xxx. ; and see no reason but to think 
that good David, when he came into his new house, had a 
dangerous fit of sickness, which God sent to season his 
heart with more ardency, life, and strength of grace and 
holiness, to dedicate himself and house unto the Lord. 
And I am verily persuaded that is the worst harm God in- 
tends you by your present trials ; and, when tried, you shall 
come forth as gold. I pray, pardon my boldness with 
you. From you and your mate, I have been comforted and 
directed in an evil day ; and therefore I own myself your 
debtor, though unable to discharge it. Think of Psalm 
xlii., last. The Father of mercies be your comforter and 
supporter ! 

So prays yours affectionately in our Lord Jesus, 

John Cotton. 



WARRANT OF COMMITMENT OF REV. JOSHUA MOODEY. 

N. Hampshire in N.E. 

To James Sherlock, Gentleman, Provost- Marshal and Sheriff of said 
Province, or his Dejmty. 

In his majesty's name, you are required forthwith to take 
and apprehend the body and person of Joshua Moodey, of 
Portsmouth in the said Province, clerk, and carry him to the 
prison on the Great Island in the said Province ; and the 
prison-keeper, Rich. Abbot, is hereby required to receive 
him, the said Joshua Moodey, and keep him in safe custody 
in the said prison, — he having been convicted of adminis- 
tering the sacraments contrary to the laws and statutes of 
England, and refusing to administer the sacraments ac- 
cording to the rites and ceremonies of the Church of Eng- 



116 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

land and the form enjoined in the said statutes, — there 
to remain for the space of six months next ensuing, with- 
out bail or mainprise. Fail not. 

Dat. 6 Febr., 1683. 

Walter Barefoot, [seal.] 



Peter Coffin. 
Henry Green. 
Henry Roby. 



JOSHUA MOODEY TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

12 12, 1683. 

Much honored Sir, — Being now in prison, away from 
my books and papers, I have not by me to peruse your 
precious lines, which were a good preparatory unto this 
day ; and therefore cannot make a particular answer to 
them, because the words have slipped my memory: though 
I hope some of the savor remains, and is of advantage to 
me now. Your great (though much undeserved) respect 
and kindness to me hath been such, that I thought it would 
be grateful to you to hear how matters are with me ; and 
the rather because mine is the first case that hath been 
in the country of this nature. 

I sent my son Russell, some time agone, a copy of an 
order of Council, requiring me to administer sacrament 
according to the rites of the Church of England, and 
ceremonies contained in the Liturgy; so that, I suppose, 
your honor is not unacquainted with that. In pursuance 
of that order, the Governor (seeing none of the inhabit- 
ants would appear, but that I went on preaching without 
any such impediment, and matters were not like to bear 
there) sent the Marshal Sherlock to my house, on a Tues- 
day in the afternoon, to inform me that himself, with four 
more, ejusdem f urines (furfuris potius), intended to receive 
the sacrament next Lord's Day, and required me to prepare 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 1 ] 7 

accordingly. I was from home, as far as Ipswich ; and, 
before I returned, had intelligence thereof (the General 
Assembly, who began to sit the day before, having been 
dissolved that day also in a great heat). I consulted with 
friends, and was by some dissuaded from going home. 
Being providentially out of the Province, I could not be 
culpable for not returning, nor chargeable with flying 
from that which I knew nothing of before I undertook 
my journey. There seemed matter of argument in it : but 
I had no freedom in myself to withdraw ; and resolved 
to come back, and try the utmost. I came home on the 
Friday. The Marshal was with me on Saturday to know 
my answer. I told him I durst not, could not, should 
not, do it. Which answer he informed the Governor of; 
and, accordingly, he and his gang forbare coming up on 
Lord's Day. On Saturday was fortnight, an order came to 
me (drawn up, I suppose, by the Governor, or his order), 
signed by Nath. Frier, justice of peace (which, it is said, 
he was forced to do by threats and affrightments), re- 
quiring and strictly commanding me immediately upon 
sight, or the next Monday by nine in the morning, to 
appear before him, or some other justice of peace, to 
answer to such things as should be in his majesty's 
behalf, as matter of misdemeanor, objected against me. 
On Monday morning, I went down to Great Island ; ap- 
peared before Mr. Mason (being willing to free Mr. Frier 
from a business I know he had no mind to, but was con- 
strained to volens nolens). Mr. Mason answered, that he 
knew nothing of it, and should not be concerned therein. 
I could then have fairly returned home again ; but, being 
willing to make but one work of it, we[nt to Mr.] Frier. 
He was much afflicted to see me. I told him I could no 
. . . However, . . . the business was to bind me over to 
Quarter [Sessions]. ... I would give no bond. He was 
at a lo[ss] . . . me. At length, Mr. Eliot offered to be 
bound . . . was taken. I appeared (one Rains) : 



118 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

he pleaded the statute of 1st Q. Eliz., and demanded if I 
had refused to administer according to the statute. I an- 
swered, I was neither ashamed nor afraid to own that I had. 
He demanded justice. I pleaded, that I was not concerned 
in that statute : (1) Because not ordained according to the 
Liturgy; therefore durst not administer according to it. 
(2) Not beneficed according to that statute which pro- 
vides that those which did work should eat: but the Gover- 
nor had taken away my maintenance ; and, to enforce 
this, added, that part of the punishment is to be deprived 
of his dues for half a year ; which supposes that he had 
some to be deprived of; which, I not having (for I have 
had none this twelve months but what the people volun- 
tarily give), could not be intended. (3) The clause in the 
commission allowing liberty of conscience to all Protest- 
ants. Having pleaded, I was committted to the Marshal 
(one Mathews of Boston, one of Randolph's) while they 
debated the matter. My judges were the six justices, ■ — 
viz., C. Barefoot, Frier, P. Coffin, Green, Roby, Edgerly, 
— four of whom entered their thoughts that I was quit, 
and the clerk recorded it. Only C. Barefoot and P. Coffin 
were for my condemnation. I was committed to a cham- 
ber at C. Stileman's, and the Marshal sat up. Next day, 
the Governor came in among four, and so treated them 
that two more of the four were turned ; and those four 
signed and sealed my mittimus (of which a copy enclosed).* 
1 told the court that I should go to prison with much 
more peace than they sent me thither ; and particularly 
applied myself to Roby, a church-member, and told him 
that I had done nothing but what he was by solemn 
covenant engaged to maintain, and wished him to provide 
against the day when these things should be overhauled. 
Then I desired liberty to go up to my house to settle mat- 
ters there, and that I might not go to the common prison ; 

* See preceding paper. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 119 

it being so cold and nasty a place, that it would be cruelty 
to send me thither, considering my education, and manner 
of living. They owned it rational, but said they could 
not grant it ; advised me to apply to the Governor ; which 
I did in writing, desiring also a little time of discourse 
with him. He peremptorily refused both. However, just 
at night, when going to the prison, he ordered the Mar- 
shal to drop me at Captain Stileman's, and confine me to a 
chamber ; where I yet am, very comfortable and cheerful. 
And, an hour or two in night, Mr. Vaughan was also com- 
mitted, for not giving bonds for the good behavior.* No 
crime alleged against him ; nor do we know any other 
occasion than his going to take evidences to send home to 
defend himself against Mr. Mason. Mr. Vaughan's way 
to the prison lay by my chamber. The Marshal asked 
him if he would go in and see me. He answered, with all 
his heart. And so he brought him in, and left him with 
me, where we are very comfortable together, — he suf- 
fering for righteousness' and I for conscience' sake ; and 
neither he nor I permitted to go see Mrs. Cutts, who lay 
a dying as was thought (though not yet dead), although 
his mother in law and mine in affection. 

A quarter of a year agone, I was sued by Mr. Mason for 
my lands. . . . Costs came to near £1 money, which I 
paid (at least, suffered the ... to take by execution). 
And now, against this court, I was sued again . . . [o]thers, 
for trespass. We pleaded that there was no ground of 
. . . [bejcause he had an execution to deliver possession 
. . . vexatious and irrational for a man to . . . make a 
new suit for the other when ... we had to say. Mr. V. 
and I were . . . prison to answer to our actions. They 
were all cast. I only cast him, having something peculiar 
to plead which they had not. f 



* See Belknap's Hist, of New Hampshire, vol. L, Appendix, pp. lvii.-lxxii. ; N. H. 
Hist. Coll., vol. ii. p. 200. 



120 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

No man can imagine the dismal case we are in, being 
thus harassed and hurried. Strangers devour our sub- 
stance, &c. Above all, the H. ways to the house of God 
mourn. Oh the dismal sabbaths that we must have a 
famine of the Word, the sheep left without a shepherd ! I 
had not one with me last sabbath but the family ; not dar- 
ing to admit any, lest I should be sent to a worse place. 

But, blessed be God for Jesus Christ, I am quiet and at 
peace. Though I have many things that are matter of 
repentance and shame to me, yet in this matter I am 
abundantly satisfied in my lot, and hope shall be a gainer, 
and that the cause of Christ will gain by my sufferings. 
Only, methinks, I find it an hard matter to suffer in a 
right manner. Something of stoutness of spirit, some 
other sinister ends, are apt to creep in, and spoil suffering 
work. The Lord grant that I may have grace so to carry 
it as not to lose aught that I have done, and do now su[f- 
fe]r ! I beg your hearty prayers for me, that, with inte- 
grity and sincerity, I may cheerfully and patiently bear my 
cross till the Lord shall give me a discharge. 

My humble service to Mrs. Hinckley, with whom I 
heartily sympathize for the death (I will not say, the loss) 
of her pretty little grandchild that was with her when T 
was last at Barnstable. "When I consider the times, I am 
ready to praise the dead, — especially children of the 
covenant, for whom there is so much ground of faith and 
hope. But I would not revive her sorrow ; not doubting 
but large experience and present supplies of grace have 
helped her through the difficulty of the suffering duty. 

The bearer stays, else I might enlarge. The good 
Lord prepare poor New England for the bitter cup which 
is begun with us, and intended (by man at least) to go 
round ! But God is faithful ; upon whose grace and 
strength I beg grace to hang and hope. 

I am Christ's prisoner and your humble servant, 

Joshua Moodey. 



THE HINCKLEY TAPERS. 121 

I humbly beg that my letters may not be needlessly 
exposed. After once reading, they may be burnt ; and 
the sum of them will be remembered, to be told as occasion 
offers. 

See Belknap's "History of New Hampshire" (vol. i. pp. 204-210), 
Adams' "Annals of Portsmouth" (pp. 78-80), and "Biographical 
Sketches of the Moody Family" (pp. 20-31), for a more particular 
account of the persecution of Mr. Moodey by Cranfield. 



EDWABD CRANFIELD TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

New Hampshire in New Engld., Febr. 14th, 1683. 

Sir, — Having seen a letter, written by Captain Hook 
to Captain Barefoot, intimating that he had received advice 
from the captain of the Fort at Casco that there is a strong 
suspicion of a sudden rising of the Indians to attack the 
English at the eastward, being thereto instigated by one 
Castine, a Frenchman ; and this being a matter of weight 
and importance, — I have thought it necessary to com- 
municate it to your honor, that we may consult therein 
for the common safety of his majesty's Colonies, according 
as I have received his majesty's instructions, purporting 
the mutual assistance of the neighboring Colonies in case 
of any attempt made by the Indians or others ; presuming 
your honor and the other governors have received the 
same commands in and by his majesty's royal letters in 
the year 1682. For my part, I shall be ready to give the 
best aid and assistance this Province is capable of, 
whenever desired. Therefore I desire your honor would 
appoint fit persons to meet at Boston, with such others as 
I shall appoint, to advise and agree upon such ways and 
means as may conduce to the public good, and preservation 
of these his majesty's Colonies, in case any war should be. 
I am your honor's most humble servant, 

Edw. Cranfield. 

16 



122 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO EDWARD CRANFIELD. 

New Plymouth, March 4, 1683-4. 
Sir, — I have received your honor's letter of Feb. 14, 
1683 ; and, as we have returned to his majesty our most 
humble and thankful acknowledgment (per Mr. Blathwayt) 
for his most gracious and princely care of us and other 
his good subjects in these remote parts of his dominions, — 
expressed in his royal letters and commands to us for our 
mutual assistance of each other in case of invasion by 
Indians or others, &c, as is mentioned by you, — so do I 
return my hearty thanks to your honor for your intelligence 
of the strong suspicion of the sudden rising of the Indians, 
&c, together with your care and readiness to contribute 
your best assistance, by advice and otherwise, as may 
conduce to the good and safety of these his majesty's 
Colonies, in case war should be. In which case, may it 
please your honor to be assured, that in pursuance of his 
majesty's commands, and in compliance with your desire, 
some of us shall be ready to attend the meeting at Boston, 
at such time as in that case shall by your honor [be] signi- 
fied to us, for [sic] consult about that affair. 

I am your honor's very humble servant, T. H. 



EDWARD RANDOLPH TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Whitehall, March the 4th, 1683. 

Governor, — I presented your address, with the neces- 
sary amendments, upon the twenty-ninth day of February 
last, to his majesty in council, that will be printed. It was 
graciously received ; and you will find the benefit of it in 
despatch and settlement of your Colony. When I receive 
further commands, shall be your faithful and humble 
servant, Ed. Randolph. 

Pray, give my hearty respects to Mr. Rawson. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 1 2o 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO WILLIAM BLATHWAYT. 

New Plymouth in N.E., 16th March, 168$. 
Sir, — I am to acquaint you, that, since Mr. Randolph's 
departure for England, — by whose hand I sent you a let- 
ter, and enclosed therewith our humble address and petition 
to his majesty, renewed, with a copy of our old patent 
(understanding by Mr. Randolph that the former copy 
sent was mislaid), — I received your loving letter of 27th 
of September, 1683 ; and return you hearty thanks for the 
assurance you give us of your readiness to promote our 
interest and welfare in despatch of the concerns of our 
patent (who were almost ready to despond). I hope you 
have received the above-mentioned letter, petition, and 
copy of our patent, per Mr. Randolph ; but heard nothing 
of the mislaying of the draught or map of the Narroganset 
country, — your receipt whereof, I had an account by your 
letter of 22d October, 1681, — till, by your last, I conclude 
that (also by the multiplicity of your other more weighty 
concerns) is mislaid which you judge necessary to be sent. 
I sent, therefore, to Rhode Island, to the artist there who 
drew the first (being well acquainted with those parts), and 
obtained another, which you may find enclosed : whereby 
you may see that the mouth of Narroganset Bay or River 
(as it is indifferently called by coasters) lies between 
Seaconett and Point Judith, — the main channel running 
up to the westward of Rhode Island, and so leaving those 
islands and others within our line, which by our patent 
extends to the middle of Narroganset River ; and that 
little isle called Hog Island, concerning which Mr. Smith 
and the Rhode-Island gentlemen have contested, lies in 
the mouth of Mount-Hope Harbor, and must undoubtedly 
lie within our line. It's commonly said by coasters, that 
there are in Virginia far greater bays than this of Narro- 
ganset, which are called rivers ; and, if that bay be not 
the river, there is no other so called by the Indians, as 



124 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

per the enclosed testimonies appeareth. Much less can 
Pautucket River be it ; because there is the Coweesett 
country and Mashaseog's and other Indians', distinguished 
as per said enclosed may appear, lying between said river 
and the Narroganset country, and were sometimes under 
the Mount-Hope sachems, and sometimes under the Nar- 
rogansets, as the longest sword could carry it, as Governor 
Winslow sometime writ to you. But we humbly submit 
the determination thereof to his majesty's pleasure. 

Sir, I, having no better scribe then at hand, did presume 
to send said petition (enclosed as abovesaid) under the 
scribbling of my own hand, not so polished as might be 
fit for the eye of so great a prince, yet hope my dutiful 
affection therein will be graciously accepted of his majesty, 
and defects pardoned ; hoping to find grace in his sight, 
especially as to the assurance of the continuation of our 
religious liberties in the public worship of God according 
to the best light of our consciences, — in all humility, and 
with peaceable and loyal minds, - — here professed and 
hitherto enjoyed by us, through the high favor of our 
most gracious prince, under God. Which to enjoy with- 
out offence to those worthy persons who were otherwise 
minded, together with the enlargement of his majesty's 
dominions, was the known end of the first undertakers 
into this then desolate desert ; and could have been 
content to have undergone the difficulties and hazards 
of going three thousand miles further for the enjoyment 
thereof, under the protection of their own native prince 
and liege lord, if they could not here have enjoyed the 
same. And it is the special end why we have desired those 
civil liberties and privileges for which we hate humbly 
petitioned his gracious majesty to grant, that we might be 
secured in our peaceable enjoyment of said religious liber- 
ties, and our more happy government therewith under 
his majesty's protection. Not that we would infringe the 
liberties of others of Orthodox principles, much less of 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 1 25 

such, as desire to walk in the exercise of their religion 
according to the way of the Church of England ; and 
therefore hope it will be no grief of heart another day, 
to those reverend and other worthy persons who are 
contrary-minded to us as to the manner of God's worship, 
that they do not or have not instigated his majesty against 
us as to the free exercise of our worshipping the most 
high God according to the best light of our consciences 
and of his holy Word. Though it should be (as accounted) 
our weakness that we see not as they see, yet to act 
against our light would be displeasing to God, and ruining 
to us. He that doubts is damned if he eat, 14 Rom. ult. 
And considering the great distance of the place, the 
distressing difficulties, losses, and hardships which at 
their own proper charge they conflicted with for settling 
themselves, and their children after them, under their 
enjoyments as aforesaid, to the enlargement also of his 
majesty's dominions, and increase of trade, (we hope) will 
move compassion in all true, noble, and worthy minds, 
not to think it either profit to themselves, or service to 
his majesty, to have the estates, persons, and families 
of such poor men, and his majesty's loyal subjects, to be 
impoverished and ruined because they cannot with a good 
conscience (admit it be their weakness) close with some 
ceremonies which may be imposed on them in the public 
worship of God, and are not so essentially necessary to 
• salvation, whilst they agree with them in the fundamental 
principles of religion and doctrine of the Orthodox. 

It is the opinion of sundry wise men eminently loyal to 
his majesty, that the rigid actings of some gentlemen in 
New England, contrary to his majesty's commission in his 
most gracious indulging all Protestants in the liberty 
of their consciences, hath been a real disservice to his 
majesty ; not only filling the people under them with 
disquiet and sad complaints of oppression, but also hath 
been an occasion to others not to be so forward as were 



126 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

to be wished in their free and cheerful submission to his 
majesty's regulations, fearing they may feel like effects to 
themselves. 

Sir, we account ourselves under the highest sacred 
obligations to give unto Csesar the things that belong 
unto Caesar, and that with so much the greater cheer- 
fulness by how much the more we have so gracious a 
sovereign as hath, and we trust will indulge us in giving 
to God (the only Lord of the conscience) the things that 
are God's, in the matters of his worship and service ; 
desiring no longer to live than we may be found truly 
loyal to our sovereign lord the king ; and, as becoming 
us, humbly prostrate ourselves at his feet, hoping, through 
the benign influence of his most gracious disposition and 
favor, that we and other his majesty's good subjects shall 
not fare the worse for such others whose actings have 
been dissatisfying to his most excellent majesty. And, in 
confidence of your continued favor to the accomplishment 
of our desires committed to you, I am, worthy sir, 

Your most humble servant, T. H. 

Sir, I hope the thirty beavers, left under your hand by 
Mr. Jesson, are accepted of his majesty ; care being also 
taken for the payment of the beaver-skins for this last 
year at time and place appointed. 



THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE COLONY OF RHODE 
ISLAND TO THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL OF THE 
COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 

Honored Gentlemen, — We are sorry that so good a 
correspondence which hath formerly been kept and main- 
tained betwixt this his majesty's Colony of Rhode Island 
and Providence Plantations and your Government, by a 
temporary settlement of his majesty's most honorable com- 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 127 

missioners in the year 1664, March the 7th and 11th, 
hath been now twice violated by yourselves, notwithstand- 
ing our patent right, by giving interruption to our Govern- 
ment here, — 

In the first place, by a warrant granted forth by Mr. 
James Brown, which occasioned the imprisonment of 
Morris Freelove, whereunto you gave approbation by 
bringing him to a trial at your court, concerning the 
lands of Hog Island, situate and being in our jurisdiction 
by virtue of his majesty's gracious letters patents, &c. ; as 
also some of yours have endeavored since, in an unlawful 
manner, to possess themselves of said lands, as we are in- 
formed. We also have had information that one Natha- 
niel Byfield, in an unmanlike and deceitful manner, invited 
John Borden over to Bristol, pretending to requite him 
for former kindnesses received ; and immediately caused 
the constable to arrest him to your court, to the intent 
that he might answer, by virtue of a warrant granted by 
Mr. Daniel Smith of Rehoboth, for detaining of lands at 
Chassawanuck, alias Hog Island, which he presumes to 
assert is in your Colony : as by the warrant, a copy where- 
of we have seen, is more largely demonstrated. Honored 
gentlemen, we did expect that there would have been a 
cessation of these interruptions ; forasmuch as the honored 
Governor, Thomas Hinckley, Esquire, and associates, as 
our commissioners informed us, at the treaty at Bristol, 
did declare, that although they were not come to a final 
conclusion, yet they would live as loving neighbors until 
another meeting, and did hope that we would meet nearer 
them next time. But forasmuch as, notwithstanding, we 
have used all fair means for a peaceable and neighborly 
compliance, as well by writing as by treaty, you still per- 
sist to violate the aforesaid temporary agreement, you 
cannot blame us to apply ourselves by all lawful ways to 
uphold our patent right to the extent thereof. We have 
also ordered John Borden not to give answer at your 



128 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

court to the present matter he is arrested in concerning 
Hog Island; forasmuch as the said island, having been 
possessed by the town of Portsmouth upwards of forty 
years, is in our jurisdiction, and none mentioned in yours. 

Gentlemen, thus much you have extorted from us con- 
trary to our desires : nevertheless, we take leave, and shall 
be ready to serve you wherein you serve his majesty ; and 
remain your loving neighbors. 

Signed by order of his majesty's General Assembly, 
held for his Colony of Rhode Island and Providence 
Plantations, the 24th of June, 1684. 

John Sanford, Recorder. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO SIR LEOLINE JENKINS. 

Plymouth, in his Majesty's Colony of 
New Plymouth, July 5th, 1684. 

Right honorable Sir, — Upon the 26 of June last, I 
received his majesty's royal letters, given at his court at 
New Market the eight day of March, 168|, with a copy 
of a law (enclosed therein), to be passed in this Colony, 
for restraining and punishing of privateers and pirates : 
and, on sight thereof, despatched summons to the several 
towns in this Colony for convening the General Court on 
the fourth day of this instant July ; who, with all readi- 
ness (according to his majesty's royal pleasure and com- 
mand), passed the said law. I received also, at same time, 
your honor's letter, with his majesty's proclamation en- 
closed ; which I caused to be forthwith published, and 
shall be careful that it be punctually observed and exe- 
cuted according to his majesty's pleasure and just expec- 
tation. An account hereof unto his sacred majesty may 
it please your honor to give from him who is his majesty's 
most loyal subject, 

And your honor's very humble servant, 

T. H., Govr. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 129 



THOMAS GLOVER TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Sir, — I received your kind letter, wherein you express 
yours and my sister's respects to me. I am glad to hear 
from you, and rejoice to hear of the welfare of any of my 
relations. We live in bad times, wherein our privileges, 
especially our spiritual enjoyments, are obstructed, and 
our lives are made uncomfortable thereby. I doubt the 
same evils will at least, in a great measure, reach you. 
Were it not for fear of the loss of those enjoyments that 
are enjoyed in New England, very many of us should 
certainly re the to New England. All comfort in our 
outward enjoyments are much abated by want of spiritual 
liberty. It is made a very great crime with us to hear a 
good minister preach Christ or pray to God. If, please 
God, I live, I may another time order something for 
some of my relations. Pray, present mine and my wife's 
respects to my sister,* your wife, whom I commit to God ; 
and so rest 

Your loving brother, 

Tho. Glover. 
2 August, 1684. 



* The second wife of Governor Hinckley was Mary, widow of Nathaniel Glover of 
Dorchester, son of the first John Glover. Thomas, the writer of the above letter, was, 
according to Mr. Savage ("Genealogical Dictionary," vol. ii. p. 263), "eldest son, probably, 
of first John; " . . . "and may well be thought to have ended his days in England, where 
he was well married." The above letter was undoubtedly written in England; and the 
supposition of Mr. Savage (that the writer was a son of the first John Glover) is confirmed 
by his calling Governor Hinckley's wife his sister. 

He received an estate from his father in Lancaster, England ; and was living in London 
in 1661. — Ibid., p. 261. 



17 



130 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



BENJAMIN WOODBRLDGE TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Honored Sir, — I never had more need, nor never 
more desire, to have some discourse with you than now. 
Hearing of your coming so near to us, I should gladly 
and readily have waited upon you for that end ; but do 
conclude it would be neither suitable nor seasonable to 
discourse our affairs in such a place, and that the occasions 
there would allow no retirement for converse of another 
nature. There is fallen an unhappy difference betwixt me 
and some of our gentlemen proprietors ; viz., the two chief. 
The nature and circumstances of it are too large to write, 
and that which, I presume, your honor will judge un- 
worthy to become a controversy at such a time and under 
such circumstances as we are. I have been backward to 
spread it abroad ; and should not have wrote so much, 
unless to you, or such as you, who, I know, will pity our 
infirmities, and seek our peace. I perceive it grows, and 
will not be kept private, though its divulging may be to 
our reproach. Sir, I should take it as a high favor at this 
time (if it stand with your conveniences), that your return 
home might be this way, that I might have your thoughts 
and counsel ; and not only so, but I would hope that your 
presence might issue it, or put it in a way for an issue. It 
would also be highly acceptable to our friends at Swansey 
(as some have intimated), and, I doubt not, to Mr. Barnett,* 
a worthy man in a thorny place. Sir, if this suit not, all 

* Mr. Burnett was a preacher in New London in 1685; and, in December of that year, 
" was accepted by the inhabitants to be their minister." After that time, his name disap- 
pears from the New-London Records; except that, in the town-accounts, Jonathan Prentiss 
exhibits a debt of 16s. " for going with Mr. Barnett to Swanzea." Miss Caulkins, the 
author of the " History of New London," from whom we have the above facts, adds that 
"Mr. Barnett was an English clergyman, ejected from his living for nonconformity, and 
driven from England by the rigorous church measures which followed the restoration of 
the house of Stuart to the throne; that is, after 1662. His history after leaving New Lon- 
don has not been traced." Miss Caulkins suggests that he was " unexpectedly recalled to 
England." — Caulkins 1 s History of New London, p. 195; Savage's Geneal. Diet., vol. i. p. 123; 
Mather's Magnolia, b. iii. p. 4. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 131 

I can desire is, that you would jog it to the person chiefly 

concerned, that we might have a hearing ; which is that I 

have much desired, but have been stiffly denied. I have 

no more to add at present, but to beg your pity and 

prayers. I rest yours unfeignedly, 

Benj. Woodbridge. 
Bristol, Feb. 2 : 84 : 85. 



1684-5. Feb. 6. 9. — K. Charles II. dies, and K. James II. pro- 
claimed at London. And here should have come in a letter and order 
of the Privy Council, I think, of the same date, to Thomas Hinckley, 
Esq., Govr. of his majesty's Colony of New Plymouth in New Eng- 
land, informing him of the death of K. Charles II., and directing him 
to proclaim K. James II. forthwith in s d Colony ; signed by y e Privy 
Councillors' own real hands, — some of whom wrote very indifferently, 
; — beginning with William Cant. 

Which original paper, after Gov. Hinckley's death, I, by leave of 
his children, took out of his study, with all y e papers contained in all 
these 19 numbers, with several others, and carried in my chest to col- 
lege ; and, after I took my 1st degree, in July, 1707, to my father's 
house in Sandwich, which I left in March, 1708-9, when I went to 
Boston, and thence sail'd to Barbados and London, and returned not 
till July, 1717. By which absence, I suppose, that original paper and 
divers others of curiosity and value were unhappily lost. 

Thomas Prince. 



JOHN FREEMAN TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

* 
Honored Governor, — After my service presented to 

you and your good lady, according to your request, I have 
taken the best account I could of the most intelligent 
Indians amongst us, of what Indians do frequent their 
meetings on the sabbath days. In general, they give me 
this account : That most of them do, except aged, decrepit 
persons, and infants, and some few extravagant fellows 
that run from one place to another that they cannot in- 
spect. But, more particular, they have given me this 
account, reckoning them up by their houses, and numbers 



132 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

in their houses : From twelve years and upwards, there be 
that frequent their meetings within the constablerick of 
Eastham (264) and at Monomoy (115). But their com- 
plaint in several places is, that they want teachers, — as 
at Pamit, Billingsgate, and Satucket, — and that they want 
wherewith to support their teachers. 

Sir, I conclude here are the most Indians that are any way 
civilized, and inclining to any thing that is good, that is in 
the country ; and I fear they are shortened of what is their 
proportion with others. Sir, it is evident to me that our 
English ministers go away with too great an allowance for 
the little service they do for them. It seems not to bear 
proportion for an Indian minister to have but three or 
four pounds a year, that is a constant teacher to 'them, 
and an English teacher to have ten or fifteen or twenty 
pound a year, that preaches not above three or four times 
in the year to them, and spends not above half an hour 
in preaching at a time. Sir, here is one More, of Long 
Island, hath cast away a good ketch of about forty tons 
on our shore ; lost considerable of wheat and Indian corn ; 
but his cast goods, I think, all saved. I entreat, if you 
have any foreign news, you would afford me a line or two. 
We should be now waiting for an answer of our prayers. 
The good Lord grant it may be an answer of mercy to us, 
is the continued prayer of your servant, 

John Freeman. 
Eastham, 20 March, 168|. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO WILLIAM STOUGHTON AND 
JOSEPH DUDLEY. 

Barnstable, 2 of April, 1685. 
Gentlemen, — In pursuance of your order, for the satis- 
faction of the honorable gentlemen of the Company for the 
Propagation of the Gospel amongst the Indians in New 
England, I have applied myself to the several places where 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. ] 33 

the Indians in this Colony of New Plymouth, under my 
inspection, dwell, to obtain a more perfect information 
concerning their numbers and condition. The account 
whereof please to receive as folio weth ; viz., — 

The Indians commonly called praying Indians, that frequent their 
public meetings to worship God together on the Lord's days, on 
Cape Cod, at Paumet, Billingsgate, and Nauset, alias Eastham, 

number 264 

An Indian called Great Tom being their teacher at Nauset ; 
but are at present destitute of a teacher at Paumet, 
since the death of Potanummatack, a prudent, sober man, 
which is much lamented by them, and desire a supply, with 
means to encourage one : these being the Indians Mr. Treat 
of Eastham is wont to help sometimes on the week-days. 

At Manamoyet, where Indian Nicholas is teacher 115 

At Saquetuckett and Nobscussett, where Indian Manasseh is 

teacher 121 

At Mattakeese, Jeremy Robin, teacher 70 

At Skauton, Simon Wickett, teacher 51 

At Mashpey, Shanks, teacher ; to whom Mr. Bourn did officiate 

whilst he was living 141 

At Suckanessett, Old John, teacher 72 

At Mannamett, where Charles was teacher, and Mr. Thos. Tupper 

is helpful to them in teaching of them 110 

At Saltwater Pond, where Mr. Cotton sometimes helps them on 

the week-days, and Will Skipeag on the Lord's days .... 90 
At Lamasket [Namasket] and Titicott, Stephen, teacher ... 70 
At Namatakeeset, where they need and desire a teacher ... 40 
At which two places Mr. Cotton also sometimes helps them 
on the week-days. 

At Cooxissett, Indian John, teacher 85 

At Cooxitt, Isaac, teacher 120 

At Sekonett, Mr. Sam sometimes teacher, now George .... 90 

The total number 1439 

Besides boys and girls under twelve years old, which are 
supposed to be more than three times so many* 



* The above schedule is printed in Hutchinson's " History of Massachusetts," without 
the names of the teachers. — Vol. i. p. 349. 



134 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

Their manner is not to account any to be praying In- 
dians or Christians, but such as do, before some of their 
magistrates or civil rulers, renounce their former heathen- 
ish manners, and give up themselves to be praying Indians ; 
neither do they choose any other than such to bear any 
office amongst them. They keep their courts in several 
places, living so far distant one from another, especially at 
four chief places ; often desire my help amongst them at 
their courts ; and often do appeal from the sentence of the 
Indian judges to my determination, in which they quietly 
rest. Whereby I have much trouble and expense of time 
amongst them ; but, if God please to bless my endeavors to 
bring them to more civility and Christianity, I shall account 
my time and pains well spent. A great obstruction where- 
unto is the great appetite many of the young generation 
have after strong liquors, and the covetous evil humor 
of sundry of our English in furnishing them therewith, 
notwithstanding all the court orders and means used to 
prohibit the same. One thing remarkable I observed 
last summer amongst them at Cooxet and Sekunnet, being 
about fifty or sixty mile from Barnstable. The Indians 
there kept a day of humiliation in order to their receiving 
of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper the next Lord's 
Day after, and admission of some more members into their 
church society ; which they seemed to me to carry on 
with so much gravity, seriousness, and affection, as much 
affected me to see, and might be a shame to the English 
that live thereabout in the careless neglect of religious 
exercises. The good Lord carry on his work to greater 
perfection, to his own praise, in giving the heathen and 
utmost parts of the earth to be his Son's possession ! So 
prays 

Your friend and humble servant, 

Thos. Hinckley. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 135 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO THE LORDS OF THE PRIVY 
COUNCIL. 

New Plymouth in New England, 
April 24th, 1685. 

Eight Honorable, — Your lordships' letters of the 
sixth day of February last came to hand the twentieth 
of this instant April, which administered cause of mourn- 
ing for the death of so excellent a prince and our most 
gracious King Charles the Second, and also of rejoicing 
for the peaceable accession of the high and mighty Prince 
James the Second unto the crown. Whereupon, in pur- 
suance of my duty and your lordships' commands, I forth- 
with ordered the convention of the Council, chief officers, 
and principal inhabitants, of this his majesty's Colony at 
New Plymouth, on this 24th of April, to proclaim King 
James the Second according to the form enclosed in your 
lordships' said letters ; and was accordingly accomplished 
on said day with the greatest solemnity our mean condi- 
tion would capacitate us unto. Rejoicing to behold the 
ready compliance of all orders and degrees amongst us 
therewith by so considerable an appearance thereat (not- 
withstanding the short warning), not only from the towns 
near adjacent, but also from those that are the remotest 
in this Colony, as I have not observed the like assembly 
together amongst us, as if all were ambitiously desirous of 
demonstrating the natural and innate principle of loyalty 
engraven on their hearts to the Crown of England and 
their liege lord, whom God, that rules over all, is gracious- 
ly pleased to set over them ; not ceasing to pray God 
Almighty to grant that our dread sovereign, James the 
Second, may excel his renowned brother and our late 
gracious liege lord, and all other his majesty's royal pre- 
decessors, of blessed memory, in princely clemency and 
all other royal endowments, with a long and happy life 
and reign here, and eternal hereafter ; under whose shadow 



136 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



we humbly crave and hope to enjoy our wonted liberties, 
both civil and religious, especially our religious ; which 
to enjoy without offence to those worthy persons who 
were otherwise minded was the main and known end of 
that first and difficult undertaking by the first adventurers, 
at their own proper charge, into this then wild and bar- 
barous wilderness, to the enlarging his majesty's dominions 
in these remote ends of the earth. So shall we be under 
the highest obligations to bless God and our king ; humbly 
craving favor to be accepted into the number of his majes- 
ty's most loyal subjects, and your lordship's most humble 
and obliged servants. 

Thos. Hinckley, Govt., 

With the consent of the Council of his majesty's 
Colony of New Plymouth in New England. 



JOHN SAFFIN TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, 29th May, 1685. 
Sir, — I was in some hopes to have seen your honor at 
our election at Boston: but, Providence having ordered 
otherwise, I presume upon your favor, by these, to certify 
your honor, that matters at Swansey, relating to the settle- 
ment of the Rev. Mr. Tho. Barnett, are in sore travail (and 
though nigh unto the birth) ; yet, if not furthered by the 
skilful midwifery of your honor, will utterly miscarry. The 
inhabitants (called the Town) are in great conflict with those 
called the Church, who by their restless and indefatigable 
industry increase their party, and, notwithstanding their 
specious pretensions of respect to Mr. Barnett, do all that 
possible they can to oppose the town in their proceedings 
towards his settlement : so that, by the strenuous endeavors 
of the one party, and the supineness and indifferency of 
some of the other, Mr. Barnett is discouraged, and the Ana- 
baptists get head ; being confident (and that not without 
ground), that, if they can now put by Mr. Barnett, they 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 137 

shall never be troubled with any such encounter again, but 
go on in their heady high-mindedness without control. 

The sum is this, sir : The town are just now about 
weathering the point; and, if a fresh gale of the favor 
and justice of the court do but fill their sails, they will 
soon bear away large ; otherwise they will run to lee- 
ward, and be exposed to unavoidable shipwreck. I under- 
stand the town are making their address to the Honored 
Court, by which your honor will understand the matter 
more particularly ; and your wisdom will be sufficient to 
direct as the matter doth require, which is humbly im- 
plored by — 

Your honor's most humble servant, and a well-wisher 
to the interest of Christ, as in all places, so now more 
.especially in the town of Swansey, 

John Sapfin. 



PETITION AND ADDRESS FROM THE GENERAL COURT OF 
THE COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH TO KING JAMES II. 

TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY, JAMES THE SECOND. 

The humble Petition and Address of the General Court of your 
Majesty's Colony of New Plymouth in New England. 

Dread Sovereign, — While we, your majesty's loyal 
subjects of the Colony of New Plymouth, the most ancient 
plantation of your majesty's dominion in this wilderness, 
are reflecting upon our great unhappiness in the death of 
our gracious sovereign, your dear brother, who deigned 
to look upon us with a more propitious eye than on some 
other of these Western plantations, — evidenced by his 
gracious letters of February 12th, in the year of our Lord 
1679, whereby we were invited and encouraged to make 
our humble address and application to his majesty, and 
have received no other but favorable returns from him, 
giving us hopes to obtain bis royal charter, as in his ma- 

18 



138 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

jesty's said letters was graciously tendered to us, till the 
deplorable death of his said majesty put, as it were, a 
death on that our expectation : we say, whilst sorrowing 
over these things, we could bethink ourselves of no other 
way, under God, for the reviving of our hopes, as by our 
humble address to your royal majesty, with all humble 
confidence, that as you are his heir, brother, and suc- 
cessor, so you are heir also to his princely clemency, 
favorable intentions, and his royal purposes and pro- 
mises, by him declared in our favor. 

We therefore take this opportunity of the first conven- 
tion of your majesty's General Court held in New Ply- 
mouth since his late majesty's decease, to congratulate 
your excellent majesty's quiet accession to the crown, &c, 
and to signify our ready obedience to the order we re- 
ceived from your Honorable Council for the proclamation 
of your majesty, according to the form received from their 
lordships ; and we now become your majesty's most hum- 
ble suppliants, that in compliance with said royal declara- 
tion and promises of so gracious a prince, your predecessor 
and brother, you will graciously please to grant us your 
majesty's royal charter, containing such rights, franchises, 
and privileges, especially religious (which we esteem 
dearer than all other outward enjoyments), as may be 
necessary for the good government of this your majesty's 
Colony, and have been humbly begged by us in former 
addresses. In which we humbly crave your princely 
clemency, and prostrate ourselves, humble petitioners on 
your majesty's behalf, to Him by whom kings reign, 
that your majesty may be under a confluence of such 
divine blessings as may make your reign long and pro- 
sperous. So pray your majesty's most loyal and dutiful 
subjects. 

Thos. Hinckley, Govr., 

In the name and by the appointment of your majesty's General Court. 

New Plymouth in New England, 
June the fourth, 1685. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 139 



K. JAMES II. TO THE GOVERNOR OF THE COLONY OF 
NEW PLYMOUTH.* 

James K. 

Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. As we 
cannot doubt of the ready and dutiful assurances and ex- 
pressions of loyalty and obedience from our good subjects 
under your Government since our accession to the crown, 
so we shall at all times extend our royal care and pro- 
tection to them in the preservation of their right, and in 
the defence and security of their persons and estates, 
which we think fit that you signify unto the inhabitants of 
that our Colony, whereof you are Governor ; as also, that, 
upon the meeting of our Parliament, they have, for the 
repairs of our navy, and for providing stores for our navy 
and ordnance, and other our important occasions, cheer- 
fully and unanimously given and granted unto us an aid 
and assistance, to be raised and levied upon all tobacco and 
sugar to be imported into this our kingdom, according to 
such rates, and during such time, and in such manner and 
form, as by the act herewith sent you is more particu- 
larly set forth ; which imposition, as it is not laid on the 
planter or merchant, but only upon the retailer, consump- 
tioner, or shopkeeper, we are well assured will not be 
inconvenient or burthensome to our subjects in America, 
but that, on the contrary, it will be of great benefit, credit, 
and advantage to them, by the enabling us the better to 
defend and protect the navigation of this kingdom, and the 
trade of our plantations, which cannot but be of great satis- 
faction and security to the inhabitants of that our Colony. 

We have likewise thought fit to acquaint you, for the 
information of our subjects under your Government, that 
the peace and quiet of our kingdom of Scotland has re- 
ceived some disturbances from the traitorous practices and 
rebellion of the late Earl of Argyle, by his landing in the 

* This is the letter to which Hutchinson refers, vol. i. p. 344. 



140 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

West Highlands with men and arms; but that it has 
pleased Almighty God to deliver that traitor and his re- 
bellious followers into our hands : so that, upon seizing 
his ships and arms and materials of war, and defeating 
the multitude he had gathered together, he is now secured 
in our Castle of Edinburgh in order to his execution ; 
whereby the peace of that kingdom is perfectly re-esta- 
blished, and our forces there ready and at leisure to re- 
ceive and obey such orders as our service shall require 
elsewhere. 

We are likewise pleased to inform you, that the late 
Duke of Monmouth, since attainted of treason, is, in 
the same traitorous and rebellious manner, landed in the 
western parts of this kingdom, and with a number of men 
of the lowest degree, and many of them unarmed, has 
given disquiet to those parts ; but by the care we have 
taken in sending thither a sufficient number of our stand- 
ing forces of horse, foot, and dragoons, who are now in 
pursuit of him, we are now expecting to hear of the total 
defeat of that traitor and his accomplices : and we being, 
at the same time, perfectly assured of the constant and 
undoubted fidelity of the nobility and gentry, as well as of 
the militia, of this kingdom, and having, for the better 
confirmation of the peace and tranquillity of our domi- 
nions, ordered such other new levies of horse, foot, and 
dragoons, as will be requisite, we cannot fail, by the bless- 
ing of God, of a happy issue and success in our affairs. 
All which we have thought fit to intimate unto you for 
the preventing any false rumors or reports which might 
be spread amongst our subjects at that distance by the 
malicious and traitorous insinuations of ill men. And so 
we bid you farewell. 

Given at our court at Whitehall, the 26th day of June, 
1685, in the first year of our reign. 

By his majesty's command, 

Sunderland. 






THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 141 



THOMAS HINCKLEY'S ACCOUNT WITH THE TREASURER OF 
THE COLONY, 1684-85. 

T. H. Dr. to the Treasurer for the year 1684. 

£ s. d. 
Per Barnstable rate 14 14 

Per Sandwich rate 14 14 

Per Eastham constable 1 10 

And to receive of him, not yet paid 00 16 4 

Reed, of Treasurer, 3 Octob., 1684 500 

Per Thos. Lumbard's fine 100 

April or May, '84, for which I gave a receipt to Treas. ..500 

26 May, '85, per Treasurer 6 

Dr 48 14 4 

Per Contra Cr. 

£ s. d. 
To my salary 50 

More Cr. to me. 

To 2 horses and a man to. Connecticut 6 

Reed, toward it, of Henry Saunders' fine, £2 ; so rest due to 

me £4. 0s. Od. 

June 4th, 1685. 

Per T. H., Govt. 
£ s. d. 

Cr. Per salary . 50 
Dr. Per receipts, 48 14 4 

Rest due to me . 1 5 8 June 4, 1685. 

1685, July, reed. 15 to balance for my salary for the year 1684. 

£ s. d. 
Only rest due for commission .400 

As on the other side. 

Per T. H. 



EDWARD RAWSON TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Sir, — Give me leave, in a few lines (for I have neither 
matter nor indeed leisure to enlarge), to present you with 
that small intelligence that yesterday arrived by Mr. Peter 
Butler, that came from London. All things are quiet. 
His majesty's and his royal consort's coronation, on the 



142 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

23d of April, in very great splendor and magnificence, 
was performed in as high, if not higher, super-excellent 
manner that ever was in England. The Gazette very 
fully sets it forth, which I have seen and read, but must 
go no further, — drums beating, trumpets sounding, all 
ensigns of honor, &c, displayed. The Parliament sits on 
18th May. That Colonel Kirk, his late majesty designed 
and appointed to be our Governor, and confirmed by his 
present majesty, is preparing, and said, with two frigates, 
to be ready for sailing ; that he may be expected within 
one month or five weeks. Three or four ships are ex- 
pected within a few days or weeks. It's said Mr. Ean- 
dolph is also coming with him. He lately married to a 
gentlewoman related to the family of the Hydes. In this 
juncture [of] time 'tis good to wait on God. 

I received this day a large packet from our agent, Mr. 
Humphreys, with a letter enclosed to our Governor and 
Council, — in the whole, a forty-seven sheets of paper in 
lawyers' lines ; a narrative of the judgment against our 
charter, — which I, presently after I had opened, pre- 
sented our Governor with ; the judgment wholly in law- 
yers' Latin. Mr. Humphreys gives a short account of 
Colonel Kirk. Being with him, and his acquainting 
him, that, being so designed, hearing he had an address 
from us, manifested his desire to see it, in ordine ad, etc. : 
but, as we heard before, he telling the Colonel that it was 
not signed; that he looked on it as a necessary duty to 
advise with counsel ; and so refusing the Colonel, between 
a threat and compliment (which keep to yourself), at all, 
&c, and so parted. The issue of all is with the Lord, to 
whom our hands, eyes, and hearts are lifting up. To be 
sure, we may expect sad turns and times ; but, as one 
writes, woes have and will have their ebbings as well as 
fiowings. Sir, you cannot but think our condition, and it 
may be others, will or may be awful. I cannot enlarge. 
If aught said may be acceptable to you that it's like from 



THE HINCKLEY TAPERS. 143 

better hands, you may have a better and more ample ac- 
count, that are at more leisure ; which makes me the more 
hastily, after the presenting my true love and service to 
yourself and my good sister, my kind loves to all of yours 
as named, take leave to subscribe myself, sir, 

Your true friend and humble servant, 

Edward Rawson. 

Boston, 2d July, 1685. 

I am forced to content myself with this brevity, know- 
ing a little time will inform you much better. Your son 
and daughter Eawson presents their duty to you both. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO THE EARL OF ROCHESTER, 
LORD HIGH TREASURER OF ENGLAND. 

Barnstable, in his Majesty's Colony of 
New Plymouth, August 28, 1685. 

Right Honorable, — Your lordship's letter of the 
21 of May, 1685, with his majesty's order enclosed, 
came to my hand August the 6th following : and, in 
pursuance of your lordship's commands, I forthwith de- 
spatched warrants to the several constables of the towns 
in this his majesty's Colony of New Plymouth in N.E., 
in his majesty's name, strictly to charge them to make 
diligent search and inquiry after all such debts and other 
estate whatsoever appertaining either to James Holloway 
in his sole right, or to the said Holloway and Ralph Moxen, 
or any other person or persons whatsoever jointly or in 
partnership with him ; and having made discovery thereof, 
or any part thereof, to make seizure of the same, &c. 

May it therefore please your lordship to take this ac- 
count of their return, together with the return of some 
other gentleman (whom I also ordered to make like dili- 
gent inquiry, as aforesaid) ; which is, that they have made 
diligent search and inquiry, according to the tenor of their 



144 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

warrants and order directed to them, and cannot find any 
debts or other estate of said James Hollo way, either in his 
sole right, or in partnership with Ralph Moxen or any 
other person whatsoever. And, according to the best in- 
formation I can obtain, I cannot understand that ever the 
said Holloway was in this Colony, or had any concerns at 
any time within the same. If we could have found any 
such debts or estate, your lordship may be assured that 
we should, with all readiness, have attended your direc- 
tions and commands therein; who am 

Your lordship's most humble servt., 

Thos. Hinckley, Govt. 



ICHABOD WISEWALL TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

It is an ancient observation, that it is the peculiar advan- 
tage ... all other terrestrial animals, that he can recol- 
lect what is past, consider . . ., and thereby rationally 
presage probable if not absolute futurities. I was . . . 
at Sandwich ; and, since my late return into this Colony, 
there is . . . of seven years complete ; which I think is 
space sufficient to inform . . . capacity to take a practi- 
cal observation for time to come. Sacred antiquities . . . 
Jacob had served fourteen years, he thought it high time 
to provide for his . . . Gen. 30. I need not make a 
relation to yourself how far I have labored . . . accord- 
ing to my capacity, nor how I have been rewarded. You 
may remember ... at Sandwich, and I am sure you have 
not yet forgotten what complaint . . . made to the court, 
and what was the effect, must, I say, in poet's language 
[parturiunt md]ntes nascitur ridiculus mus. I have been 
lately and loudly alarmed . . . remember that I must not 
always live in health with my family. Therefore I would 
willingly (being under this temporary reprieve from the 
grave) provide for those who are like to prove harbor- 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 145 

less if I proceed as formerly. It was no small exercise 
in my sickness to think, that, when my eyes were closed 
by death, their eyes would be forcibly kept open by 
streams of tears ; in part, because they must be turned 
out of doors, and I could challenge no habitation. There- 
fore, sir, forasmuch as you are in utrumque paratus, — 
viz., have conversed with both law and gospel, which 
direct professors, but more especially preachers, of divine 
truth, how they should walk with God and man, and more 
especially with their own flesh and bone, — I humbly 
crave your serious consideration and resolution of a few 
queries : — 

1 q. What is the proper and genuine sense and mean- 
ing of the text, 1 Tim. 5:8? Doth it not equally oblige 
preachers as well as professors of the gospel ] 

2. Whether God, that changeth not (having provided 
an honorable and comfortable maintenance for his mini- 
stry under the law, and for their families after their de- 
cease), hath not provided somewhat suitable in like cases 
under the gospel. 

3. Whether God, having capacitated a person to serve 
his generation, and thereby to provide for his relicts, if 
any, — viz., his widow and orphans, — by his said occu- 
pation, hath given any power to his people to call such a 
person from his employment to serve among them in the 
gospel, without making suitable provision for his widow 
and fatherless. 

4. Whether it be not the duty of the civil magistrate 
to be a nursing father, according to 49 Isa. 23 ; and 
whether this duty be not to provide for the maintenance 
of their nursling. 

5. Whether my case, all circumstances considered, can 
be paralleled in this Colony. 

Sir, probably you may look on it as ominous, if not 
prodigious, that I salute you with a script of this nature ; 
and therefore, that you may not wander in uncertain con- 

19 



146 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

jectures concerning the nature of the present phenomenon, 
be pleased to consider that the mature and gray-headed 
observation of the Roman orator {iion nobis solum nati 
sumus) hath a weighty and abiding impress on my spirit. 
It is not only my personal case that now I plead (for 
I well approve his resolution who hath written quo . . . 
retrahantque sequamur), but the common case of my suc- 
cess] ... in the ministry, who may and will in time have 
the ... so as present what I foresee as future, if some 
timely . . . seasonably antedate this inconvenience. Every 
. . . person cannot but conclude, paries cut proximus . . . 
agitur, if poverty and beggary must be the abidi[ng] . . . 
clergy's widows and orphans, who can expect a ... to 
engage therein, except such who are providentially] . . . 
that part of the curse against Eli's house, 1 Sam. 2 . . . 
and interest of all men whose spirits, principles, and 
. . . raised them above the ordinary level of others to 
. . . emblem ; viz., the old man planting a young . . . 
motto engraven thereon, Posteritati. Sir, D[ivine Pro- 
vidence hath placed you at the helm of this Colony, 
and . . . that some good men's hopes were considerably 
raised . . . 

If God direct and influence your spirit, like He[ze]- 
kiah, to speak comfortably to the Levites (2 Chron. 30 : 
22), and, with Nehemiah, so to act in your exalted 
sphere, that you may in your dying hours, in all humi- 
lity and confidence, breathe forth his petition (13 Neh. 
14), you will raise to yourself a name (Ere perennius. 
The Father of lights clothe you with a spirit of wisdom 
and resolution to understand, project, and effect what 
may be acceptable to him through Christ Jesus, that in 
this Colony there may be no extinguishing, but a lasting, 
progressive continuance, of the brightness of that lamp 
ordained for his Anointed ! 

So prays he who is, sir, your humble servant, 

ICHABOD WlSEWALL. 
Duxbury, 6 9, '85. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 117 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO HIS WIFE. 

Dec. 19, 1686. — Sr. Edmund Andros arriv? at Boston, Gov.-in-chief 
of N.E., & Mr. Hinckley being by y e K. appointed one of his Council, 
I suppose y { Mr. Hinckley is now going to Boston ; & y* y e death here 
mentioned was of his d t . r Bacon, w*: Mr. Hinckley had by his 1st wife. 
— Prince. 

My Dear, — The weather being so sharp to-day, I durst 
not adventure on my journey, but took the advice of 
friends ; the rather also to finish the enclosed, which I 
would have thee lay up carefully, and, by means of my 
stay to-day, have the opportunity to be acquainted with 
the sad tidings of that bereaving stroke of God, the first 
breach upon my family, in that kind, of any grown up to 
years. The good Lord awaken me and all mine to pre- 
pare for our great change ! which as it cannot be long to 
any of us, especially to myself, so do we not know neither 
how soon nor who of us shall go next. It's a mercy she 
was continued so long to her relations and the good hopes 
of her advantage, though the loss and disadvantage to 
hers and others left behind. The good Lord make it up 
to hers in himself, according to his promise, in being a 
comforter to poor orphans, and taking them into the ever- 
lasting arms of his mercy and compassion in his covenant, 
and help us all to answer his expectations, in being more 
purged from our dross, awakened to our duty, be more 
humbled under his mighty hand, quieted under all his right- 
eous dispensations, fitted more for what his will and good 
pleasure may be, and helped to exercise that difficult work 
of faith and trust in God, though frowning, withdrawing 
and hiding his face ! I cannot now enlarge, being late in 
the night. I am, through mercy, as well as when I came 
from home : and though in a great strait, whether to come 
back on this solemn occasion or go forward, yet, in regard 
of the public concerns wherewith I am intrusted, I pur- 
pose, God willing, to go forward to-morrow morning ; 



148 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

needing and craving earnest request to the God of all 
grace to give wisdom and grace to manage myself and 
all my concerns as no dishonor may come to his name, or 
prejudice to the public, but that the little time and op- 
portunity I may have may be so diligently improved by 
me, unworthy one, as his name may have honor and some 
advantage to his Zion and my own soul, in finishing the 
work he hath given me to do. Alas ! little done as yet, 
and much to do. God grant it may be furthered by thy 
prayers, and the supply of the spirit of Jesus ! My dear, 
I heartily thank thee for all thy good counsel and kind- 
ness to me and mine, and desire unfeignedly to bless God 
for the same ; and though I should never see thee more 
in this world, yet desire and doubt not but God will re- 
compense it in being better than a father and husband to 
thee and thine, in whose everlasting arms of mercy and 
compassion I leave thee and thine. The God of all grace, 
and Father of consolation, support, strengthen, and c[om- 
f ]ort thee ! Remember to trust in him, and have thy 
mind stayed on him, who hath prom[ise]d, and will per- 
form, to keep thee in perfect peace, in so doing whatever 
the changes be that ma[y be]fall thee or thine ; and will 
also bless his people with peace, when he hath fitted 
[the]m for it. God, that performeth all things for us, 
bring us together again, if he see fit, in this world, to his 
praise, and our mutual furtherance in the way to his ever- 
lasting kingdom : however, that I may so live here, as we 
may meet and dwell together with Jesus Christ in that 
kingdom of his which is best of all, where we shall see 
neither sin nor sorrow any more, to the everlasting praise 
of the glory of his grace through our Lord Jesus Christ ; 
in whom I am, my dearest, 

Thy loving husband till death, and thine as my own, 

Thos. Hinckley. 

Sandwich, 17 Febr., 1686. 

Love and respects to all friends. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 149 



PETITION FROM THOMAS HINCKLEY, IN BEHALF OF THE 
COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH, TO SIR EDMUND ANDROS 
AND HIS COUNCIL. 

To his Excellence the Governor -in- Chief and his Council, humbly 
presented in behalf of his Majesty's most loyal Subjects, the first and 
most ancient Colony, the Colony of New Plymouth, in this his Terri- 
tory and Dominion ; viz., — 

Humbly pray, — 

That their ancient rights, enjoyed for more than three- 
score years, and granted to them in their letters patents 
derivatory from his Majesty and Crown of England, with 
the continnance thereof assured to them, by several royal 
letters and otherwise, from his late gracious majesty of 
happy memory, as also by the most gracious letters from 
our present sovereign lord the king, whom God grant a 
long and happy reign, may be still continued to them 
without violation ; and, more particularly, that all such 
godly, able, orthodox ministers or preachers of the gos- 
pel, not only such as are conformable to the way of the 
Church of England, but such also as agree with the fun- 
damental doctrines contained in the articles of the doctrine 
of the Church of England (although they differ in lesser 
things, about church discipline and order, being orderly 
obtained, or to be obtained, in the several plantations), 
be duly encouraged, by a comfortable maintenance for 
their support and livelihood (in their attendance on that 
good work of God, for his glory and the good of souls), 
by all the inhabitants or proprietors of such place who 
enjoy the privileges of such lands and accommodations as 
were granted for that end, according to their orders in 
that case provided. 

That, for the maintenance of grammar schools in that 
Colony, they may have and enjoy the benefit of such 
revenue as doth or may arise in Cape-Cod Harbor, and 






150 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

lands there purchased by said Colony, by seining for 
mackerel or otherwise ; dedicated, for that end, accord- 
ing to late orders of court in that case provided* 

And that they may have and enjoy all other fishings, 
royalties, privileges, and rights legally conveyed to them 
in said letters patents. 

Thos. Hinckley, 

Of this his Majesty's Council. 
Ult. die Febr., 168f . 



SIR EDMUND ANDROS'S COMMISSION TO THOMAS HINCKLEY, 
APPOINTING HIM JUDGE OF THE PREROGATIVE COURT 
(COURT OF PROBATE) IN THE COUNTY OF BARNSTABLE. 

Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, one of the Gentlemen of his Majesty's 
most Honorable Privy Chamber, Captain- General and Governor- 
in- Chief in and over his Majesty's Territories and Dominions of 
New England. To Thomas Hinckley, Esq.,, greeting. 

By virtue of the powers and authorities granted unto me 
by his majesty's letters patents for the appointment of 
judges and other officers, — 

These are, in his majesty's name, to empower and 
authorize you to be Judge of the Prerogative Court within 
the county of Barnstable ; and, with the assistance of the 
Clerk of the Court of that county, as Deputy to the 
Register, to take the probate of all wills and testaments 
of deceased persons, or that shall decease, within the said 
county, which shall be brought before you ; and to grant 
administrations upon the goods, chattels, and credits of 
any persons dying intestate within the said county, and to 
appoint and publish times and places for your so doing ; 
taking, for yourself and the said clerk, appointed and 



* See "Plymouth-Colony Records," vol. v. pp. 107, 259, 260; ibid., vol. vi. pp. 31, 81, 
102, 103; Deane's " History of Scituate," pp. 93, 94. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 151 

accustomed fees, with such additional fees for the register 
of this his majesty's dominion as are or shall be ordered. 
And, when caution is given against the probate of any 
will, you shall give reasonable time for the plea there- 
upon ; and, in all things referring to the power of the 
Ordinary and Judge of the said Prerogative Court, you 
are to proceed according to law and the several statutes 
in such cases made and provided. Given under my hand 
and seal, this tenth day of March, in the third year of 
the reign of our sovereign lord, James the Second of Eng- 
land, &c, King, &c, annoque Domini 168f. 

E. iVNDROS. 
By his excellency's command. 
Ed. Randolph, Secry. 



SIR EDMUND ANDROS'S COMMISSION TO THOMAS HINCKLEY, 
WILLIAM BRADFORD, BARNABAS LOTHROP, JOHN WAL- 
LEY, AND NATHANIEL CLARK, TO ADMINISTER OATHS 
OF ALLEGIANCE, &c, TO JUSTICES OF THE PEACE IN 
THE COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 



Boston in ) Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, one of the Gentlemen 
New England. } f his Majesty's most Honorable Privy Chamber, 
Captain- General and Governor -in- Chief in and over his Majesty's 
Territories and Dominions of New England in America. 

By virtue of his majesty's letters patents under the great 
seal of England, bearing date the third day of June, in 
the second year of his majesty's reign, &c, hath thereby 
empowered me to administer, or cause to be admini- 
stered, the oaths of allegiance, as also the oath to all 
officers for the due execution of their offices. 

Now, know ye, that I, the said Sir Edmund Andros, do 
hereby commissionate and authorize you, Thomas Hinck- 
ley, William Bradford, Barnaby Lothrop, John Walley, 
Nathaniel Clark, or any of you, to administer the said 



152 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

oaths of allegiance and of justices unto the several justices 
of the peace within the counties of Plymouth and Barn- 
stable, and county of New Bristol, as by the several com- 
missions are named and appointed ; and that the same, 
together with the several commissions, be entered in the 
county-courts by the clerks thereof, and a return made to 
me thereof by the first convenient opportunity. Given 
under my hand and seal, at Boston, this tenth day of 
March, in the third year of the reign of our sovereign 
lord, James the Second, King of England, &c, annoque 

Domini 1686. 

E. Andros. 

By his excellency's command. 
Ed. Randolph, Secry. 



KING JAMES II.'S ANSWER TO MR. ALSOP'S SPEECH ON 
RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. 

THE KING'S ANSWER TO MR. ALSOP'S SPEECH. 

Mr. Alsop, — I do confess 1 am something affected 
with the ingenuous gratitude and thankfulness of my dis- 
senting subjects, and shall take care to defend you from 
all persecution for conscience' sake ; and that your and 
this liberty is no sooner, is wholly owing to the unwearied 
solicitations of some men, who, I am afraid, mistake their 
true interest, and have taken wrong methods to unite the 
Protestants, and heal the great divisions of the nation. 
But I think I am not bound to be ruled by them who I 
see are wholly devoted to their own interests ; neither can 
I understand, by all the pother they have made, that grace 
and favor to you will be a breach of my promise I have 
made to them, or undo them, as they tell me : for, let 
men's mistakes be what they will concerning my person 
and government, I am resolved to keep all in peace ; and 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 15o 

there shall be no persecution in my dominions for con- 
science' sake for mere matters of religion. I should never 
be of that party of Protestants who think the only way to 
advance their church is by undoing those churches of 
Christians that differ from them in small matters, as I find 
is confessed by all my nation now. To give men power 
and liberty to choose for themselves what church they 
will hold communion with for their edification, I am igno- 
rant what church this will prejudice or undo ; and as for 
you, that are dissenters, let there be no reflections on the 
ancient government of this nation, nor disloyal principles 
or expressions vented in your assembling, and then you 
are all tolerable enough to me and my government. And 
so I bid you farewell, designing your happiness and wel- 
fare as much as any of my subjects ; and pray live in 
peace amongst yourselves. 

1687, Apr. 4. — K. James II. publishes his Declaration for Liberty 
of Conscience. — Prince. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO WILLIAM BLATHWAYT. 

Sir, — The former gracious resentment and acceptance, 
by his late majesty of happy memory, of the ready 
manifestation, upon all occasions, of the duty and loyalty 
of his good subjects of his Colony of New Plymouth, 
and the good assurance by him given of his favorable 
inclinations and intentions towards them, expressed in 
his several gracious letters directed to the late respective 
governors of that Colony (as you very well know) ; and 
also the assurance from his present royal majesty, in his 
gracious letters, of his continuance of his favorable aspect 
towards them, — extending his royal care and protection 
to them in the preservation of their rights, &c, which were 
most thankfully received and acknowledged by them ; 

20 



154 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

together with what assurance your worthy lines, from 
time to time, intimated to us that we might expect, and 
be confident of obtaining, for the good of this his majesty's 
Colony, and his very poor though most loyal subjects 
therein ; and your own readiness, on all occasions, to 
promote our interest and welfare in what we have or 
shall intrust you with, which as at sundry other times 
worthy of all good remembrance and thankful acknow- 
ledgments from us, so your last affectionate lines, bearing 
date 27th September, 1683, which raised our expectation 
to see some good effects thereof; but meeting with no 
small frustration by your silence ever since, though I have 
written sundry letters to you, and, amongst others, those 
wherein I enclosed my letter of April 24, 1685, to the 
lords of his majesty's most honorable Privy Council, and 
the humble petition and address of our General Court 
to his majesty, June 4th, 1685, concerning which I should 
gladly have received an account from you, if your more 
weighty and pressing occasions would have given way 
unto ; but after long waiting, and not knowing whether 
the said enclosed came to your hand, I thought it meet 
to send the copies thereof enclosed herein, that we may 
not be thought wholly to neglect the tender of our good 
affection, duty, and observance, justly due from us to his 
majesty and their lordships : — 

Sir, the consideration of these things hath emboldened 
me humbly to represent to your honor the state of things 
as now they stand with us ; which, according to the com- 
mon apprehension of the people and of many considerate 
men, seems deplorable, besides their loss of many liberties 
they were wont to enjoy. Poverty is like to come upon us 
like an armed man, partly by the way or rule of levying 
rates or taxes, engrossed, and said to be sent to England 
for his majesty's confirmation; which was, for the substance 
of it, a law made many years agone by the Massachusetts 
General Court, which might be then just, in the day of it, 



THE HINCKLEY PArERS. 155 

as to the prizes of horse-kind, neat cattle, and sheep, they 
being then commonly worth more than the price set on 
their heads, but now much less, and therefore hath not 
been practicable, but obsolete, for these many years past, 
and, as said by sundry of the gentlemen of that Colony, 
was repealed before the quo warranto was issued out 
against them ; and, being now revised, will be very un- 
equal and unjust, as was objected by sundry of the Council 
who best understand the condition of the country, and 
were for a regulation of that order. For, except here 
and there some special horse, a man may buy five horses 
and mares for £5, the price set upon the head of one, and 
two oxen for £5, the rate set on the head of one, and two 
sheep for 10s., the price set on the head of one ; and 
many would be glad so to sell them, and some for less. 
So that, on a single rate (as they call it) for levying of 
a penny in the pound, some must pay b&. and some 2d. in 
the pound to others' penny ; and many of the poorer sort, 
especially in our end of the country, who by reason of the 
barrenness of our lands, upon much whereof scarce any 
thing will live but horses ; and many are forced to keep 
three or four horses for the necessary use of their families 
to ride to meeting, mill, and market, living five, six, and 
some eight miles from the same ; and the Treasurer not 
willing to take horses at half the prices they are valued at. 
However, as I humbly took the boldness to declare then 
to the Council, that it seemed neither just or legal to 
impose that law, made by another Colony, on us in our 
Colony, who never had any hand in the making of it, nor 
never had any such use or custom amongst us as to rate 
every head above sixteen years old at £20 (a thing 
formerly complained of among themselves as a grievance); 
nor to rate our houses, built only to sleep and shelter 
ourselves, and occasionally our friends, therein ; but to 
rate improved lands and stock at an indifferent value, as 
we use to do : and that we are still willing to do, according 



156 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

to the gracious expressions in his majesty's commission, to 
have such rates continued as are now in use till a better 
way be found ; which the very naming of the other afore- 
said is enough to evince the contrary ; and indeed, if 
exacted, will rise to so vast a sum as is more than the 
country can bear without utter ruining of their families. 
Not that I would be understood, in this or what follows, 
to present any complaint against that noble and worthy 
gentleman whom his majesty hath been pleased to set 
Governor -in- chief over us, who cannot in reason be so 
sensible (as some of us are) of the extreme poverty of the 
country, where are many families that for many weeks 
past have not bread to give their children crying for it ; 
nor is corn to be had, in many places ; and if there were, 
yet multitudes have not money to buy it : and therefore it 
becomes us to hope that so just a prince will not confirm 
so unjust a law, if these things with all humble submission 
be laid before him. And that which addeth to the further 
grievance of the people is the exacting extraordinary fees 
by that gentleman who hath farmed the Secretary's office 
of Mr. Randolph, beyond what Mr. Randolph was wont 
to do whilst he officiated therein ; there being thirty 
and five shillings now exacted as fees about the probate 
of a will, the inventory of which estate amounted but to 
about £52, and the fees of forty shillings for granting 
letters of administration to a woman whose husband died 
intestate : and being told by myself and others that it was 
contrary to the statute of England, which took great care 
to prevent officers extorting more fees than was by law 
allowed, to the oppression of the subject, he pretended 
Mr. Randolph's commission was with as full power, &c, 
as at Jamaica, or other places of his majesty's dominion in 
America, where they took great fees ; and that he was at 
great charge, &c. But I suppose it is not legal to take 
what fees he pleaseth ; nor doth that commission bear 
him out in it. Great complaints, also, is of excessive fees 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. LOT 

for writs and process at law ; insomuch as many think, 
if these things go on, officers will quickly drain all that 
little money which is left in the country into their own 
pockets. 

It seems also to be very uneasy to the subject, and with- 
out profit to the king, that all wills made where the estate 
in house, land, and goods, as it is interpreted, amounts to 
£50 (though the witnesses may be sworn before the Judge 
of the Inferior Court of Pleas), yet the will must be sent 
down to Boston for its final probate : and so for administra- 
tion for goods of like value (as I suppose), though it be 
three or four score mile or more, as some of the towns in 
our Colony are, from Boston ; which will be near ten times 
as much charge as it would be in the county where it 
lies, in our observing (as is used with us) the statutes of 
England in that case provided ; better than which we 
cannot have. And, as I have sometimes said, I have no 
reason to think that ever it was his majesty's intention, in 
setting up his more immediate government over us by 
commission, that under officers should be enriched, and 
the estates of poor widows should be needlessly wasted ; 
a greater sum than that above mentioned being extremely 
little enough for a poor widow to bring up a company 
of small children in this hard country. And there seems 
to be no relief left for the alteration thereof but in his 
majesty, when it shall be presented for his royal assent 
and confirmation : for though that matter were under 
debate, but not agreed on, at the General Sessions of the 
Council in May, — from whence, even from the 9th of May, 
it was adjourned to the 2 2d of June, — yet this act was 
passed at a weekly Council between said adjournment, as 
the date will show; which if that be the interpretation 
of five making a quorum, according to his majesty's good 
pleasure, I and others shall quietly acquiesce therein. 

There was also another act said to be made in the 
interval of said adjournments, whereby a warrant was 



158 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

issued out to require the late Secretary of our Colony to 
bring down all our books, records, and writings to the 
Secretary's or Register's office at Boston. At which the 
people of that his majesty's Colony are generally extremely 
concerned, affrighted, and disquieted ; almost every one I 
meet with, upon the road or in towns, earnestly desiring 
me to do what I can that they may be kept within the 
Colony ; there being all the grants of lands, and almost all 
our deeds and evidences and records of our lands, there 
recorded or enrolled, probate of wills, and disposal of in- 
testates' estates on record ; which they look at as most 
ruinous to their estates to be removed : for before our 
division into three counties, which was but about two or 
three years since, all the forementioned records were 
lodged at Plymouth with the Secretary, who was also 
Recorder ; and ought there to be kept, as well as the 
records of counties in their respective counties, with 
the custos rotulorum or other appointed thereto. It is a 
privilege and just right we have enjoyed for more than 
threescore years, and therefore may plead prescription for 
it according to law. Besides, Mr. Randolph's commission 
doth not authorize his being Register for his majesty's 
Colony of New Plymouth : and we hope, and humbly beg, 
that his majesty will graciously please, out of his royal 
bounty, to confer the custody thereof upon some meet 
person in said Colony, where those concerned may have 
recourse unto as they need, without being exposed to so 
great a charge by long journeys and screwing fees at 
Boston; and humbly crave your assistance in promoting 
our interest therein. And, if his majesty see fit, it seems 
to conduce to the ease and welfare of his good subjects, 
without any detriment to his majesty's interest, that the 
bill passed for courts of judicature, that in the inferior 
courts of common pleas they might have liberty to try 
any actions of debt or damage to the value of twenty 
pounds, and the trial of title of lands to said value, 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 159 

there being as able juries at the counties as at the place 
where the Grand Assizes are kept, and, according to 
the law of England, titles of land are to be tried in the 
county where the lands lie, and there is but one place 
where the Grand Assize and Superior Court of Common 
Pleas is kept here, — viz., at Plymouth, both for the 
county of Plymouth and the county of Barnstable, — and 
it would be much more for the ease of the people, 
and less charge to them, than for every action above ten 
pounds to be necessitated to go to the Superior Court of 
Pleas ; the fees being there greater, and must go fifty or 
sixty miles or more to Boston, to the Secretary there, for 
a writ at dear rates to serve on a man to appear at the 
Superior Court at Plymouth for these counties ; which 
seems very hard. As likewise it seems very injurious to 
the subject not to try a title of land, at least to the value 
of ten pounds ; there being many trivial trespasses arising 
about bounds of lands, where the quantity of land in 
controversy is not worth 20s., nor sometimes ten shillings. 
Some of us moved to have it not limited to ten pound, 
nor to exclude title of land at least to such a value ; 
but I know no reason why it should not, except to keep 
and enrich the Deputy Secretary and other officers, and to 
impoverish poor men by much unnecessary charge. 

And humbly to supplicate his majesty in our behalf, 
that he would, out of his royal bounty, please to remem- 
ber that we were the first, that, at our own proper 
charge and costs, adventured, through many difficulties, 
dangers and deaths, so as, at their first settling, there were 
sometimes scarce living men enough able to bury their 
dead, — conflicting with hunger and cold, savage men 
and wild beasts, — to enjoy the scriptural worship of God 
according to their conscience, without offence to other 
worthy persons differently minded ; and that under their 
own natural prince, and to enlarge his dominions : where- 
in, though they were in little capacity otherwise to serve 



160 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

and gr eaten their prince's glory, yet by breaking the 
ice, and making way for a numerous increase of his 
subjects and dominions in this then wild wilderness and 
land that was not sown,— wherein they have been service- 
able to their prince's glory ; and therefore humbly beg his 
propitious aspect towards us in bestowing some boon of 
privilege out of his royal bounty, that we may have the 
mark of his favor and pre-eminence above our younger 
brethren, — some petty subordinate government, or conti- 
nuance of our ancient laws, not repugnant to the laws of 
England, and the frame of government here set up (as his 
majesty shall see fit) ; especially, and above all other, the 
continuance of those laws of this Colony, to be observed 
in each town thereof, which respects the maintenance 
of an able, pious minister or preacher of the gospel in 
each place, that may teach the good knowledge of God, 
and our duty to fear God and honor the king, — the great 
means appointed of God to promote virtue and good liv- 
ing, — according to his majesty's princely and pious charge 
mentioned in his commission to his excellency. And the 
rather for that it was the known end of their coming into 
those parts, and the grants of such tracts of land from the 
Council of Plymouth, to encourage them in so pious a 
work as may especially tend to the propagation of the 
gospel ; and they to whom these grants were made grant- 
ed forth such tracts of land, to accommodate each town, 
as they might be enabled more comfortably to maintain 
the public worship of God, — as was affirmed by said 
grantors in open Court, above thirty years since, and caused 
it then to be entered on record, — therefore good reason 
that such as enjoy the privilege of the place should attend 
the duty and end of the grant. And so it was propounded, 
by his majesty's Honorable Commissioners, to the Court, 
in the year 1665, and assented to by the Court to the 
satisfaction of his majesty ; viz., that where the major 
part of a town hath or shall call a man to be their 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 101 

minister, who is an able teacher, and of sober life and 
good conversation, of whatsoever persuasion as to church 
government and discipline, there the whole people of such 
place should pay to his maintenance. And so it is practised 
under New-York Government, where the Governor shows 
himself of a noble, praiseworthy mind and spirit ; taking 
care that all the people in each town do their duty in 
maintaining the minister of the place, though himself of a 
differing opinion from their way. And this we desire may 
be practised here ; which, without his majesty's favor, we 
are like to be deprived of, and so starve out the ministry, 
and the people thereby exposed to turn heathen or athe- 
ists, and perish for want of knowledge. 

Sir, it becomes me to give that honor to his majesty to 
confide (under Him who is, as well where the heavens and 
earth are not, as where they are) in the ubiquity of his 
princely care and clemency, reaching unto his poor sub- 
jects in this remote part of his dominion ; and also not to 
reflect so much dishonor upon a person of so heroic and 
noble a spirit as your honor is, as to question the reality 
and faithfulness of your promise and readiness to promote 
the interest of his majesty's loyal though poor and afflicted 
subjects in this Colony the best way and manner you can ; 
remembering he is worthy of imitation who takes his 
measures, not from our deserts, but his own bounty and 
goodness. 

I am not without sense of my running some hazard of the 
displeasure of some by this script; yet thought it my duty, 
in faithfulness to God, the king, and my country, to acquaint 
you herewith, to present it before his majesty, and humbly 
to crave his favor for us in the premises. As for the 
matter of fact herein recited, it is nothing but the truth, 
which may be abundantly attested ; and I doubt not but 
there are sundry gentlemen from these parts, arrived or to 
arrive in England, that can satisfy you of the truth hereof, 
and much more, if inquired of. I knew no better way, in 

21 



162 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



my single capacity, than to take this method, — thinking 
it not convenient to assemble any company of onr people 
together to write in their names ; as you may easily believe 
they would have made their address to his majesty for his 
relief, had I been in such capacity as heretofore to have 
writ in their names. But I am content with my present 
station, and willing to serve God, my king and his subjects, 
in as low a place as Judge of the £10 Court in the least 
county of this Colony. 

Pray, sir, favor me with a few lines from you. I crave 
pardon for this boldness ; and shall ever remain, worthy 
sir, 

Your honor's humble and obliged servant, 

Thos. Hinckley. 
Boston, June 28th, 1687. 



PLEA. 



In opposition to a law of Sr. Edmund Andros and his Council, about 
June, 1687. — Prince. 

This paper has no date. It is in Governor Hinckley's handwriting, 
and appears to be a law argument intended in defence of some person 
or persons prosecuted in Andros's time. — Davis. 

Plea humbly offered in Defence of . . . 

First Premise. — That, in indictments, there are cer- 
tain words, of course, used for matter of form, — as ma- 
liciously, seditiously, with such and such an intention or 
design, &c. ; and these sometimes are justly implied in 
law, as where the act or naked matter of fact is in itself 
a crime against law, — as killing of a man, or levying 
of war against the king, &c. ; and sometimes these words 
are thrust in merely to raise a pretence or color of crime 
where there is really no such crime, but the matter of 
fact is in itself innocent or indifferent, and there the pur- 






THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 1 f)3 

port of those words, maliciously, &c, is necessary to be 
proved : for else there is no crime, and consequently no 
fit matter to be put to trial. In which case, the grand 
jury is bound in conscience and law to return an " Igno- 
ramus" and a petty jury, " Not guilty," according to the 
opinion of some good lawyers, and that with good reason 
too, as we humbly conceive ; and therefore desire and 
hope the jury will carefully mind that distinction in ap- 
plication of it to the present case ; wherein we hope it 
will appear to the satisfaction of the consciences of the 
gentlemen of the jury, that the fact is no such crime 
as it is called and disguised with in the indictment, 
concerning which it is committed to you as the judges. 
For though it be true that matter of fact is the most 
common and proper object of a jury's determination, and 
matter of law that of the judges, yet, as law arises out 
of and is complicated with fact, it cannot but fall under 
the jury's consideration. And hence that learned Judge 
Littleton, sect. 368, teaches us, that the jury may, at their 
choice, either take upon them the knowledge of the law, 
and determine both the fact and law themselves ; or else 
find the matter specially, and leave it to the judges. It is 
by applying matter of fact and law together, and from 
their due consideration of and right judgment upon both 
(as one well says), that a jury brings forth their verdict. 
Whence it is, that in many general issues, — as upon 
" Not guilty," pleaded in a trespass, breach of the peace, 
or felony, — though it be matter of law whether the per- 
son be a trespasser, breaker of the peace, or a felon, yet 
the jury do not find the fact of the case by itself, leaving 
the law to the court, but find the party guilty or not 
guilty generally, and so determine the law in the matters 
where issue is joined ; and not only guilty or not guilty in 
an indictment of murder, but many times, upon hearing 
and weighing of circumstances, they bring them in either 
guilty of the murder, or else only of manslaughter, per 



164 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

misadventure, or se defendendo, us they see cause : but, if 
otherwise, it would follow, that if a common innocent act 
be clothed with the name of a high crime in the indict- 
ment, and the act proved by witnesses, though the jury 
be satisfied in their consciences that the fact is not any 
such offence as 'tis called, and yet bound to find him 
guilty (because they have no power to judge of law); and, 
being so found, the judge may pass sentence against him, 
because he finds him convicted by his peers ; and so juries 
would become the instruments of oppression and ruin of 
their innocent neighbor with the greater formality ; which 
seems so inconvenient and absurd, as the wisdom, justice, 
and mercy of the law abhors. "Argumentum ah inconveni- 
enti plurimum valet in lege" saith Coke, that great sage of 
the law ; and " nihil quod est inconveniens est licitum" sect. 
87 on Littleton. These premises carry so much of com- 
mon reason in them, that it's hoped the honored judges 
will direct the jury accordingly. The grand jury also are 
as much upon their oaths as the petty jury, and according 
to Dalton, chap. 186, hath no less care and concern lying 
on them than the petty jury : and the law directs them, if 
they know or find it to be true, then only to say, " Billa 
vera" — " It is true ;" but if they are doubtful, or not fully 
satisfied, they only say, "Ignoramus" — "We doubt it; 
we do not know it ; we are not certain it be true." 

But more particularly to apply to our case. We can 
truly say, we had no such intent or design, in that writing, 
to contemn his majesty's authority, but as we therein say : 
so it is the truth, our utmost endeavor shall be to ap- 
prove ourselves loyal and obedient subjects to his majesty's 
authority. Neither is there any thing in that writing, 
as we humbly conceive, that can rationally, without 
wresting, be so interpreted ; it containing only our mo- 
dest proposal of the reasons of our hesitation why we 
could not [at] present voluntarily engage in such a new 
and unaccustomed method of assessment, so inconvenient 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 165 

and injurious unto us as the present circumstances of our 
condition, which we had most reason to know and be 
sensible of ; which when made known to him from whom 
the direction or warrant came, we might hope for some re- 
lief or further satisfaction about it. And considering what 
Coke on Littleton, sect. 722, teaches us, — viz., to note 
(1st), That whatsoever is against the rule of law is inconve- 
nient; (2), That an argument ab inconvenienti is strong to 
prove it is against law, as often he had observed ; (3), That 
new inventions (though of a learned judge in his own pro- 
fession) are full of inconvenience, periculosum est res novas 
et inusitatas indncere, — it need not be thought such a 
crime in us to be startled at, and at a stand what to do in, 
so new and unusual a case ; and seems contrary to the 
rule of law in the statute of 25 Ed. I., de Tallagio non 
concedendo, that says, " Taxes shall not be imposed with- 
out consent of the Commons ;" and seems also contrary to 
the letter of the title of the act directed to, for our rule 
to rate by, which says, " An act made for the continuation 
and confirmation of certain rates," &c. ; which necessarily 
implies a precedent act which was made by the people's 
own consent, and so is the rule expressed in his majesty's 
commission ; viz., to continue such rates as are now in 
use. But there never was any such method of raising 
taxes, &c, in this his majesty's Colony of N. Plymouth ; 
and therefore not binding to us. Much less is it any 
contempt of his majesty's authority, or sedition, humbly to 
propose the reasons of our hesitancy not to make it our 
act to engage ourselves in such an inconvenient way of 
raising rates ; and especially considering the directions re- 
quired were not required in his majesty's name, which is 
contrary to the custom and reasonable care of this Colony, 
and might rather have been accounted in us contempt of 
his majesty's authority to have obeyed that which is other- 
wise : and therefore our sending it back, that that might 
be amended, or that we might receive better information 



166 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

about it, cannot be interpreted any contempt of his ma- 
jesty's authority ; the Massachusetts Colony having been 
much faulted heretofore, by the King and his Council, for 
not issuing forth their warrants in his majesty's name, and 
this Colony commended for using it, and they required 
also for the future so to do. Which we hope may fully 
clear us, both to the honored judges and the gentlemen of 
the jury, from being guilty of the crimes charged on us ; re- 
membering what Coke on Littleton, sect. 56, well teacheth, 
that " when the construction of any act is left to the law, 
the law, which abhorreth injury and wrong, will never so 
construe it as it shall work a wrong; " and ibid., sect. 183, 
that it is another maxim in law, "Quod legis constructio 
non facit injuriam." 



SAMUEL DANFORTH TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Taunton, 5 7, 1687. 

Honored Sir, — Hearing of your good inclinations to 
take the trouble of visiting Taunton at the time appointed 
for ordination, gratitude obliged to an express acknow- 
ledgment thereof; which, with the concurrent earnest 
desires of the principal of the town, I have adventured 
to perform by these rude lines. The time appointed for 
that solemnity is the 21 day of the instant month; on 
which we shall have a double exercise, God willing. I 
beg your prayers for myself, utterly unfit for such great 
service in the church of God ; but, by an unwonted con- 
currence of providences, thrust forth into service by no 
little violence. Christ was led into a wilderness to be 
tempted ; and the duties of a rural life are not without 
temptations : but the grace of Christ is sufficient for such 
to whom he gives the hand of faith to receive it. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. If) 7 

Honored sir, I hope there is no need to repeat the 
desires of the people of yonr presence. Yon are fully 
acquainted with their dangers and difficulties, and need of 
counsel. Craving your excuse of my boldness, and pre- 
senting my humble service to your honor, I remain 
Your unworthy friend and servant, 

Samuel Danforth. 

Pray, present my service to Mr. Russell, and acquaint 
(as you please) with the day of ordination. 

Rev. Samuel Danforth of Taunton was a son of Rev. Samuel Dan- 
forth of Roxbury, the colleague of Rev. John Eliot. We infer from 
the above letter that the ordination of Mr. Danforth took place at 
Taunton, Sept. 21, 1687, — a date which Mr. Emery, in his "Mini- 
stry of Taunton," was not able to establish. 

He was in the ministry at Taunton forty-four years, to the time of 
his death, which was on Nov. 14, 1727, being nearly sixty-one years 
of age ; having been born (at Roxbury) Dec. 18, 1666. — Emery's 
Ministry of Taunton, vol. i. p. 177. 



A PROPOSAL FROM THE GRAND JURY OF THE COUNTY OF 
BARNSTABLE FOR AN ADDRESS TO THE KING. 

The Grand Jury of this County of Barnstable humbly 
propose their desires to his majesty's justices of peace 
assembled in sessions for this county, that there may be 
an humble address and most hearty thanks given to his 
majesty, for his most gracious regard unto, and care of, 
his poor though loyal subjects in this remote part of his 
dominions, in causing the publishing of his most gracious 
declaration of indulgence unto us, assuring us of his pre- 
servation of us in the free exercise of our religion, and 
the perfect enjoyment of our properties without invasion ; 



168 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

and also, therefore, humbly to supplicate his majesty for 
some further mark of his favor to this his majesty's first 
and most ancient Colony in this his dominion, by granting 
us such privileges as may be for our good government, 
peace, and welfare, according to the most royal intentions 
and gracious promises of his late majesty, our most gra- 
cious sovereign, of happy memory; together with the most 
gracious assurance given us by his present majesty (whom 
God grant a long and happy reign) in the preservation of 
our rights, &c. ; and that, at least, we may not be con- 
cluded in that act # of the Governor and Council, entitled 
" An act for the continuation and establishment of certain 
rates and duties," &c., which we never had an hand in 
making, nor any such custom or use amongst us ; and, if 
strictly executed on us, will be so great oppression to us 
that we are not able to bear, without ruin to our families ; 
and that we might have some ease as to the probate of 
wills in this Colony, and not to be forced to go to Bos- 
ton, three or four score mile or more, to complete the 
probate, if the inventory exceed £50 personal and real 
estate, with excessive charges by fees, &c, and also in 
prest at law. 

And that we may quietly enjoy those lands granted us 
in our patent without disturbance, by grants to, and lay- 
ing out of our lands to, other men, which have been laid 
out before to our inhabitants ; or to compel us to take 
patents at dear rates, and pay quit-rents for such lands as 
we hold of his majesty his royal grant, and been in pos- 
session of for more than sixty years, &c. 

1687. — Prince. 



* This Act was made between May 9 & June 22, 1687. See y e Let r . to Mr. Blathwait 
of June 28, 1687. 1687, C. at Barnstable, Apr. 19 $ . Oct. 18 6 w n this proposal, I sup- 
pose, was made. — Prince. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 1()9 



ADDRESS AND PETITION FROM THE COLONY OF NEW 
PLYMOUTH TO KING JAMES IL* 

TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. 

The humble Address of your Majesty's most loyal and grateful Sub- 
jects, the Inhabitants of your most ancient Colony of New Plymouth, 
in your Territory of New England. 

Most gracious Sovereign, — - After the various appli- 
cations from your home-born subjects, wherein your royal 
bounty for that most gracious indulgence emitted in April 
last past f hath been most thankfully acknowledged, may 
it please your majesty to deign an ear to the voice of those 
that are singing from the wilderness, and to behold how 
the villages rejoice, and the inhabitants of the deserts clap 
their hands, whilst they contemplate their having such a 
king as spreads his clemency and royal b[ounty] as far as 
his dominions, causing the declaration thereof to be pub- 
lished even unto [us]. Thus do the remotest creeks and 
far-distant rivers render their tribute to the o[cean], from 
whence they have liberally been replenished. We have 
been sending up our pra[yers] to our Sovereign in heaven, 
by whom kings rule and princes decree both acts of jus- 
tice and favor to their subjects, and whose favor in these 
your princely smiles we have seen ; and now we are 
come to pay our homage to our sovereign upon earth, 
whom Almighty God hath made his instrument (notwith- 
standing the fears of any heretofore to the contrary, now 
happily dispelled) to confirm unto us what we have so 
long enjoyed under the most gracious clemency of your 
royal predecessors of happy memory, — both our property 
and liberty, — upon the word of a king ; a boon well 



* Drawn up in October, 1687. See y e end ii. Gov r . Hinckley's handwriting. — Prince. 
t i.e., Apr. 4, 1687. — Prince. 

22 



170 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

worthy of so magnificent a prince ; properly securing 
our livelihood ; liberty, in matters of religion, to serve 
God according to our consciences; securing what is dearer 
than our lives, as the first adventuring of our lives and 
our all for the enjoyment of it doth evince. 

Great sir, our wilderness education [doth] not furnish 
us with words sufficiently to express the deep sense which 
the pleasant and bright rays of your majesty's bounteous 
favor hath left engraven upon our hearts. We can only 
assure your majesty, that they are thereby powerfully 
drawn and constrained with endeared affection and incli- 
nation to desire and pray the Father of lights for a con- 
fluence of [all] divine blessings to be showered down upon 
your royal person, family, and government, and to approve 
ourselves in all things to be, as indeed we are, 

Your majesty's most dutiful and loyal s[ubjects]. 

Dread Sovereign, — Let it not be offensive if (after 
the manner of our addressing ourselves unto the Most 
High) we do su[bjoin to] our address of thanks our most 
humble petition to your majesty in behalf of this poor 
[Colony of New] Plymouth, who are not now in a capacity 
to be convened without offence : which if they were, it 
may easily be [believed, would] have petitioned for them- 
selves that your majesty would graciously please to cast 
an eye of favor on [them, as] being your first English 
plantation in this your dominion, who, when they could 
not in their [dear] native country have liberty to enjoy 
the public worship of God without such human rites 
and impositions, by] the then so disposed and prevailing 
hierarchy, as they could not, according to their best light 
from God, [be], with a good conscience, subject unto ; 
and though they did and might have enjoyed that liberty 
longer [with] favor and respect under the States of Hol- 
land, yet such was the innate principle of loyalty, duty, 
and ... to their natural prince so indelibly engraven on 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 171 

their hearts, as they could not think of settling themselves 
and posterity under a foreign State, but rather chose to 
encounter the dreadful hazard and distress attending that 
amazing adventure with their wives and children, — first 
to break the ice into this vast, remote (]), and, to them and 
all their company, unknown, American, barbarous desert ; 
having no houses to shelter them from the extremities of 
the cold winter season, nor friends to comfort or relieve 
them, but constrained to stand continually upon their 
guard, though very feeble, to defend themselves against 
the barbarous and treacherous Indians ; and here, in their 
own persons, in November, 1620, took possession thereof 
for the Imperial Crown of England and their then sove- 
reign lord the king, at their own proper cost and charges^ 
without the least charge or trouble to his majesty, though 
not without his leave first obtained, for that [reason] of 
their coming; viz., that here they might enjoy the liberty 
of their consciences (without offence to . . . persons of 
a different opinion), in their serving God according to the 
order of the gospel ; and that, . . . needful and ever to 
be desired protection of their prince, and for the enlarge- 
ment of his dominions, [with the] help of Almighty God, 
having passed over some sore pinching and distressing 
years, with some others w[ho came] over to them for the 
same end, they were able, by the blessing of God, to re- 
lieve such of his majesty's subjects as [were] providentially 
cast on these coasts, or came hither to settle on the same 
religious account and interest, we hope with the same 
loyalty to their sovereign ; and have spread their branches 
by the rivers, inla[nd, and] along the seaside, some hun- 
dreds of miles ; growing up in so short time to such matu- 
rity and increase (more [than] any of the outgoings of the 
English nation whose interest was secular, notwithstand- 
ing the charge ... of the Crown to them superadded) 
as is to the wonder of the observing world, and the 
glory of our king, and in[crcase of] trade. To all which 



172 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

we were capacitated to be as stepping-stones to others 
more fit for that work, rejoicing [in] what God hath 
wrought from such poor, weak beginnings, to such en- 
largement of our sovereign's dominions, . . . glory, and 
your good subjects' prosperity, in the enjoyment of their 
liberties, which hath rendered them . . . and contented un- 
der all their difficulties and hard labor in this hard country : 
amongst whom [we], through the great mercy of God, 
under the influence of the favorable aspect, clemency, and 
protection of your] royal grandfather, father, and brother, 
of happy memory, and of your majesty, have en[joyed, not 
only] our precious religious liberties, but also many choice 
civil liberties, and franchises ; viz., freedom [to choose 
our] rulers and ministers of justice out of men known 
amongst us, yet always under allegi[ance to our] sove- 
reign, in whose name we held our courts and issued 
forth our warrants, and whose laws . . . for as suitable 
to our weak and new beginnings ; and no by-laws, taxes, 
or assessments, made or . . . what were judged neces- 
sary to the circumstances of our condition by a General 
Assembly, — the rest ... of the people accounting 
themselves thereby in a very happy condition under the 
influence of our] sovereign's most gracious and just go- 
vernment from their very first coming, till this last year 
he was pleased to commission his excellency Sir Edmund 
Andros, Governor-in-Chief, to take us under his govern- 
ment : whereby, though it seemed something hard to your 
good subjects of this your majesty's Colony to be cut off in 
one day (as it is interpreted) from all those civil liberties 
which they prescribe to have enjoyed for more than three- 
score years, through the gracious favor of your majesty 
and your royal predecessors owning of them therein, and 
have not forfeited by any disloyalty to our prince, or com- 
plaints against them, or any oration for the same, as they 
know of, yet did humbly submit to the sovereignty of 
your pleasure therein, hoping (as it becomes them to put 



THE HINCKLEY Px^PERS. 173 

that honor on your majesty) that, though they are brought 
low by your sovereign power, yet it is but in order to your 
raising of them by your renowned clemency and favor, at 
least so far as to relieve and set them free from some very 
uneasy things imposed on them without their consent ; 
viz., — 

1. That they may be freed from that unequal way of 
rating required by the act entitled " An act made for 
the continuation and establishment of certain rates and 
duties,"* &c, said to be sent to your majesty for your 
royal assent, which was for substance an old law made by 
the Massachusetts Colony (save that the ministers of God's 
word were rate-free by that, but not by this), and might 
be reasonable in that day, as to the price set on horses 
and other cattle, they then being ordinarily more worth 
than the price set on them ; but not so now, because of 
the exceeding fall in the price thereof. And therefore 
that law had been for sundry years obsolete and not prac- 
tised amongst themselves, and was also repealed before 
the quo warranto came over against their charter : as was 
affirmed in Council by sundry of the gentlemen of that 
Colony, who, best understanding the state of the country, 
were for the regulation of that act according to the di- 
rection given in your majesty's commission ; viz., to con- 
tinue such rates as were now in use. Wherewith, also, 
the gentlemen of this Colony concurred as to what was in 
use amongst us ; and was also by some of them humbly 
alleged, that it seemed to be neither just nor legal that 
an old, inconvenient law, made by our fellow-subjects of 
another Colony, who had no power over us, should be 
imposed on us, that had no hand in the making of it, and 
the law itself so unequal : for now a man may buy two 
oxen and two sheep for the price set upon one, and so of 



* See Governor Hinckley's letter to William Blathwayt, p. 153 et seq.; and note by 
Prince, \j. 168. 



174 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

other cattle ; and (set aside, here and there, some choice 
horse) five horses or mares for the price set on the head 
of one, and sometimes more than five, — as was then ten- 
dered to be procured, if any would accept thereof. Or, 
if the Treasurer would or might take horses at half the 
price set on them for the rate pay, it would have been 
more tolerable. But for many of your good subjects to 
be rated twice as much — and, in some things, five times 
as much — as their estates are, and that when others are 
rated but singly for theirs in a better estate, seems very 
unequal, and pincheth most on country people, especially 
in our parts ; where, by reason of the barrenness of our 
lands, they are forced to keep stocks of cattle to manure 
their lands, else could not get bread for their families ; and 
some cannot get enough thereof by all they can do, a 
great many families not having any corn to make bread 
for their children crying for it, for several months together 
this last spring ; and corn not to be had in sundry towns, 
and many not having money to buy it if it might [have] 
been had. Yet was there then a rate exacted from us, 
though many of the people had not paid the rate made 
the fall before, for the necessary charge ordered by the 
former government, as was then alleged, and now is not 
like to be obtained ; which will be to the damage of some 
that should have received it. 

[2.]] And, toward the latter end of this last summer, 
there is another rate strictly required to be made, accord- 
ing to the foresaid act, which, being so contrary to our 
custom and usage, doth much startle many of our people : 
our usage being to rate cattle and horses at an indifferent 
value, and lands according to their profits ; and not our 
houses, which yield no other profit but to sleep and shelter 
ourselves in ; nor heads of all males above sixteen years of 
age, which now must be rated after the value of twenty 
pounds per head, which was long complained of as a griev- 
ance in that Colony, — many poor men being necessitated 



i 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. * 175 

to keep two or three of their sons to work for their aged 
parents' support and of their younger children, whereby 
they pay more to the rate than many of much better estates; 
and the rates on heads alone ariseth to as much or more, 
in some of our towns, [as the] whole rate formerly did ; 
which they thought was as much as they could well bear 
when they allowed [no m]ore at any time than a hundred 
pound per annum to their Governor and assistants, — 
fifty thereof to the Governor, [and] the other fifty equal- 
ly divided between his seven assistants. But now the rate 
for support of the Governor [arjises to more than three 
times the said sum in this Colony. Besides the difference 
in the pay, we never formerly [se]t the price of rye less 
than three shillings per bushel, and Indian corn at half a 
crown ; but now, such as have not [mo]ney, as most have 
not, but rye and Indian corn, must pay their rye at 2s. Sd. 
per bushel, and Indian at 20d., though sundry [tha]t so 
pay it would be glad to give 2s. 6d. per bushel again 
for Indian before harvest, if they could get money to buy 
[it]. And, if the said act be strictly executed, it will 
arise to much more ; for, as yet, houses and lands have 
been [ra]ted but according to former custom, and not at 
full value, according to the act, which must be, as is not 
without . . . and feared, if your majesty once confirm 
that act. And then no other is to be expected but that 
the selectmen who are to make the rate shall be under 
oath, as hath been already moved for ; and then will be 
more (as many think) than the people are able to bear 
and provide for their families or ministry, especially in 
conjunction with the rates that must be made to defray 
both the town and county charges, which heretofore the 
fines and amercements did help to defray, now like to be 
diverted another way, whereby many of your good sub- 
jects are under much discouragement, almost ready to 
give up all for lost, questionirg whether they were best 
breed any more cattle or subdue any more lands. 



176 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

[3.] And that your majesty would graciously please to 
favor this your ancient Colony with the probate of wills 
and granting [of] administration, as in time past, in each 
county ; and not to be compelled to go three or four score 
mile or more, [fro]m some of our towns to Boston, for a 
final probate of all such wills as the whole estate invento- 
ried [amou]nts to any thing above fifty pounds ; where 
extraordinary fees are exacted by that gentleman who 
farmed the Secretary's and Register's office of Mr. Ran- 
dolph, taking 35 shillings of a poor woman for the probate 
of her deceased husband's will, the inventory of whose 
whole estate amounted but to 52 or 53 pounds ; and 40 
shillings of another poor woman for letters of administra- 
tion, whose husband died intestate : and though he was by 
some of the Council, in the presence of the Governor and 
others of the Council, spoke to of it and blamed for it, as 
being contrary to the statute of England, which provides 
a penalty for such as in that case exact more fees than 
the law allows, yet since (as is credibly informed) hath 
continued the same practice, sometimes exacting 405., 
sometimes 50s., fees, about the probate of a will where 
there hath been no great estate, — which is ten times 
more than hath been ever used or practised by us who 
observe your majesty's law in that case provided. This 
act about the final probate of wills at Boston was made, 
and some others of weighty consequence, at the weekly 
meeting of such of the Council as are near or occasion- 
ally come there, between the adjournment of the Grand 
Sessions of Council from the 9th of May to the 22d of 
June, from whence they were dismissed sine die, and all 
managed by said weekly meeting ; which if that be your 
majesty's intent in that clause of the commission, that five 
shall make a quorum though it be in the absence of such as 
are most concerned, or that five shall also make a quorum 
though [they ar]e the minor part of the Council present 
in sessions, — whereby any five, less knowing or minding 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 177 

the state [of the co]untry, may make laws and raise taxes, 
to serve an interest, as they please, — we have no more to 
say. But — 

4. And that your majesty would please to grant us the 
return of the books and records of your majesty's courts 
of this Colony, — wherein are the grants and evidences of 
our lands and sundry deeds recorded, and sundry wills, and 
disposals of intestate estates, mixed with other passages 
of Court, — that they may here be kept in this Colony by 
such safe hand as your majesty shall appoint, where your 
good subjects may have recourse to them as they have 
occasion, without such expensive journeys and screwing 
fees as are like to be at Boston ; where, though your 
people of this Colony be not concluded within Mr. Ran- 
dolph's commission as Secretary or Register, yet were 
those records required, per warrant to our late Secretary 
to bring them down to Boston, and deliver them to the 
Deputy Secretary, a stranger to us ; which accordingly was 
out of fear done, to the great disquiet and affrightment of 
your good subjects here; fearing lest there be some design 
to circumvent them of their lands, or compel them to take 
patents at dear rates ; which are their own free property, 
holden of your majesty, — as per the patent grant derivato- 
ry from your royal grandfather, made to "William Bradford, 
his heirs, associates, and assigns, doth and may more fully 
appear, — together with their fair purchase and obtain- 
ment of the Indian proprietors' title, so far as that gives 
any title, and the title of possession by prescription for 
more than threescore years. Their fears aforesaid are 
increased because of the motion made and advice given 
to sundry of our people to take patents for their lands, 
as the safest way to secure their lands, — urged more 
especially by such under-officers as it seems hope to fill 
their own purses by emptying of the people's, — it being 
rationally supposed by sundry observing men, that all the 
money left in this Colony will not suffice to pay the one- 

23 



178 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

half of the charge for warrants, surveying, and patents, 
if every man must be forced thereto. And a considerable 
parcel of our lands at Showamet have, by a warrant 
directed to a surveyor, been already laid out to one of 
Rhode Island, begged under pretence of vacant lands ; 
which were laid out before to some of our inhabitants, 
who had purchased them of the Colony, necessitated to 
sell for defraying part of the charge of the late Indian 
war. And there is another parcel of our lands at Seconit, 
by a warrant directed also to a surveyor, laid out to another 
man (though we understand not that they have obtained 
patents for them as yet); which, though it was not laid 
out before, yet was granted by the General Court to, and 
intended for a recompense to, one who had spent much 
time for the Colony in public service, and men appointed 
by the Court to lay it out ; which being not executed be- 
fore this change in the Government, they have questioned 
whether they may act without an order from the present 
Governor, which cannot yet be obtained ; whereby he is 
like to be deprived of that recompense justly due to him 
for his service. And how soon other of our lands, either 
laid out or to be laid out, may be invaded or disposed, we 
know not, by such as assume power, but, as we humbly 
conceive, have no power to do either, by your majesty's 
commission or the law. 

There are also some small whales, or part of them, some- 
times in some winters cast on our shore, — some whereof 
making, with much labor, seven or eight barrels of oil, 
and some between that and twenty, — which have been 
some help to the poor of those poor towns planted on the 
Cape, being the barrenest part of the country ; which are 
also our true property by the said patent grant, and by 
our purchase of the Indian sachems who had enjoyed the 
right thereof time beyond the memory of man, which are 
now likewise seized by the sheriffs for your majesty's use, 
and like to be taken from us ; which seems to be contrary to 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 1 79 

your majesty's most gracious declaration before men- 
tioned. 

5. May it therefore please your majesty to grant au- 
thority to the heirs, associates, and assigns of said William 
Bradford, to convene, and order their own lands, heredita- 
ments, rights, and royalties, &c, granted to them as afore- 
said, and long enjoyed by them. 

6. And that it may please your most excellent majesty 
[to gra]nt, that, according to former law and usage of this 
Colony, due care be taken for the maintenance of an able, 
pious minister in each township, that may teach them the 
good knowledge of God, in their duty to fear God and 
honor the king, — the great means appointed of God to 
promote the true Christian religion, restrain vice, and en- 
courage virtue and good living, — so especially and above 
all other things commanded, through your princely and 
pious care, in your commission ; and the rather, because 
it was the known end of their coming into these remote 
parts, and the end why they had such tracts of lands granted 
them, — expressly mentioned in their said patent-grant, 
&c, — also to encourage them the better to proceed in 
so pious a work, which may especially tend to the propa- 
gating of religion, &c. And they, also, to whom those 
grants were made, did grant forth such accommodations 
of lands to each township as the inhabitants thereof might 
be the better enabled to maintain the public worship of 
God, as was by the said grantors in open court, above 
thirty years since, affirmed; and then entered as the reason 
of that law why the whole people of each town or place 
should be assessed towards the maintenance of the minister 
or preacher of God's word amongst them, — it seeming 
good reason, — that they which do or may enjoy the 
privileges of the place should attend the duty and end 
of the grant, according to that known maxim of the law, 
Qui sentit commodum sentire debet et onus. And, moreover, 
because it was propounded irom his late majesty by his 



180 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

Honorable Commissioners to his General Court here, in 
the year 1665, that where the major part of a town or 
place hath or shall call a man to be their minister, who is 
an able teacher and of sober life and good conversation, 
whatsoever his persuasion be as to those lesser things 
of church order and discipline, there the whole people of 
such place shall pay to his maintenance ; and so was it 
readily assented unto by said Court, to the great satisfac- 
tion of his majesty and their honors. And so is it practised 
under your majesty's Government of New York, where the 
Governor there shows himself of a noble and praiseworthy 
mind, by taking [care] that all the people in each town 
do their duty in maintaining the minister of the place, 
though himself of a [different] persuasion from their way. 
Which we desire may be so continued with us as it hath 
been till this last year, and we . . . conceive may be well 
consistent with your majesty's grant of liberty of conscience 
in matters of mere religion, as hath [been] likewise allowed 
and used with us heretofore, though the general profession 
of these churches is the Congregational way; the good con- 
sistency whereof with loyalty to our prince, and with our 
civil peace and order, — with spiritual edification, together 
with the welfare and tranquillity of the Government, — 
through the favor of God and of our prince, we have 
had more than threescore years' experience of ; the 
ministers thereof teaching repentance toward God, and 
faith in our Lord Jesus, with carefulness to maintain good 
works, and neither schism nor rebellion. But now sundry 
persons, who love their own carnals before the ministers' 
spirituals in instructing them in the way to virtue and 
good living, begin to persuade themselves that they have 
liberty to pay any thing or nothing, as they please, to the 
minister, notwithstanding any previous contract between 
the respective towns and their minister. The constables, 
also, think they are not bound, as in time past, to gather 
the rate made for the ministers. And, without your 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 181 

majesty's special favor and order, we are not like to have 
remedy, and so our ministry starved out, and the people 
thereby exposed to turn sordid and vicious, like the heathen 
and debauched atheists, and become a reproach to your 
majesty and Government, — unfit for your service, a scandal 
to the Indians, — and perish f [or] want of knowledge. 

7. Most gracious sovereign, may it please your majesty 
to take notice, that such was his late ma[jesty's] most 
gracious resentment and acceptation of the ready mani- 
festation, upon all occasions, of the loyalty, duty, and 
affection of his good subjects of this Colony, that he 
assures them of the preservation of all their liberties, 
both ecclesiastical and civil, without the least violation ; 
and that he would never be unmindful, but take notice 
thereof for their advantage : with other expressions of 
great grace and favor, as more at large appeareth in 
his royal letters of the 23 of April, 1664, and of the 10th 
of April, 1666 (as is well known to some of the lords of 
your most honorable Privy Council), taking n[oti]ce of their 
being the most ancient Colony in this his dominion ; and 
having, through the largeness of his pr[inc]ely understand- 
ing, espied in their general grant from the old Council 
of Plymouth sundry necessary provisions [to be] wanting 
for our incorporation, esteemed fit for confirming our peace 
and happiness (not so easy for us to disce[rn]), did, out 
of his superabounding grace, by his gracious letters of the 
12th of January, 167-jo, invite us to make our application 
to him, assuring us of his resolution to grant us his royal 
charter containing all such privileges, rights, and fran- 
chises, for our good government and advantage, &c. 
And, upon our humble address and petition for the same, 
received no other but favorable and hopeful returns of 
our obtaining thereof, as Mr. Blathwayt did sundry time 
ascertain us. And though their hopes, at last, seemed as 
it were to die with their gracious prince, yet began to 
revive again by their humble confidence, that as your 



182 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



majesty was his heir, brother, and successor, so you are 
heir also to his princely clemency, favorable intentions, 
and royal purposes and promises, by him declared in our 
favor ; and therefore took the first opportunity of the 
convention of your majesty's General Court held in New 
Plymouth, June the 4th, 1685, as well to congratulate 
your most excellent majesty's quiet accession to the 
crown, &c, so as also humbly to supplicate your majesty, 
in compliance with the gracious purpose and promises 
of your dearest brother, most graciously to grant us your 
royal charter containing such privileges and franchises as 
may be for our good government and happiness ; but have 
as yet received no return, nor so much as heard whether 
ever it came to your majesty's hand or no, or whether the 
letter we sent to the lords of your most honorable Privy 
Council, of 24th April, 1685, sent under cover to Mr. 
Blathwayt, ever came to their hand. In which scripts may 
be seen the transcript of our loyal mind to the imperial 
crown of England, and to your majesty our liege lord. 

Since our sending the forementioned address to your 
majesty, we received your most gracious letters of the 26th 
of June, 1685, highly favoring us with your good opinion 
of the ready and dutiful assurances and expressions of 
loyalty and obedience from your good subjects under my 
Government ; which we trust we shall never forfeit : and 
so of your most gracious promise at all times to extend 
your royal care and protection in the preservation of their 
rights, and in the defence of their persons and estates ; 
with your gracious command that I should signify the 
same unto the inhabitants of this your Colony, — which ac- 
cordingly was done on the first opportunity ; together with 
your royal information and intelligence of the disturbance 
given by the traitorous practices and rebellions of the late 
Argyle and Monmouth, for preventing of false rumors and 
reports, &c, — which was most humbly and thankfully 
accepted as a testimony of your most condescending and 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. \Ho 

gracious regard to your good subjects of this your Colony, 
which hath more strongly disposed them to manifest, by 
all ways to their power, their loyalty, duty, and affection 
to your most excellent majesty ; giving thanks to Almighty 
God for the happy issue of those disturbances, and settling 
peace in your kingdoms, and moving your royal heart so to 
improve it as per your most gracious declaration of indul- 
gence doth appear, to the great satisfaction and joy of your 
good subjects, blessing both God and their king. And it 
also cannot but raise the hopes of your good subjects here 
that your majesty will yet cast a propitious eye on them, 
in granting their desires in said humble address and 
supplication to your majesty, in fulfilling the gracious 
purposes and promises of their late sovereign and your 
most dear brother ; whilst they contemplate your inherit- 
ing a double portion of that spirit of clemency, tenderness, 
and compassion, which was in him abundantly evidenced 
by the refreshing influence which the bright, shining rays 
thereof hath cast upon all your good subjects. The 
consideration of all these things hath also both influ- 
enced an[d] animated us with hope to find grace in 
your sight to become your humble suppliants, in their 
behalf, for some marks of your princely favor on this your 
first-born English plantation in this your dominion of 
New England, who have not forfeited their birthright, in 
being pleased, out of your own mere grace and goodness, to 
grant them your royal charter containing such privileges 
and franchises as your majesty shall see meet for our 
good government and welfare, — at least, with subordi- 
nation, and reservation of appeals, unto your higher 
Government ; which, we humbly conceive, may well be 
consistent with a Governor-in-Chief, if it may stand with 
your majesty's good pleasure ; which seems to be the best 
expedient, and most conducible to the quiet, peace, and 
welfare of your good subjects of this Colony, as in times 
past, and that without any diminution to your majesty's 



184 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

glory ; or by confirming our old general grant, with the 
liberties thereof, which in some things had a respect to a 
General Governor, as per the copy thereof heretofore sent 
to Mr. Blathwayt may appear ; or in such *>ther way as to 
your majesty's wisdom seems fit, whereby they may be in 
a capacity to convene, and order their own lands laid out, 
or to be laid out, with other their properties, rights, and 
royalties granted to them and enjoyed by them as above 
mentioned, and not have burthensome taxes or othei 
uneasy things imposed on them without their consent ; 
although they do allow as much as the said . . . which 
was heretofore allowed to their Governor and magistrates 
. . . cannot entertain a tho[ught] that so just and merciful 
a prince will countenance or allow the starving [?] of a poor, 
industrious, sober p[eopl]e, and your loyal subjects, who 
lately were so much wasted and impoverished in defence 
of their prince's interest and their own against the bar- 
barous Indians ; nor any of your noble lords who regard 
their sovereign's [g]lo[ry] and his subjects' prosperity. 

Most great and very dear sir, though our ineptness is 
such that we cannot express ourselves but far below the 
illustrious dignity of so excellent a presence, and possi- 
bly may hazard the frowns and displeasure of some, and 
be rendered offenders for presenting this our humble sup- 
plication to your majesty, as, under God, our only hope 
and helper ; but how can I endure to see the sinking 
distress which many think is come and coming upon this 
poor people and your good subjects, of whom, for your 
majesty and your royal predecessor, I have lately had the 
government, though unworthy, and not adventuring to 
present my humble supplication unto our lord the king 
in their behalf] And though we have no gifts to make 
way for us but our loyal hearts, which are your majesty's, 
nor money to make friends to bespeak your favor or ex- 
pedite our despatch, but are necessitated therein to crave 
admittance, as it were, sub forma pauperis, being at so 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 185 

great a distance and so much impoverished as aforesaid ; 
yet, being so well assured of your superabundant good- 
ness and clemency, as of your greatness, we are encouraged 
with all humble confidence to take sanctuary in your ma- 
jesty's most dear and paternal affection to all your loyal 
though poor subjects, as our only secure asylum ; and can- 
not doubt but that, how low soever we are brought, yet 
shall be raised by the benign favor of that king and our 
king, who, by raising the afflicted, hath obtained a name 
and glory above all the kings in the earth ; and, by his 
clemency, mercy, and tenderness, hath and will find him- 
self more established in the hearts of all his good subjects 
than the greatest of all other monarchs are or can be by 
their power. 

Finally, we humbly crave your majesty's pardon for 
this boldness and prolixity, in giving so large account of 
affairs here and our deplorable condition ; concerning 
which, Mr. Richard Wharton, one of your majesty's 
Council here, a prudent gentleman, and of approved loyal- 
ty to your majesty, now in London, can speak much. 

We prostrate ourselves and concerns at your royal feet, 
looking at ourselves as much your subjects and under your 
obedience as if we had continued in our native country ; 
and cannot but, under God, give the glory to your majes- 
ty, with our humble dependence on, and firm expectation 
of, like protection and favor from you as is extended to 
your other subjects on the same continent with you, 
though not so much for any desert in us as from your 
own grace and goodness ; heartily wishing your long and 
happy reign, and highest prosperity ; being under greatest 
obligations to be, as we desire to be entirely, 

Great sir, your majesty's most affectionately dutiful and 
loyal subjects, 

Thos. Hinckley, 

In behalf of your majesty's most ancient and loyal 
Colony of New Plymouth in New England. 
October, 1687. 

24 



186 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

Immediately following the preceding petition to King James II. is a 
fragment of the draught of an address to the king from his subjects in 
the Colony of New Plymouth, in which some of the points of the fore- 
going paper are briefly stated ; but, as it contains nothing which is 
not more fully set forth in the long petition, we omit to publish the 
u fragment." 



SAMUEL TREAT TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Eastham, 26th Dec, '87. 

Much honored and worthy Sir, — These, having com- 
mended due respects, may acquaint that I received your 
lines, wherein is tendered a portion, if not a proportion, 
of what is in your hands, whether for salary or charity, 
for the Indians among us. It w T ere very equal if propor- 
tioned. Our Indians have oft complained (how true and 
just their complaint, I leave) that their poor have been 
much neglected, whilst others have been more liberally 
cared for ; and that their salaries run low, whilst that 
others' salaries have run higher. To take off such excep- 
tions or jealousies, I could wish, that, for their satisfaction, 
matters might be equalized and proportioned. Our In- 
dians are numerous ; and many towns there are of them 
which requires many teachers, schoolmasters, by reason of 
their distances each from other, — as Monamoy, Potanu- 
macut, Saquatucket, and Pamnit [Pamet]. 

I would that all serious, laborious promoters of both 
homiletical and theological virtue might be duly encou- 
raged as far as may be. Deodands may possibly be be- 
stowed to better advantage there than on many pretending 
themselves objects of charity ; their necessities being oft 
incurred on them through intemperance, negligence, &c. 
Many put in and list themselves oft in charity's cata- 
logue, that possibly their indigences are speaking; but 
yet their open or secret enmity against the gospel, and 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 1ST 

their wretched adherence to their demoniac customs and 
worship, does call for a deep dislike, and not countenan- 
cing them therein by deodands. 

Worthy sir, I may not enlarge. I am no other ways 
concerned herein than that grudges may be removed from 
their spirits, and that they may have their relief nearer 
at hand. The which distance exposes some (truly objects 
of charity) to pinching straits ; not being able, and not 
having a friend to plead their case and hand relief to 
them. 

Wherefore, sir, I have sent two Indians,* bearers hereof, 
according to your lines ; by whom I hope for a line or two 
of direction. What is done in these forenamed limits al- 
ready for the year past, that of these dry bones the God 
of all grace would raise up children to Abraham, and that 
the offering-up of these Gentiles may be acceptable to the 
Lord, being sanctified by the word and spirit of his grace, 
has, I doubt not, its memento in your solemn addresses, 
as also in his who would subscribe himself, 
Sir, yours to serve you, 

Samuel Tee at. 



JOHN SAFFIN TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

A comparison of the following letter with that printed on p. 136 
shows that both were written by the same hand ; a fact which seems 
not to have been noticed by Judge Davis, who remarks in a note, that 
u there is a studied obscurity in this letter, indicative of the tyranny 
which then prevailed. It recommends to landholders to obtain a re- 
lease," &c. 

Boston, 31st December, 1687. 

Honored Sir, — The grand proprietor of your parts, 
being here, hath (as I understand) advised with sundry 



* Sir, the names of the two Indians I have sent are Will Neetus: the other's name is 
Sawheag. 



188 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

persons of note and fidelity, who may be thought able to 
give good, if not the best, advice in the business of his 
claim and remonstrance : and I perceive it is the con- 
sonant opinion of all (though delivered severally), that it 
is not convenient for him to present it as yet, till we hear 
more from the Oriental capital, or that there be at least 
a beginning, if not some progress made, of new grants by 
proprietors to any person or persons dwelling on your 
side, &c. ; it being deemed then soon enough to appear 
in that kind, rather than thereby to awaken any to give or 
receive such kind of dangerous instruments on the occa- 
sion of such a signification, which (if any notice be taken 
of it) may put the exhibitor upon the unhappy proof of 
his pretence, which may take up more time, and contract 
more expense, than may be pleasantly practicable in this 
frigid season ; and it is apprehended that no such novel 
thing will be issued until further mandates from Augustus. 
In the mean time, it is thought not amiss, but good pru- 
dence and policy, for the respective towns and particular 
persons, that have considerable tracts of land to the south- 
ward of these parts, to make their application to the sur- 
vivor of Rhadamanthus to procure a piece of paper or 
parchment, called a release, which may corroborate their 
titles and quiet their possessions long since derived from 
the west-country Council ; in which seems to be no ground 
of discontent or damage to any person or persons what- 
soever on either side, but, on the contrary, a security to 
the one, and a grateful benefit to the other, and also a 
disappointment to the common adversary. All which 
may be done, without noise or clamor, by meet persons, 
friends to the releasor, that may, in his behalf as their 
own interest, communicate and promote the business. All 
which is humbly promised, referring to some discourse not 
long since with your honor upon this subject, by 
Your most humble servant, 

J. S. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 189 

Sir, I beg your pardon for this unusual style. "lis not 
because I am jocose, but for reasons your honor may 
imagine. Sir, I hope to see you about the latter end of 
January, if the weather be tolerable, and my companion 
hold his resolution. 

Yours Semper Eadem. 



JOHN COTTON TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Plymouth, February 15, 16||. 

Honored Sir, — It is no small comfort to me, and to 
many here that fear God, to hear of the Lord's gracious 
recovering of you from your late sickness. He, in mercy, 
perfect his goodness in that respect, and grant, according 
to the desire of your heart, some blessed fruit to and in 
you and all yours, both of the casting-down and lifting- 
up ! God hath special designs of grace in all his dealings 
with his children ; and as you have experienced of former, 
so doubtless you will of this also, that it shall turn to 
your salvation through prayer and the supply of the spirit 
of Jesus Christ. 

Sir, concerning the papers of which you speak, Deacon 
Faunce hath them ready ; only waits for a safe hand to 
convey them by. God give success to your endeavors 
to vindicate truth and obtain justice, and reward your 
endeavors thereabouts ! Concerning news, I wholly omit 
writing ; because, I conclude, all, and more than I know, 
comes from Mr. M. to his son. Two sleds at Shipscott 
going homeward, the latter of them was assaulted. The 
Indians fired, and killed one man ; and wounded another, 
who escaped. The dead they scalped, and went home 
triumphing. Mr. John Blake is dead, and the only 
maiden daughter of Capt. Phillips, sister to Cousin Cot- 
ton Mather's wife. A dreadfal fine of 10 pd. for Fare- 



190 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

well Jemison quashed his indictment. Mr. Stoughton 
writes me word, that, when he spake to you of 10 pd. 
for me, it was without book and by guess. Something I 
had, much short of that sum ; but all is gone, and some 
Indian creditors are not yet paid. I did hope for some 
from you, till I had your letter ; but I am content, having 
been faithful in that little I received. But of this, viva 
voce. My wife is for Boston on Monday. With our ser- 
vice to you and yours, 

I rest, sir, your honor's to serve, 

John Cotton. 
Salute Mr. Russell. 



WILLIAM BRADFORD AND NATHANIEL THOMAS TO 
THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Plymouth, April 20th, 1689, toward night. 

Honored Sir, — We just now received the printed 
paper (herewith sent your honor), together with the cer- 
tain advice (of those who were then present at Boston 
and in action), that on Thursday last Sir Edmund Andros 
was seized, and Randolph, Palmer, West, Graham, and 
divers others of that party. The country coming in that 
morning, — six companies or colors over Charles Ferry, 
and four over Boston Neck, — the whole town of Boston 
rise in arms, and this declaration read in the Town-house 
gallery. The Governor was sent to, to surrender ; who at 
first denied, but, for fear of storm, after some treaty came 
out of his fort, with those who were with him, and sur- 
rendered themselves ; and afterwards the Fort and Castle 
were surrendered without bloodshed. 'Tis said the Go- 
vernor is kept prisoner in the Fort, in irons. The rest 
are in the common jail. Mr. Usher has a guard set 
on him in his own house. Ballifant [Bullivant], Ligett 
[Lidget], and others, as is said, is also in the common jail. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 191 

"We have sent you these with all speed, that your honor 
may consider what is to be done in this juncture for the 
keeping of the peace, and defence of our selves and 
country from the invasion of an enemy : and we will be 
ready to attend your honor's motion and orders for con- 
sultation and otherwise ; and are your humble servants, 

William Bradford. 

Nath^ Thomas. 

Sir, pray, let us hear from you as soon as possible. 

See R. I. Colonial Records, vol. iii. pp. 254-257 ; Conn. Colonial 
Records, 1689, p. 250 ; Bancroft's United States, vol. ii. pp. 447-451 ; 
Hutchinson's State Papers, pp. 567-574 ; Hutchinson's Hist, of Massa- 
chusetts, vol. i. pp. 372-395 ; Minot's History of Massachusetts, vol. i. 
pp. 53-57 ; and Moore's Memoirs of American Governors, pp. 410-422. 



THOMAS DANFORTH* TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, Apr. 20, 1689. 
Honored Sir, — On the 5th day last, here was a 
sudden irruption of the people from all parts, resolving 
to deliver themselves from the tyranny of an arbitrary, 
tyrannical Government ; being encouraged by the news 
of the Prince of Orange's motions in England, and the 
example of the corporations there, and provoked by the 
great oppressions they were under : and their enterprise 
herein was without the privity of those, who, when begun, 
judged themselves obliged to endeavor the prevention of 
bloodshed, and so far to be active as the law of nature and 
religion did require of them ; and thereupon did give their 
sense and advice to the Governor, Sir Edmund, as they 
apprehended was necessary. A copy of the declaration 
I have here enclosed. The issue of the whole is, the 



* Thomas Danforth, Deputy-Governor, 1679-°6, and again after the close of the usurpa- 
tion of Andros. He resided chiefly at Cambridge. 



192 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

government and fortifications are now, without any oppo- 
sitions on the Governor's part, surrendered ; and himself, 
West, Graham, Randolph, Sherlock, Palmer, and about 
fifty more persons obnoxious to the people for joining with 
them in their violent and arbitrary practices, are secured, 
some in the Fort, some in the Castle, and the rest in the 
common jail. A Committee of Safety is at present at 
work, meditating for the preventing further disturbances 
and settling the Government, being in daily expectation 
of commands from England for the regulating their future 
constitution. The Governor, Sir Edmund, is secured in 
the Fort. How far these motions may have influence on 
yourselves, you will best judge. I yet fear what the 
consequences thereof may be. I heartily pray that no 
bitter fruits may spring forth from this root. We have 
need of God's pity and pardon ; and some do apprehend 
it will be wisdom to hasten our address to those that are 
now supreme in England for pardon of so great an irrup- 
tion, and for a favorable settlement under the sanction 
of royal authority. In mean time, I am sure, is matter of 
prayer for all that have an interest in heaven, and is the 
scope of these lines from him who is, sir, 

Your friend and servant, 

Thos. Danforth. 



SAMUEL PRINCE* TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, April 22, '89. 
Honored Sir, — The consideration of my sending you 
a blank, wherein only the declaration was enclosed, seems 

* Samuel Prince (son of Elder John Prince of Hull, and father of Rev. Thomas Prince, 
the collector of these papers) was born in Boston, May, 1649; and married, for his second 
wife, Mercy, daughter of Governor Hinckley, in 1686. He first resided at Hull; then 
at Sandwich; and from thence was on a visit to Boston, at the date of the above letter. 
In 1710 he removed to Rochester; and in 1723 to Middleborough, "to sojourn under the 
roof of Rev. Mr. Timelier," who married his daughter (Mary); and there he died in 1728. — 
New-England Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. v. pp. 375-384; where may be found 
interesting notices of the Prince Family. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 1 03 

to deserve a check, and constrains me to an apology, not 
having, at that time, so much as liberty granted me by the 
messenger to write two or three lines, whereby you might 
have understood the present state of things, which by this 
time you are doubtless acquainted withal ; but, lest it 
should prove otherwise, I have now taken the pains to 
give a brief account. 

I knew not any thing of what was intended, till it was 
begun ; yet being at the north end of the town, where I 
saw boys run along the street with clubs in their hands, 
encouraging one another to fight, I began to mistrust 
what was intended ; and, hasting towards the town-dock, 
I soon saw men running for their arms : but, ere I got 
to the Red Lion, I was told that Captain George and 
the master of the frigate was seized, and secured in Mr. 
Colman's house at the North End ; and, when I came to 
the town-dock, I understood that Boolifant* and some 
others with him were laid hold of ; and then immediately 
the drums began to beat, and the people hasting and 
running, some with and some for arms, Young Dudley 
and Colonel Lidgit with some difficulty attained to the 
Fort. And, as I am informed, the poor boy cried very 
much ; whom the Governor sent immediately on an 
errand, to request the four ministers, Mr. Joylife,-f* and 
one or two more, to come to him at the Fort, pretending 
that by them he might still the people, not thinking it safe 
for him at that time to come to them ; and they returned 
him the like answer. Now, by this time, all the persons 
whom they concluded not to be for their side were seized 
and secured, except some few that had hid themselves ; 
which afterwards were found, and dealt by as the rest. 



* "Benjamin Bullivant, Boston, 1685, a physician from London, — marie Attorney- 
General, as being of noble family, according to John Dunton (who knew him in London), 
— acted under Andros; and on the outburst, April, 1689, w.„s for his office imprisoned." — 
Savage's Genealogical Dictionary, vol. i. p. 296. — See Duntorts Life and Errors, p. 134. 

t "John Joyliffe, Boston, 1656; freeman, 16. '3; many years a selectman; one of the 
patriots of 1689, who put Andros in prison." — Savage's Geneal. Dictionary, vol. ii. p. 573. 

25 



194 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

The Governor, with Palmer, Randolph, Lidgit, West, and 
one or two more, were in the Fort. All the companies 
were soon rallied together at the Town House, where 
assembled Captain Wintroup, Shrimpton, Page, and many 
other substantial men, to consult of matters ; in which 
time the old Governor* came among them, at whose 
appearance there was a great shout by the soldiers. 

Soon after, the king's jack was set up at the Fort, and 
a pair of colors at Beacon Hill : which gave notice to 
some thousands of soldiers on Charlestown side that the 
controversy was now to be ended ; and multitudes would 
have been there, but that there was no need. The frigate, 
upon the tidings of the news, put out all her flags and 
pennants, and opened all her ports, and with all speed 
made ready for fight, under the command of the lieuten-^ 
ant, — swearing that he would die before she should be 
taken ; although the captain sent to him, that if he shot 
one shoot, or did any hurt, they would kill him, whom 
they had already seized. But he, not regarding that, con- 
tinued under those resolutions all that day. Now, about 
four of clock in the afternoon, orders were given to go 
and demand the Fort ; which hour the soldiers thought 
long for : and, had it not been just at that nick, the Go- 
vernor and all the crew had made their escape on board 
the frigate, — a barge being sent for them. But the sol- 
diers, being so near, got the barge. The army divided, and 
part came up on the back side of the Fort, and part went 
underneath the hill to the lower battery, or sconce, where 
the red-coats were ; who, immediately upon their approach, 
retired up the Fort to their master, who rebuked them for 
not firing at our soldiers, and, as I am informed, beat some 
of them. One of them, being a Dutchman, said to him, 
"What the Devil should I fight against a tousand men?" 
and so ran into the house. 

When the soldiers came to the battery, or sconce, they 

* Bradstreet. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 195 

presently turned the great guns about, and mounted them 
against the Fort, which did much daunt all those within ; 
and were so void of fear, that I presume, had they within 
the Fort been resolute to have lost their lives in fight, they 
might have killed an hundred of us at once, — being so 
thick together before the mouths of their cannons at the 
Fort, all loaden with small shot : but God prevented it. 
Then they demanded a surrender ; which was denied 
them till Mr. West and another should first go to the 
Council, and, after their return, we should have an answer 
whether to fight or no. And accordingly they did : and, 
upon their return, they came forth, and went disarmed to 
the Town House ; and from thence, some to the close jail, 
and he under a guard in Mr. Usher's house. The next 
day, they sent the two colonels to demand of him a 
surrender of the Castle, which he resolved not to give : 
but they told him, if he would not give it presently under 
hand and seal, that he must expect to be delivered up 
to the rage of the people, who doubtless would put him to 
death ; so leaving him. But he sent and told them that 
he would, and did so ; and so they went down, and it was 
surrendered to them with cursing. So they brought them 
away, and made Captain Fairwether commander in it. 
Now, by this time that the men came back from the 
Castle, all the guns, both in ships and batteries, were 
brought to bear against the frigate, — which were enough 
to have shattered her to pieces at once, — resolving to 
have her. But as it is incident to corrupt nature to lay 
the blame of our evil deeds anywhere rather than on our- 
selves, so Captain George casts all the blame now upon 
that devil Randolph ; for, had it not been for him, he had 
never troubled this good people. So, earnestly soliciting 
that he might not be constrained to surrender the ship, — 
for, by so doing, both himself and all his men should 
lose their wages, which otherwise would be recovered in 
England, — giving leave to go on board, and strike the 



196 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

topmasts, close up the ports, and bring the sails ashore ; 
and so they did. The country people came armed into 
the town in the afternoon, in such rage and heat, that 
it made us all tremble to think what would follow : for 
nothing would pacify them but he must be bound in chains 
or cords, and put in a more secure place ; and that they 
would see done ere they went away, or else they would 
tear down the house where he was to the ground. And 
so, to satisfy them, he was guarded by them to the Fort. 
And I fear whether or no the matter of settling things 
under a new Government may not prove far more difficult 
than the getting from under the power of the former, 
except the Lord eminently appear in calming and quieting 
the disturbed spirits of people, whose duty certainly now 
is to condescend, comply, and every way study for peace. 
So prays the assured well- wilier to New England's happi- 
ness, S. P. 

Counsellor Clark* writ a very grateful letter to Mr. 
Bullifant, intimating what a faithful friend he had been 
to said Bullifant, and withal desiring said Bullifant, that if 
there should news come out of England of a change, which 
he hoped in God it never would (as to Government), that 
said Bullifant would do him the favor as to send him word 
with expedition, that so he might make his escape, living 
so dangerously in the midst of his enemies, who were even 
ready to devour him ; and the merchants have gotten this 
pamphlet, and resolve forthwith to print it. — Farewell ! 

This Lett! is y e Handwriting of Mr. Samuel Prince of Sandwich, 
w? happened to be then at Boston ; & was directed to his wife, to be 
sent to her father, Thomas Hinckley, Esq., of Barnstable, among whose 
papers I found it. — Prince. 

See Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts, voL i. pp. 374-377, 
where a part of this letter is printed. 

* Nathaniel Clark of Plymouth (son of Thomas who "came in the Ann, 1623") was 
Secretary of the Colony under the Usurpation, and of the Council of Andros, 1687. — 
Savage's Geneal. Diet., vol. i. pp. 399, 400. — See also Moore's "Memoirs of American Go- 
vernors," p. 216. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 197 



DECLARATION OF SUNDRY INHABITANTS OF PLYMOUTH 
AGAINST NATHANIEL CLARK. 

A Declaration of Sundry the Inhabitants of Plymouth, 
April 22, 1689. 

Whereas we have not only just ground to suspect, but 
are well assured, that Nathaniel Clarke hath been and is a 
real enemy, especially to the public, as also to the peace 
and prosperity of this people, and hath, by lying and false 
informations to the late Governor, procured much trouble 
and damage to this place, endeavoring to deprive us of our 
lands and liberties, and exposing us to the unjust severity 
of persons ill affected to us, — whereby a considerable 
part of our estates is unrighteously extorted from us, to 
the great prejudice of our families, and the loss of many 
necessary comforts, — and he persisting from time to time 
in his malicious forging of complaints against one or other 
of us, whereby we were in continual hazard of many 
further great inconveniences and mischiefs : — 

"We do therefore seize upon his person, resolving to 
secure him for the hands of Justice to deal with him 
according to his demerits. 



ISAAC ADDINGTON, CLERK OF THE PRESIDENT AND COUN- 
CIL OF MASSACHUSETTS, TO THOMAS HINCKLEY AND 
THE COUNCIL OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 

Boston, 30th April, 1689. 

Gentlemen, — The general report and account of the 
late commotion, and overruling Providence in the great 
change occurring here, is, without doubt, sometime since 
arrived to you ; but, that we may not be accounted un- 



198 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

neighborly, especially unto those who have been under 
the same ill and unhappy circumstances with ourselves, 
thought we could do no less than particularly to inform 
you of the present state of things with us. 

The people in these parts of the country, groaning 
under the heavy pressures of the exercise of an illegal 
and arbitrary power over them, which, with patience, they 
had for some time endured (being encouraged by the news 
of the great revolutions made in Europe, and moved with 
apprehensions of fears of the imminent dangers they lay 
open unto of foreign invasion, &c), thought they had an 
opportunity put into their hands to free themselves from : 
upon Thursday, the 18th instant, took up arms, resolv- 
ing to seize upon and secure the person of Sir Edmund 
Andros, and some other of the principal persons of Coun- 
cil, and employed by him as officers in the ill management 
of the late Government. Some of the grounds and reasons 
of their proceeding they then published by their declara- 
tion, since put forth in print, here enclosed. Some of the 
gentlemen upon the place, being surprised with the sud- 
denness of the action, and discerning the spirit and reso- 
lution which was raised in the people, fearing lest, through 
their rashness, sundry mischiefs and inconveniences might 
attend such an undertaking, held themselves obliged to in- 
terpose, as well for the common safety as the prevention of 
hazard to the persons concerned in such an exigence and 
extremity ; judged it necessary to give their advice to Sir 
Edmund Andros to surrender and deliver up the govern- 
ment and fortifications (a copy of which advice is likewise 
enclosed), which was accordingly attended : and the pre- 
sent form of management of things here is by a Council 
for safety of the people, and conservation of the peace, 
being in daily expectation of receiving intelligence from 
England as to our public affairs. 

What influence these motions may have upon you is 
with you to consider ; not doubting but you are concerned 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 199 

for us as well as for yourselves, that God will speedily 
grant a happy and expected settlement, for which we beg 
your prayers. 

Your humble servant, per order of the President and 
Council, 

1st Addington, Cler. 



DRAUGHT OF AN ADDRESS FROM THE COLONY OF NEW 
PLYMOUTH TO KING WILLIAM III. 

To the high and mighty Prince William the III. of England, France, 
and Ireland, King* with the Dominions and Territories thereto 
belonging. 

Humbly showeth, — 

That whereas the infinitely glorious Sovereign of heaven 
and earth, by whom kings reign and princes decree justice, 
hath raised your majesty up, like to those valiant judges 
of Israel, to deliver them from their oppressions and idola- 
tries, and to proclaim, like another Joshua, with a great 
voice from heaven, to the dejected witnesses throughout 
Europe, and especially our beloved mother of England, — 
to whom we hope and pray that your royal consort also 
may prove another Deborah, a nursing mother in our Is- 
rael, and both your majesties to lay the foundations of 
many generations, to repair all our breaches, and to re- 
store paths to dwell in, — we, your majesty's most Western 
subjects, do humbly beg the orient star of your benign 
influence may not disdain to pour down some bright rays 
of your generous favor to cherish the parched plants of 
this great wilderness: and as it [has] been the glory of 
the famous Constantines and Theodosius of the Primitive 
Church not to contract their benignity to one sort and 

* Proclaimed K., Feb. 1% 1688-9. — rrince. 



200 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

character of persons, but to amplify the beauty of their 
princely and magnificent breasts to all that loved the Lord 
Jesus, and to cause the scribblers of accusations against 
each other to be burnt ; so we heartily beg of your excel- 
lent majesty, that you would enclose this first plantation of 
our dear Lord in New England's Plymouth within the 
garden of your royal bosom, to protect and amplify our 
privileges accordingly as your sagacious wisdom and tender 
love may judge meet, upon our further addresses to your 
majesty in any such particular requests ; and we shall 
most earnestly and humbly supplicate the great God of 
heaven to give your majesty that grand mark of honor, to 
be successful to the height in all what your majesty hath 
been pleased to design, to undertake the Reformed cause 
throughout the world ; that, under Christ, you may not 
only, like another Augustus, dilate your empire to the 
Eastern, but that both the Indies may be enriched with 
such diamonds and spices that are the ornaments of the 
celestial Jerusalem, under your prosperous and heavenly- 
directed conduct. 

So prays your majesty's most humble and faithful sub- 
jects in the Lord, inhabiting in your Colony of New 
Plymouth. 

I suppose this draught was made by y e Rev. Mr. Samuel Lee of 
Bristoll, about June, 1689. — Prince. 



The next paper in the collection contains copies of the Court orders 
passed at the General Court of Election, held at Plymouth, for the 
Colony of New Plymouth, on the first Tuesday in June, 1689, resum- 
ing their " former way of government, according to such wholesome 
constitutions, rules, and orders as were here in force in June, 1686." 
They are duly certified by Samuel Sprague, secretary ; and may be found 
printed at large in Plymouth-Colony Records, vol. vi. pp. 208-211. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 201 



, THOMAS HINCKLEY TO SIR HENRY ASHHURST. 

Eight Worshipful, — It is among your honors in the 
Church of God, that you are New England's friend, and 
that this Christian people have understood something, not 
only of your capacity, but of your inclination, to assist the 
affairs of a land, which was planted for, and is maintained 
by, that religion which makes so great a part of your 
eminent character. The first and most ancient Colony of 
New Plymouth in New England now bespeaks your kind- 
ness, being scarce able to make our necessary addresses 
to their majesties without your mediation. 

Sir, you find enclosed an address unto their majesties, 
in which you will see representations of our present 
estate, perhaps a little more particular than were proper 
in such an application. The favor we request of you is, 
that you would be pleased to present it, in our name, to 
their majesties ; but that, if your wisdom judge this address 
not so well shaped in some of its lineaments as ought to 
be, you would, out of it and according to it, give yourself 
the trouble to draw up a shorter and a better for us, and 
present in our name. Our wilderness education renders 
us so very liable to indecencies, that we dare not lay aside 
the fear of committing them ; which causes us to use so 
great a freedom with yourself, whose candor, goodness, 
and prudence would embolden us to greater when there 
shall be occasion for it. 

But we entreat of yourself to make such a use of the 
account which you find given of our circumstances, by im- 
proving your interest for us, both with their majesties, and 
with the Parliament whereof you are a worthy member, 
as may befriend the churches of the Lord Jesus here. 

Sir, your kindnesses to this people of God will, at the 
last day, be acknowledged by the Son of God, with his 

26 



202 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

declaring that you have done them unto him. In the 
mean time, the report thereof will endear and embalm 
your name unto a praying people here, and cause all ex- 
pressions of gratitude to be studied, as by them, so espe- 
cially by, 

Worthy sir, your most humble servant, 

Thos. Hinckley. 
New Plymouth in New England, 
June 6th, 1689. 

P.S. — Sir, to have given you a full narrative of all our 
present circumstances would be an entertainment too un- 
pleasant for you ; yet, knowing your solicitude for the 
welfare of our churches, of them we ought to give you 
some account. Our little Colony has about seventeen or 
eighteen towns and villages belonging to it. In most of 
these we have churches gathered, wherein the ordinances 
of our Lord Jesus Christ are very comfortably carried on. 
But an unhappy conjunction of poverty and wickedness 
has caused too many people to refuse doing their part for 
the maintaining of a godly ministry among us. This one 
thing is as unjust as it is like to be fatal, if it proceed unto 
such measures as are by some propounded. The grants of 
lands to our several plantations were made concurrent with 
that very proviso expressed in the preface of our Court 
acts, that a godly ministry might be the better supported 
by them. Yet too many who now enjoy those lands are 
backward enough to do their duty. The effect of which 
principles and practices in them has but too ill an aspect, 
and is worthy of your directions for the prevention of it. 
As to most of our other circumstances, we are, though a 
very poor people, yet such as in some good measure help 
to build up the kingdom of the Lord Jesus in the world. 
Under which character, I boldly recommend them to your 
courtesy ; and with them subscribe myself, 
Sir, entirely yours. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 20>) 



SIMON BRAD STREET, IN BEHALF OF THE GENERAL CON- 
VENTION OF MASSACHUSETTS, TO THOMAS HINCKLEY 
AND THE COUNCIL OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 

Boston, 17 July, 1689. 

Honorable Sir, and Gentlemen of the Council, — The 
present distressed state and condition of the eastern parts, 
by the barbarous murders and outrages committed by the 
heathen upon the inhabitants there and destruction of their 
estates, is accompanied with many difficult circumstances 
under the presenc conjuncture of affairs amongst us, and 
hath been and is very chargeable and expensive unto us, 
besides the danger we lie exposed unto, nearer home, in 
our frontier towns, which we are necessitated to garrison ; 
the intelligence whereof you cannot but have received. 
What further progress God may permit that enemy to 
make in our towns, and to reach as far as unto you, is not 
without our just fears, unless mercifully prevented in the 
use of all proper means. We doubt not but you will look 
at yourselves concerned for our welfare and safety, and 
be ready to yield all necessary assistance when desired, ac- 
cording to the rules of our ancient union and confederation. 
It's thought the most easy and likely way to suppress this 
enemy by employing some parties of our friend[ly] Indians, 
under the conduct and management of some English, to 
be as a flying army to scout upon the heads of the out 
towns and plantations, and to march to the headquarters 
of the enemy, as they may have advice and encourage- 
ment, to cut up their corn, and take their women and 
children if they miss the opportunity of destroying the 
fighting men. If you could, therefore, engage a compe- 
tent number of the friendly Indians to come down, under 
the conduct and management of a meet number of the 
English, to follow and fall upon the eastern Indians, with 
such assistance as should be given them here, they should 
not want a due reward for the service they should do in 



2(M THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

that kind. (We have written to Captain Church there- 
abouts.) We pray that you will seriously advise upon 
this matter, and let us have a speedy return from you; 
and (if you think fit) that some gentlemen from you, 
with others from our neighboring Colony of Connecticut 
(to whom we have written to that effect), may be appointed 
suddenly to meet with some of ours here at Boston, to 
consult and advise what may be most necessary and con- 
ducing to the good and safety of the whole, and to the 
destruction of the common enemy. We are waiting with 
expectation of directions from England for our full settle- 
ment, which we hope will suddenly arrive ; begging your 
prayers for God's gracious presence and guidance in all 
our arduous affairs, unto whom 'we commit you. 

And subscribe, gentlemen, your assured friend and 
humble servant, 

S. Bradstreet, Govr. 

By order of the General Convention, 
Is^- Addington, Secry. 



THE SAME TO THE SAME. 

Honorable Sir, and Gentlemen of the Council, — A 
letter directed unto yourselves, from the Governor and 
Convention here, was forwarded unto you more than a 
fortnight since, wherein an account was given you of the 
distresses upon our neighbors and friends in the Province 
of Maine by the Indian enemy ; unto whom this Govern- 
ment, upon applications to them, have afforded them 
assistance of men, arms, ammunition, and provisions, 
besides what hath been drawn forth for the strengthening 
of the frontier towns within this Colony, who lie exposed, 
and are threatened by the enemy : which letter it's hoped 
is come to your hand, and that you have advised upon 
the matters therein offered to your consideration ; and 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 205 

your advice and assistance therein desired, in this public 
calamity, against a common enemy, and the relief of the 
subjects of the same Crown ; and that endeavors might 
be used by yourselves to procure some Indians in your 
parts, professing friendship to the English, to join, and go 
forth with, and under the conduct and management of, a 
suitable party of English and commanders [sic] ; Captain 
Church having also been written to from hence thereabouts, 
who is now here with the Council, treating about that affair. 
If it may be with your consent and concurrence, the mur- 
ders and mischiefs dene in the eastern parts by the enemy, 
and almost daily intelligences that come of fresh mischiefs 
done there, doth necessarily require the speedy doing 
of something that may, with God's blessing, be effectual 
for the suppressing and destruction of that enemy, and a 
considerable army forthwith raised, consisting of English 
and Indians, to go forth against them : unto which it's 
hoped yourselves will not be wanting to contribute a 
proportionable number, and that the Government of Con- 
necticut will procure some of the Mohegin and Pequot 
Indians to be joined to them, — who have been written 
unto for that end ; and that both yourselves and them 
will be pleased to appoint some gentlemen to meet with 
the Council here at Boston, or some deputed by them, to 
consult and advise of what may be most expedient and 
necessary for the common safety of the whole in the 
present conjuncture of affairs, which it's desired might be 
speedily executed. Captain John Jacob of Hingham is 
directed to be the bearer of these, and farther to discourse 
you in this great concern, and to await the receiving of 
your answer ; the miseries and cries of the eastern parts 
requiring haste. Commending you to the protection and 
guidance of Almighty God, we remain, gentlemen, 
Your humble servant, 

S. Bradstreet, 
In the name and by the consent of the Council. 
Boston, 2d August, 1689. 



206 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



For an account of the action of the General Court of Plymouth 
Colony upon the representations of the preceding letters from Governor 
Bradstreet, see Plymouth-Colony Records, vol. vi. pp. 212-216. 



SIR HENRY ASHHURST TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

London, Augi the 13, 1689. 

Honored Sir, — I have, with all due respects, received 
your very obliging letter by Captain Foy, with the enclosed 
addresses to their majesties ; and I take it as a great honor 
to be employed in the service of a people so dear to our 
common Lord. I do not make any use of the liberty you 
gave me to alter or add any thing to your address; it 
being all of a piece, — a grave, a seasonable, and handsome 
representation of your affairs, which I delivered to the 
king after I had read it to him. He returned a very 
gracious answer, that he would take care of the good of 
his Colonies in New England. You are in possession 
of your ancient liberties by charter ; and I hope you will 
leave them free to your posterity. I am sorry to hear 
of any defection in your Colony from the zeal of their 
famous predecessors ; that they begin to think the gospel 
of less value now than formerly. If once you grow indif- 
ferent as to religion, you pull down the hedge of the Lord's 
preservation. If any affairs of yours need any assistance 
of mine, you shall have mine to the utmost of my power. 
I send you this by worthy Mr. Mather, who has been an 
indefatigable servant of your country. I humbly beg 
your prayers for me and mine. I am 

Your faithful and humble servant, 

Hen. Ashhurst. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 207 



DANIEL SMITH TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Rehoboth, August 13th, 1689. 

Honored Sir, — It is a trouble to me that I cannot 
wait upon your honor, and give forth my mite of assistance, 
at this Convention at Plymouth : but He who is the abso- 
lute Sovereign of his creatures, hath, for divers weeks last 
past, sorely visited me with a burning, distressing fever ; 
and still I remain so weak, that my trembling hand can 
very hardly write to be lead. Honored and dear sir, the 
desire of my soul is, that God himself, who of late hath 
so graciously and wonderfully appeared for our deliver- 
ance, will sit President in the midst of your assembly, and 
give unto your honor a double portion of his Spirit, abun- 
dantly to enable you unto a suitable management of the 
great work of government of this poor yet first Colony in 
this wilderness, wherein not only our fathers, but we that 
still survive, have been peculiarly privileged with glorious 
advantages for our eternal welfare. 

Honored and dear sir, not knowing how soon I may be 
deprived of this liberty I now have to write, though in a 
confused manner, was the cause that did promove me, at 
this time, to assure you that God's people's eyes are upon 
you : their prayers are daily for you, that you may be 
made a repairer of our breaches; yea, a nursing father 
to froward children, a terror to evil-doers, and a great 
encourager of all such as do well. That thus it may be, 
is and shall be the continual prayer of, honored sir, 

Your assured and real friend and servant in all humble 
and due observance, Daniel Smith. 

My humble service herein premised to your honor and 
Madam Hinckley, to Mr. Russell and his ; always begging 
your remembrance of me in your prayers. 



208 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

JOHN WALLEY TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Abf Aug. 13, 1689. — See y e Lett? foregoing. — Prince. 

Honored Sir, — This serves to acquaint you, that, by 
reason of illness, I was uncapable to wait on you at 
Plymouth this Court. Have keep [kept] house almost 
three weeks. I hope, with God's blessing, in a little time 
I shall get abroad again. I had a few lines from Mr. 
Smith lately: perceive he is visited with a fever and ague. 
I hope you will take care about our Court in May next. 
Upon the receiving the new commissions, I forthwith took 
what care I could ; had a training-day in our town ; had 
some notions started, but got over all well; only, Lieu- 
tenant Eeinolds should have a new commission sent with 
speed. 

We come to a new choice of ensign ; and it is fallen 
again upon Jabez Howland, whom suppose will be ac- 
cepted, and desire may have a new commission sent. I 
adventured out, the next day, to Swansey ; took a great 
deal of pains to convince them it was their interest, every 
way, to fall in, with one consent, with the old officers: but 
there were a young crew that were very heady. But, 
to be short, Captain Brown, lieutenant, and ensign re- 
fused their commissions. They went upon a new choice. 
James Cole had 23 votes for captain ; Captain Brown, 
21 ; Lieutenant Brooks, 17 : but though they were 
charged they should not vote that were not twenty-one, 
yet it appeared there was two or three or more, that 
voted for Cole, that were under age. The lieutenant 
they chose is Mr. Eben. Benton, — a man that will never 
accept of a place under Cole ; and the ensign, as I am 
informed, will not accept. Cole hath sought the place 
beyond measure ; called by but 23, whereas the town 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 201) 

consists of 100 and odd soldiers : but, however, if those 
votes that were unfair were abated, he then had few- 
er than Captain Brown. I perceived the generality 
are not satisfied. I believe the best way is to have an 
order for a new choice of a captain, and for lieutenant 
and ensign, if they do not accept. I ordered trainings 
at several other places ; made account to be there : but 
I renewed my illness by venturing to Swansey ; and so 
went not to other places, and have not yet a return. 
Our county is extremely unsettled. I hear of some 
unhandsome doing at Renoboth. The captain being 
ancient and infirm, the soldiers are dissatisfied that he 
accepted his commission. I shall have opportunity, I 
hope, to give further informations in these matters. The 
Taunton men meet this day. I intended to have been 
there. I wish things issue well there. We have no news 
on this side the country. Shall not add but my service 
presented to your honor and the rest of the gentlemen 
with you, but subscribe myself 

Your friend and servant, John W alley. 



INCREASE MATHER TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Honored Sir, — Your address to his majesty has 
been graciously accepted. It was wisely done of you to 
empower Sir Henry Ashhurst to make any alterations 
therein as should be judged proper. Nevertheless, the 
address was so very well penned, that not one word was 
obliterated or changed. 

The last time I was with the king (which was on July 4), 
I acquainted him with the revolution in New England, and 

27 



210 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

that his subjects there had done a great service for his 
majesty, and for the English nation, and for the Protestant 
interest, by securing Boston (which is the key of America) 
for King William against the French king and the abdi- 
cated James. The king graciously replied to me, that 
he did kindly accept of what they had done. I replied, 
if his majesty would please to command that his gracious 
acceptance thereof should be signified to his good subjects 
there, it would be a great encouragement to them. The 
king told me that he would order the Secretary of State 
to do it ; and it is since done. The king's letter to 
Massachusetts Colony (there is none to yours as yet) was 
delivered to me, to carry with me to N.E. I have been on 
shipboard several nights ; but, contrary winds keeping us 
in this harbor, the passengers all went on shore : since 
which, my son Samuel is fallen sick with the small-pox ; 
so that I have no hopes of returning by this ship, and 
have therefore committed the care of the safe delivery 
of his majesty's letter to one of the passengers. 

I made bold to assure the king, that his subjects in 
N.E. desired nothing from his majesty, only that they 
might enjoy their ancient rights and privileges under his 
protection. The king replied, that, if it were in his power 
to cause it to be done, it should be done ; and bade me 
rest assured of it. This discourse was in the king's bed- 
chamber, at Hampton Court. There were present the 
Earl of Portland, Lord Sidney, and others of the nobility ; 
but the king was so very kind as to go alone with me 
to his bedside, that I might speak the more freely to his 
majesty. Mr. Matthew Mead was with me, and spoke in 
behalf of N.E. He told the king, in my hearing, that all 
the nonconformists in E. would look upon themselves as 
concerned ; and that his majesty could not lay a greater 
obligation on them than by being kind to their brethren in 
New England. God has given me to be acquainted with 






THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 211 

my Lord Melvin* (the Secretary of State of the kingdom 
of Scotland). He is a very godly man, and has private 
access to the king thrice every week. He has very much 
importuned his majesty to be kind to N.E. But of this 
you must say nothing, for a special reason. 

The greatest part of the king's council I have particu- 
larly applied myself unto, in behalf of N.E. ; as also to 
the leading men (to all such as are our friends) in the 
Parliament, of both houses. 

It is a very exercising affliction to me, that I am so long 
kept from my family and friends in N.E. : but God has 
done it ; and I am comforted with thinking, that, if it had 
not been so, New England had again been enslaved before 
this day. 

You have no enemy like your friend W. B.,f to whom 
you sent fifty guineas. Let the good people amongst you 
pray that enemy down. My service to Mrs. Hinckley. 

I am, sir, yours to serve, 

I. Mather. 
From Deal in Kent, Septr. 12, 1689. 

You can never sufficiently requite Sir Harry Ashhurst 
for his concerning himself with such activity in your 
behalf. You must not think much to send over supplies 
of money for him to lay out to gratify some persons with 
for your benefit. You had better do so than that your 
enemies should prevail over you, and make you purchase 
your own slavery with your own money. My advice is, 
that you would raise money for that purpose, without any 
delay. You may do it too late : you cannot do it too soon. 



* George, Lord Melville, afterwards Earl of Melville, 
t William Blathwayt. — See p. 80. 



212 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO HIS WIFE. 

Boston, 17 Sept., 1689. 
My Bear, — I can do no less, than, in compliance 
with thy desire, to acquaint thee of my health (through 
Divine Goodness), hoping the like of thine. Per letter 
from Albany of 5th instant informs they were kindly 
treated by the gentlemen there, and advised to send to the 
chief sachems and captains of the Five Nations, in regard 
the Governor of Canada had presented them with two 
of the captives taken from them, and very desirous of 
peace, and that no present should part if they'd consent : 
therefore looked at as a good opportunity for our men, by 
a good present, to prevent it. Some of the nations live 
three hundred and twenty miles from Albany : so that it's 
not quickly to be despatched; at least, not till 24th instant. 
The Maques, with their army, lately returned from the 
French with great success ; burnt, at a place near Mont 
Royal, a hundred and twenty-four houses ; taken prisoners 
five hundred men, women, and children, — two hundred 
whereof fighting-men, — with the loss of thirteen only 
of theirs. Five French Indians taken by the Indians of 
Albany, that say the French Governor of Canada sent 
them to destroy all Christians they can meet with ; and 
sent also other small parties, with same commission, to 
those parts and to New England : which so alarmed them 
there, as to send down to New York for a hundred men to 
strengthen that place. A little before my coming down, 
a garrison at Oyster River surprised by the Indians : most 
of the men out on their occasions taken or killed, and then 
the garrison, with but one man in it to guard the women 
and children ; in all, seventeen or eighteen killed and 
taken. Connecticut commissioners came down but yester- 
day ; so that I know not when I shall be ready to come 
home : thou mayst be sure, as soon as I can. They 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 213 

bring awful tidings in the death of precious Mr. Whiting, 
minister of Hartford, last Lord's Day was sevennight morn- 
ing ; and of three of the magistrates, — Mr. Wadsworth, 
Newberry, and Hamblin, — one on the next second day, 
one on the Tuesday, and the other of them a week 
before. These strokes seem additional symptoms of God's 
continued anger. Oh that he would please to awaken us 
all to a more thorough repentance and reformation, turn- 
ing to him through our great Mediator, that he may turn 
from his fierce wrath, &c. ! — No late news from England. 
Give my respects to Mr. Russell, Mr. Lothrop, and all 
friends. In great haste, with my dear love to thee and 
thine, I commit thee to the Keeper of his Israel; and rest, 
my dear, 

Thy loving husband, T. Hinckley. 

I had thought to have sent these per Mr. Allyn, with 
whom I sent a barrel of salt marked TH, and a piece of 
small cordage; but he, altering his design, slipped aw r ay 
without it. Since which, news from New York, per a 
ship from Flushing to Syllinam [Surinam?], and thence 
per a vessel to Fairfield, informs that the Protestant forces 
have taken Dublin, and King James in it ; and the same 
news confirmed by the way of Maryland to New York : 
also a good agreement between King and Parliament. 
Major Church and his men, [with] much ado, got to 
sea yesterday, Thursday, a little before night. No news 
from their forces under Major Swain, nor from any other 
place. A small ship to-day from Newfoundland, but no 
news. I forgot before, the news from Captain Sylvanus 
Davis at Falmouth in Casco, that a Dutch man-of-war, or 
privateer, with some English, with French colors, at Pe- 
mequid, had opportunity to kill three Indians, and take 
one, said to be a sachem's son ; for whose redemption 
the Indians offered ten or eleven captives, Major Wal- 
den's [Waldron's] daughter being one. They were to 



214 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

bring them to Casco, whither the ship came ; but no 
news of the Indians at the time appointed. Some say, 
a great number of Indians came to the waterside at 
Pemequid with joy to receive the French Dutchman, 
who gave them a broadside with such shot as made 
great lanes among them, and then sent his boat to take 
the forenamed Indians in the canoe ; shy of coming 
aboard when [they] perceived some English aboard. 

T. H. 

20 Sept? 



WILLIAM BASSITT TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

This lett'was wrote at Casco, betw 11 * 7 ber 21, & tt 7 b . er 25, 1689; 
& 'tis likely on 5> y e 23. — Prince. 

Honored Sir, — I thinking it to be my duty, together 
with hopes of your kind acceptance hereof, I make bold 
to present you with a brief account of our proceedings 
since I saw your honor at Boston. We arrived on Friday, 
the twentieth instant,* at Casco, and landed our men 
in the evening, not willing to have them discovered by 
daylight f to the enemy ; which we had reason to think 
were near, by information received from Major Waldron's 
daughter, that is redeemed by the Dutch men-of-war, with 
the Indian that was taken by them which you had ac- 
count of. Major Church making it his business presently, 
upon our arrival here, to go on board them to inquire of 
her where the Indians were, and where they kept their 
headquarters, and what posture they were in, she in- 
formed him that there was fifty or upward of canoes 
that were come to an island near to us with the enemy 
Indians, both men, women, and children, about four hun- 
dred, with whom were, as she thought, about one hundred 
fighting-men ; and they expected more to repair to them 

* 9 Sep. 20, 1689. — Prince. f * ? b . r 21. — Prince. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 215 

hither, and to make this their headquarters. Upon which 
news, we intended to prepare as soon as we could, and to 
range that island ; but the next morning about sun an 
hour high, being the 21st instant, we heard divers guns 
fired off at a farm-house about one mile and half from 
our garrison, being the house of Captain Brackitt, where 
the said captain with one of his sons were gone up early 
in the morning upon some business of his own, unknown 
to the major, where he himself was either taken or killed, 
and not found yet by us : his son escaped alive. Upon 
which our soldiers were alarmed, and presently repaired 
thither, — a small company first under Captain Hall, and 
some of Major Church his particular company next, and 
so the rest as they were fitted, — having not time to make 
signs for our Indians, and to furnish them with suitable 
ammunition ; which was some wrong to us. But, when we 
came there, we judge that we met with about four hun- 
dred of the enemy ; and we had an engagement with them 
in a field and orchard that was a pretty convenient place 
for skirmish. We fought them, as we think, about seven 
hours. Major Church himself came into the field, or 
place of our fighting, after he had put them into a pos- 
ture at the garrison and fitted out our forces, and with 
him brought a supply of ammunition, and then ordered 
myself and Lieutenant Smith to draw off a small company 
to come on the back of the enemy : which, after we did, the 
enemy fled ; and we brought off our slain and wounded 
men, not thinking it convenient at that time to pursue 
them into the wilderness, we being not very well provided, 
and not having broke our fast in the morning, and in 
a place where water was scarce. The number of our 
slain was about eight English, — six of Captain Hall's men, 
and two from this town, — one negro, and one Indian 
called Sam Moses, one of Yarmouth under Captain Daniel. 
Eleven wounded, — four of Major Church's Indians, one 
we think mortal ; and two o r Captain Amos his soldiers, 



216 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

which are but little hurt, — or, at least, we hope they will 
recover ; and the rest wounded are strangers to me. The 
Indians, our enemy, fought ably, and drew off their dead 
and wounded (which we think by divers that our Indians 
and English saw fall, and the sign of their drawing them 
away, and our hearing them cut sticks in a swamp near 
behind them, as we think, to carry them on), that they had 
more damage than as much more done to them than we 
had done to us. "We that were not wounded are in com- 
petent health, through the goodness and mercy of God ; 
and do intend to-morrow to march up to a place called 
Commacongdin, about eight miles off from the town, 
where we have expectation to meet with the enemy 
again. 

Sir, the major desires to be excused for not giving you 
an account hereof under his own hand : he, being full of 
business, and understanding that I intend to write to you, 
did omit it, but presents his service to you. So, with my 
humble service and my lieutenant's to yourself and Squire 
Lothrop and Mr. Russell, I rest at present, desiring your 
prayers for our good success and preservation, leaving 
you to the protection of the Almighty. 

I am, sir, your humble servant, 

William Bassitt. 

Honored Sir, — I opened your letter for great desire I 
and some friends had to hear news. Pray, excuse me. 

Yours to serve, Will. Bradford. 



SAMUEL PRINCE TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Sandwich, Sep 4 27, '89. 
Honored Sir, — We have an account from my brother 
Isaac, that our forces landed on Friday night at Casco, 
and were the next morning attacked by six or seven hun- 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 217 

dred Indians, as they imagined. Our forces, together with 
Captain Hall, fought them six hours. In the conclusion, 
the Indians were routed, and fled ; and took all their dead 
with them, if there were any such. Six men were killed 
that belonged to Captain Hall, two of Major Church's, 
besides one Indian and a negro : sixteen of the whole 
wounded. One of the vessels that carried our men 
thither returned on Wednesday morn, and brought let- 
ter [s] for some of Scituate, where my brother had this 
account. 

Your dutifil son, 

Sam il Prince. 



SIMON BRADSTREET TO THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL OF 
THE COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 

Boston, 5th Octobr., 1689. 
Honorable Gentlemen, — Two days since, arrived 
Captain Andrew Belcher from Albany ; by whom we 
have an account of the result and issue of the treaty of 
the gentlemen sent up thither as agents for the Colony, 
with the Maquas, and other nations of Indians in confede- 
racy with them ; who give assurances of the continuance 
of their ancient friendship with the English, and do promise 
to hold our enemies to be theirs, and to prosecute them 
accordingly as they shall have opportunity. Also, by letters 
from the gentlemen of that place, are given to understand 
the fears and danger they are in of an attack by the French, 
and French Indians ; who earnestly desire they may be 
strengthened and assisted by some forces to be sent thither 
to the number of one hundred soldiers ; which the Maquas, 
&c, upon their treaty, have likewise desired on their be- 
half : and it's thought most necessary that some speedy 
relief and succor be sent up un*o them for the securing and 

28 



218 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

defending of that garrison to preserve their majesties' inte- 
rest there, and it being a frontier to all the English Colonies 
against the incursions of the French. But forasmuch as 
it may be too long a delay for the commissioners of the 
Colonies to meet together to act therein ; and considering 
the great distance of the place, as well from you as our- 
selves ; and so many men being already drawn out of this 
Colony and yours, and others placed out in garrisons in 
the frontiers, — here more cannot at present be drawn 
out. We have, therefore, written unto the Governor and 
Council of Connecticut to supply Albany with a company 
of soldiers to be raised within that Colony, and that 
Captain Bull might be desired to take the command of 
them ; the charge thereof to be borne in a due proportion 
by all the Colonies. The gentlemen of Albany have made 
their application to New York ; but cannot be supplied 
from thence, as Captain Leisler by his letter hath advised. 
It's requested that yourselves would please to forward a 
letter forthwith to Connecticut to enforce what is desired 
of them as above ; and if they cannot supply the full 
number of men, yet to send what they can for a speedy 
relief to Albany. They offer to take care to supply them 
with provisions and ammunition. No intelligences yet, 
from the forces abroad, of any great service done by them 
against the enemy. Major Church and the others with 
him had an engagement with them, and apprehend they 
did them considerable damage ; but no particular thereof. 
God help to a greater dependence on himself, and stir up a 
spirit of earnest prayer, that he would please to go forth 
with our armies, and give them success, and the returns 
of his favor to this poor country in whatsoever we need ! 
Commending you to God in all your arduous affairs, I 
subscribe, honorable gentlemen, 

Your humble servant, 

Simon Bradstreet, Govr., 

In tlic name and by consent of the Convention. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 219 



BENJAMIN CHURCH TO THOMAS HINCKLEY AND JOHN 
WALLEY, COMMISSIONERS. 

To the Honored Thomas Hinckley and John Walley, Esqrs., Com- 
missioners for the Colony of New Plymouth. 

Falmouth in Casco, October 18, 1689. 
Gentlemen, — I make bold to present you with a brief 
account of our late proceedings, and of my apprehension 
of what may be best for the advantage of our Colony in 
providing for the army for their present supply with 
provision, that we may be abie to prosecute the design 
that we are now upon ; which I hope we shall be willing 
and careful, with the blessing of God, to attend. We 
have been diligent in ranging the country, both east and 
west, as far as we have been capable with the guides that 
we have had ; but have made very little discovery of the 
enemy since the fight we had with them, which you 
have had account of: only some few that have been 
skulking about these towns, that have done some mis- 
chief ; but we have not had opportunity yet to meet with 
them, notwithstanding our great endeavor therein. We 
are intended, as soon as guides are sent us from Boston 
and a supply of bread, to march up farther eastward with 
our forces, expecting the assistance of Major Swain and 
some of his forces to attack the headquarters of the 
enemy; ours not thinking it suitable and convenient to 
march so far up into the enemy's country without good 
guides and without good strength, not knowing what 
we may meet with : and we hope, therefore, that the 
Council at Boston will speedily send us guides and an 
able doctor, which we have several times sent for ; which 
is of absolute necessity, and hath hitherto been neglected. 
But, in respect to provisions for the army, we think that 
meat and pease may easily be procured here from the 
inhabitants than be sent to us from Boston ; which cannot 
be expected, neither, without purchase from the owners, 



220 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

by supplying them with such necessaries as they stand 
in need of to supply their families : which they cannot 
subsist without ; neither can they procure but by such 
things, being the substance of what they have left. The 
things which they want is shoes for men, women, and 
children, and linen cloth for shifting, and cotton or 
coarse kersey or such like woollen cloth for clothing ; 
which by the advance of those goods, and the saving 
of freight of provisions hither, I judge it may be most 
for the public advantage. Some of our army are sickly ; 
and, by the season of the year, we expect that cold 
weather will suddenly set in; and therefore we intend, 
by the middle of next month, to be moving homewards, 
if you shall see cause to order us thereto. And so hoping, 
that if these lines shall come to your hands at Boston, that 
you will be careful that the guides and other things before 
mentioned may be speedily conveyed, I subscribe myself 
Your friend and servant, Benjamin Church. 

William Bassitt presents his service to you both. 

This letter is in y e s d W m Bassit's Handwriting ; w° belonged to 
Sandwich, a Capt" on this Expedition, & was afterward a Colonel. — 
Prince. 



THE SAME TO THE SAME. 

To the Honored Thomas Hinckley and John Walley, Esqrs., Com- 
missioners for the Colony of New Plymouth. 

These, after my service presented to you both, may give 
you account, that, since I last wrote to you, upon the 
coming of William Denis, pilot to the army, we trans- 
ported our army up to the head of Casco Bay ; and there 
landed on the 2 2d instant, in order to our marching up 
into the country to make further discovery of the enemy, 
and, if it might have been, that we might get to some 
of their headquarters ; and ordered the vessels that waited 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 221 

on us to sail round, and meet us in Kennebeck River: and 
we marched our army from the place where we landed 
unto Ameruscogen River, and found the river and freshets 
to be very high ; which bespoke a great improbability of 
our marching up to the fort that the enemy have sometimes 
kept, — which, according to information, is about forty 
miles higher up the river than the place that we was 
at, — there being one river for us to pass over, and divers 
swamps, and much low ground ; which by reason of the 
lateness of the year, every brook and swamp and river is so 
full of water, that it forbade our marching up thither then ; 
which if pilots had been sent to us sooner, we might have 
gone with far less difficulty to that fort. Then we marched 
down to Bejepscut [Pejepscot] Fort, and so down to Ken- 
nebeck River, and to several of the carrying-places, and 
against Rowsick Island. In Kennebeck we met with the 
vessels : and there we tarried, and killed up the cattle and 
swine that we found about the river ; which we thought 
might much disadvantage the enemy, and furnish us with 
provision, we being but short of provision before. We 
killed there about thirty neat cattle, small and great ; and 
about thirty or forty swine. Then we set sail for Pema- 
quid, and there landed our army, and marched speedily 
up from the water into the woods, where we had hopes 
of making some discovery of the enemy ; but could make 
but little, only of some few that had been there for some 
time before, which we judge were gone eastward : neither 
could we make discovery of any quantity of the enemy that 
had been very lately in any of those parts where we had 
marched ; but all tracks and signs that had been made 
by them for some time before, all led eastward ; which 
causes us to think that the body of the enemy are gone far 
eastward. On Monday last, 28th instant, we took in divers 
great guns and patereros into the sloop " Resolution," at 
Pemequid Fort, and brought away ; knowing not but 
that they might have been improved by our enemies 



222 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

against us in time, if left there : and the next day, in the 
storm, we set sail for Casco, where we arrived safe, through 
the goodness of God, that day in the harbor; but the storm 
being so extreme that day, and night following, that we 
could not land our men until next morning. One shallop 
that went with us is not yet returned. Upon our return, 
we had about one hogshead of bread left in all ; but 
found here a new supply by Mr. Fludd, and by him a letter 
from Governor Hinckley to Captain Bassitt, — dated 21 
and 22 instant, — by which we judge that some letters 
of ours were not then come to your hands, that were sent 
before by land, which, we judge, before now you have 
received. By reason of which, I may say the less at this 
time, only that the motion made by Governor Hinckley, 
of our drawing off, is thought by myself and Council here 
to be the best way as can be took, and that with all- 
expedition ; which is the great occasion of my so speedy 
sending to you at this time per Captain Aldin by water, 
which I thought might be more speedy than by land ; 
upon whose return we hope to receive such order, only 
leaving some few of ours that are willing to winter here, 
— not thinking it meet to force such of ou[rs] as came 
volunteers to stay longer than the time first proposed to 
them, against their wills. And in the mean time, until we 
hear from you, our intent is to ma[ke] another attempt 
to march up to Ameruscogen Fort, that, if possibly 
we can, may do what is to be done there, before our 
drawing off. But, by all the information as I can get, 
there seems to be no possibility of going up to Teconick 
nor Noridgewock forts this winter, but is thought best to 
be done in the spring. This morning I have discoursed 
ours, both English and Indians, to know their minds ; 
and about ei[ght] of our English and four of our Indians, 
I judge, will tarry here until the spring, un[der] the 
command of Captain Edmonds, now with us ; who, I 
think, will be prevailed with to stay, unless you know of 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 22»i 

any other person that you think more suitable to send to 
take the care and conduct of those that shall be left ; 
but I judge him to be a man very fit to commit such a 
trust to, and one that is well approved, both by the 
townspeople here, and those that shall be left : and, if 
twelve of ours tarry here, we judge that will be our 
proportion of what may be thought needful to be left 
here of those that belong to our Colony. That which I 
would further propose to your consideration is, whether 
you may not order all our Cape Indians to be transported 
directly from hence to Plymouth Town, to save charge 
and other inconveniences ; which I think will be very 
convenient. So, having written more fully in sundry par- 
ticulars to the Council at Boston, — where I hope these 
may come to your hands, and you may have knowledge 
thereof, — I omit further enlargement at this time ; only 
that Captain Bassitt, Lieutenant Southworth, and Lieu- 
tenant Smith, being all in health, presents their humble 
service to you both. So, desiring your prayers, and 
committing all our concerns into the hands of Him who 
is the wise Disposer of all things, I rest 

Your honors' assured friend and humble serva[nt], 

Benjamin Chu[rch]. 

From our Headquarters in Falmouth in Casco, this 
31st October, 1689. 

[POSTSCRIPT IN THE HANDWRITING OF JOHN WALLEY.] 

Pray, sir, fail not to send to Bristol two magistrates 
against our Court. It will be of very ill consequence if it 
should be neglected (Mr. Smith is yet sick). If we have 
no Court, our people will reckon no Government ; and 
then there will be little money raised with us. No other 
news ; farther intimations about the charter being con- 
firmed ; and delivered my service to yourself, lady, and all 
friends. I am your assured friend and servant. 

Boston, 4 th Nov., 1689. 

I have added a few lines to vour letter to Major Church, 
and sent it forward. 



224 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



SAMUEL WORDEN TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, the 14 Novbr., 1689. 

Sm, — We have nothing very notable at present; only 
we have advice by Newfoundland, by three gentlemen 
of repute there, of three men-of-war coming, — two for 
them, and one for New England. As they were coming, 
met with some Frenchmen, and took two men-of-war ; 
and King William gave one of them to the French 
Protestants, who, in five weeks, brought in 30 sail of 
French ships. We have advice that a rebellion breaking 
out in Scotland, was occasioned by the Papist lords there, 
was routed. King James sent from Ireland 8,000 men to 
them ; but before help came from England, at a second 
engagement with them, they killed two Popish lords, and 
routed the rest. We have advice from Scotland, that our 
friends in England had obtained their patent. We have 
lately a pamphlet — printed, they say, at Pennsylvania — 
reflecting on the Government. Inquisition was made; 
the printers examined, — all denying. It being found to 
come from Lidgett, he was sent for; and, owning it, — say- 
ing it was only matter of argument, — he did the less harm: 
in short, he was bound in £500 bond to answer it, and to 
his behavior for the future. Tha[t] week, a turbulent 
man of that faction was complained of for speaking against 
the Government ; was committed, — denying him any bail, 
though offered. Our Court of Assistants was delayed 
longer, because the Governor was taken ill, and because 
some defect was in preparation for it ; that was intended 
to be held, had it not been for those and such like reasons. 
This pamphlet, coming abroad, produced this small book 
I have sent you, where you may read your own name ; 
which was the reason inducing me to send it. Sir, I am 
just come from the worship of God, Mr. Allin staying 
whilst I wrote these confused lines ; which I hope will 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 225 

sufficiently apologize for me. Some other occurrences 
might have been inserted, had I [not] been in such haste. 
I shall not be wanting, the next, if you come not down 
yourself; who delight to be serviceable to you on such 
occasions, because I know it's acceptable to remote (?), 
especially to the ingenious observers and well-wishers 
of our Israel. I abide your son-in-law, 

Sam ll Worden. 

Sir, wherein I am confused, Mr. Allin has promised 
to help me out. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO SIR HENRY ASHHURST. 

Eight Worshipful, — Your worthy letter of August 
1 3 * came safe to hand, per Mr. Brattle ; whereby we 
do believe that honorable religious character given of you, 
not only because we have heard the testimonial of it by 
our friends, but seen also a notable demonstration thereof 
with our eyes in your cordial, refreshing lines, faithful 
performance already for us, and free offers of future as- 
sistance of us at Court for obtaining their majesties' favor 
for the better settlement and confirmation of our religion 
and liberties to us. Which we cannot but with some sur- 
prising contentment and wonderment make a stop to con- 
sider that God should give us such favor in your honor's 
eyes, and room in your heart, to concern yourself with so 
much industrious activity to endeavor the good of a poor, 
unknown, undeserving, far distant people, not only be- 
cause we are a weak, helpless, endangered people, but 
especially because we bear the name and profession of, 
and stand in relation to, our common Lord, (and oh that 



I.e., Aug. 13, 1689. — Prince. 
29 



226 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

it may be shown forth by more sincere fruits on our part !) 
This as we cannot but place among those divine favors 
which we are blessed with, so should always account that 
it hath laid us under deepest and most endearing obliga- 
tions of gratitude towards yourself; and should gladly 
embrace an opportunity, if Providence would possess us 
therewith, of testifying it by our real service to yourself 
or yours : but such is our common poverty, in conjunction 
with our present extraordinary exigencies (by reason of a 
war with the Indians, and scarcity by an extreme drought, 
God's holy hand hath, in our parts especially, brought on 
us), that we cannot at present do any thing more than 
render our verbal thanks and bare acknowledgments for 
those your condescending services and great pains, which 
deserve ample compensation. However, we hope and pray 
with confidence, that He who is rich in mercy unto all 
will not be unrighteous to forget your work, and labor of 
love, showed towards his name. When every cup of cold 
water given to a disciple, as such, shall be rewarded, and 
when the house of Onesiphorus shall come into remem- 
brance before God, then let yourself and yours be re- 
membered also. Doubtless, when our Lord shall call for 
an account of what he hath delivered to his servants, it 
shall not be any grief or offence of heart that the talent of 
your present honorable capacity hath been put out to 
use for the Lord. Sir, we have the boldness to continue 
our desires of your assistance to promote, as formerly, our 
affairs with their majesties, pursuant to what we petitioned 
for in our address to their majesties. 

Mr. Wisewall, a minister of Duxbury in this Colony, 
and a good man, whom I found at Boston unexpectedly, 
now bound for England on request of the Council and 
other friends there to accompany their messengers, can 
more particularly inform you of the state of things in 
our Colony : by whom we now send a declaration of our 
former grievances, &c. ; your presenting (and, if need be, 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 227 

the abridging) of which we entirely leave to the courteous 
discretion of yourself, with those other gentlemen that are, 
with you, concerned for us. 

And if He in whose hand our times are shall please to 
crown [our] endeavors with such success as to intrust us 
with, and settle us under, our pleasant things again, the 
worthy deeds done by yourself for us will stablish you a 
memorial here, that your name will be like a fragrant 
ointment poured forth in this wilderness ; not without 
those further testimonies of gratitude which our present 
distresses and distractions have necessitated hitherto our 
failing in, especially if we may receive from you an inti- 
mation of what may be proper for us to do about the 
charge thereof. 

You will forgive the rudeness of these American appli- 
cations, and accept the offers of all humble duty and 
service from, 

Sir, your very devoted servant, 

T. H., 

In behalf and by the appointment of the 

General Court of their majesties' most 

ancient Colony of New Plymouth. 
Boston, February 4th, 1689. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO INCREASE MATHER. 

Boston, Febry. 4th, 1689. 

Reverend Sir, — Your loving letter of Sept. 12* came 
safe to hand per Mr. Brattle ; which administers cause of 
thankfulness to God for his presence with you in spiriting 
of you to encounter with, and carrying you through, so 
many difficulties and dangers at such a needful time 
(maugre all your adversaries), and raising up so many 

* i.e., 7br. 12, 1689. — Prince. 



228 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

friends with you to seek the good of his poor and afflicted 
people in this wilderness : and oh that it may be more 
truly added, also, concerning the generality of us, as it 
may of some, that they trust in the name of the Lord ! 
Then might we hope good days are at hand. But it fs 
with Him whose sovereign grace can so see our perverse 
ways as to heal us, prepare us for, and bestow, the mercy 
desired on us, so far as he sees best for us, and enable 
us better to improve it than heretofore, if he please to 
intrust us again with it. However, you may be comforted 
that your labor of love for his name shall not be forgot, 
nor want its reward to you and yours ; and we ought to 
remember the great obligations of gratitude which we are 
under for your indefatigable endeavors for the good of 
the country. Sir, I have proposed your prudent advice, 
with the cogent reasons thereof, unto our people and 
General Court, for which they thankfully acknowledge 
your love and care towards them ; but am sorry I can give 
no better account thereof. They say, considering their 
wonted meanness and common poverty, in conjunction 
with the great charge of the late war, still continued, with 
the Eastern Indians, and the scarcity by reason of the awful 
and righteous hand of God bringing a great drought on 
the dry lands in our parts much more than on some other 
parts of the country, that, as they wanted grass to feed 
their cattle, so many of them want corn for bread for their 
families, — some having none growing on sundry acres 
together, and some very little, — and thereby are not at 
present in any capacity to send ; but if there be any pro- 
spect of a patent like to be obtained for them, and any 
money expended, or to be expended, about it, when they 
shall receive notice of what is proper for them to do there- 
in, they engage themselves to do it. If we could have 
received any lines from his majesty, it would have been 
the more encouragement to them, and greatly tended to 
our settlement, though but pro tempore ; for there are some 



THE HTNCKLEY PAPERS. 229 

few leading men amongst us, especially one,* who makes 
it too much his business to hinder people from owning the 
present Government with us, and from paying any rates, 
though for the soldiers sent forth against the Indians. 
We need and crave your prayers for us, who should for- 
get ourselves if we should forget you and those gentlemen 
concerned for us. The country is much obliged to Mr. 
Stoughton for his draught of the grievances under the late 
government, signed by him and some other of the late 
Council. It seems pity it was not desired sooner, that 
more hands might have been to it. I have drawn up 
some things more particularly respecting Plymouth Co- 
lony, but doubt it is so prolix as will scarcely be read.f 
Whether it be meet to present it at all, I know not. I free- 
ly leave it to yourself and those friends on the place to do 
with it as occasion may present and they see cause, either 
to bury it in silence, or take out the heads of it, or other- 
wise correct it ; or only to present such papers and evi- 
dences therewith sent per Mr. Wisewall, whom I unex- 
pectedly met here, bound for England, on desire of the 
Council and Convention here, to accompany their mes- 
sengers, being an artist at sea, and may be otherwise help- 
ful. He can say much about Plymouth men's case ; being 
a sufferer with them, and whom some of us have desired 
to present our cause. Not else at present, but long and 
hope to see you in the best time : meanwhile commit 
you to the good guidance, protection, and blessing of the 
Keeper of his Israel ; and am 

Yours affectionately to serve, 

T. H. 



* Probably Nathaniel Clark. 

f See this draught among Mr. Increase Mather's papers. — Prince. 



230 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

SIMON BRADSTREET TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, March 11, 16||. 

Honorable Sir, — Though you cannot but have heard 
of the horrid massacre committed by the French and In- 
dians at Sc[h]enectady, a fortified and well-compacted 
town, twenty miles above Albany (which we had an ac- 
count of by an express), yet we think we have not 
discharged our duty till you hear of it from us. 'Twas 
upon the 8th of February, at midnight, when those poor, 
divided, secure wretches were surprised by the enemy. 
Their gates were open, no watch kept, and hardly any 
order observ'd in giving and obeying commands. Sixty of 
them were butchered in the place ; of whom Lieutenant 
Talmage and four more were of Captain Bull's company, 
besides five of said company carried captive. By this 
action, the French have given us to understand what we 
may expect from them as to the frontier towns and sea- 
ports of New England. We are not so well acquainted 
what number of convenient havens you have in your 
Colony besides those of Plymouth and Bristow. We 
hope your prudence and vigilance will lead you to take 
such measures as to prevent the landing of the enemy at 
either of those or any such like place. 'Tis generally ap- 
prehended to be necessary that we forthwith undertake an 
expedition against the French, at Port Royal and places 
along shore, that may give some check to their depreda- 
tions, and thereby gain some reputation with the Five 
Nations. 

If nothing should be effected, they would be ready to 
think all said to them as idle tales, only devised to -fix 
them on our side. The concern is general ; and therefore 
we desire your prayers, and the assistance of us so far as 
may be, in this weighty undertaking. The gentlemen at 
Barbados are very vigorous. They have taken several 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 231 

islands from the enemy, and about fifteen thousand pounds' 
spoil at one of them ; which gives such encouragement to 
the soldiers, that they speak of attacking St. Christopher's. 
Tis pity (if it please God) but that, in this time of action, 
New England should be found doing something towards 
their own safety and defence. 

Praying that the direction and blessing of our sovereign 
Lord God may be with you and us in all our momentous 
concerns, we take leave, who are, 

Sir, your honor's friends and servants, 

Sim. Bradstreet, Governor, 

In the name of the Council. 

13th instant. — I am just now informed that a vessel 
newly arrived from Bilboa brings news, that, whereas they 
usually had a packet-boat once a week from Europe, there 
had none come from England or France in six weeks 
before they came from thence ; which argues great trou- 
bles there. 



CERTIFICATE BY SHADRACH WILBORE, TOWN-CLERK OF 
TAUNTON, AND ROBERT CROSMAN, JUN., CLERK OF THE 
MILITARY COMPANY, OF THE ELECTION OF OFFICERS 
FOR SAID COMPANY. 

We, the inhabitants and military company of Taunton, 
being required, by a warrant from our honored Major 
W alley, to meet together the 31 day of March, 1690, 
either to divide by ground, or to come to an orderly 
choice ; and, upon disagreement of the ancient inhabitants 
and the major part of the. military company about division 
by the ground, we therefore proceeded to an orderly and 
legal choice of captain, lieutenant, and ensign, according 
to an act of the General Court, holden, in their majesties' 
names, at Plymouth, the 25th day of December, 1689; 
as folio weth : — 



2'32 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

First, for captain : — 

Thomas Leonard . 88 votes. 

George Macey 3 votes. 

Secondly, for lieutenant : — 

James Leonard, jun 68 votes. 

Henry Hodges 3 votes. 

John Hall, sen 4 votes. 

George Macey 1 vote. 

Thirdly, for ensign : — 

Henry Hodges 70 votes. 

John Hall, sen 1 vote. 

James Leonard, jun 1 vote. 

And being desired by the ancient inhabitants of this 
town, and likewise by the military company, to take an 
account of the votes and their orderly proceedings there- 
in, and we both being personally present, did take an 
account in reference to the votes above mentioned, that 
they were orderly and legal ; and to make return hereof to 
our honored major on their behalf, which was also their 
desire ; which the abovesaid is the return by us. 

Shadrach Wilbore, 

Town- Clerk of Taunton. 
Robert Crosman, Jun., 
Clerk of the Military Company of Taunton. 
Taunton, the 31 of March, 1690. 



JACOB LEISLER TO THOMAS HINCKLEY, GOVERNOR, AND 
THE COUNCIL OF THE COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 

Fort William, April 3d, 1690. 
Honorable Sirs, — The unexpected surprisal of Sche- 
nectady by the French and their Indian confederates 
has so alarmed the frontier post of Albany, yourselves, 
and us, that it is thought a work necessary to be well 
consulted, how to secure that place, the welfare whereof 
concerns all the neighboring Colonies ; and therefore, 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 233 

having certain notice of 2,500 French posted in Mont 
Royal, which advanced from Quebec towards Albany near 
250 miles, and an additional strength of the Indians 
being expected, may sooner attack our aforesaid post than 
haply we are aware of; we having likewise communi- 
cated the same to the Government of East and West 
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and other parts 
of New England ; insomuch that we propose, for a general 
assistance, that such persons as to you shall seem meet 
may be commissionated to treat with them, relating this 
[sic] important affairs here at New York (being adjudged 
the medium between the parties concerned), upon the 24th 
instant, that so we may conclude what may conduce most 
to the king's interest, the welfare of the Provinces, and 
the prevention, if not destruction, of the enemies. This 
is the needful for the present. Commending you to God, 
I remain Your friend and humble servant, 

Jacob Leisler. 



JOHN WALLEY TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Bristol, the 7th April, 1690. 

Honored Sir, — The letter herewith sent is from York, 
come hither to me from Governor Bull; whom I sent word, 
ought in honor to have took care to [h]a[ve] sent your and 
the Boston letter as directed : but, understanding the con- 
tents, cannot but a little wonder that their information 
should be that the enemy is so far advanced, and to think 
that a meeting of commissioners at New York, three weeks 
hence, to consult, and then to return to make preparation, 
should be thought time enough to meet the enemy. And, 
besides, I have been informed that the Boston men had 
appointed a meeting from each Colony and Province, about 
the same time, at Rhode Island. But of these things, I 
suppose, you are better informed than I am. You will be 
farther informed of these matters from Boston. I [see] no 

30 



234 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

need to send commissioners, if the Long Islanders and the 
[re]st of their Province wonld do what they are capable, 
with the help of East Jersey : I see not bnt they are able 
to defend themselves. But, however, if there should be 
reason for some further supply, that must be as Connecti- 
cut and the rest shall agree. But I hope their noise is far 
more than the thing ; but I believe Boston men will have 
a more particular account of these matters. Mr. Smith 
of Rehoboth is very ill. I have kept house some time : 
through God's goodness, am much better. Shall not 
further add; but my service to yourself and lady, my kind 
love to brothers and sister and all friends ; and subscribe 
myself Your friend and servant, 

John W alley. 

Sir, I hope there is care taken for magistrates to keep 
Court with us next month. There are several actions 
depending, and persons bound over ; and, if there should 
not be a Court, there would be a great disappointment. 



WALTER DEAN AND OTHERS, OF TAUNTON, TO THOMAS 

HINCKLEY. 

Taunton, April 7th, 1690. 

To the Honorable Mr. Thomas Hinckley, Governor of their Majesties' 
Colony of New Plymouth. 

Honored Sir, — It is our great joy that God has 
continued you among us hitherto to be the stay and 
staff of Church and State. We bless God, that has 
restored our judges as at the first, and our counsellors 
as at the beginning ; our rulers from among ourselves, 
who have a paternal affection to us, and wish our welfare, 
and to whom we may freely speak our thoughts, without 
such danger as heretofore we stood in : yet desire not to 
abuse such freedom to impudence, as some do, in uncivil 
and corrupt disrespect of authority. We are sensible that 
your honor lies under a great burden, on whom is the care 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 2'J5 

of all the towns and churches among us. The Lord be 
your great reward, and the renewer of your strength, that 
you may be enabled to grapple with and overcome this 
difference which the present tottering condition of our 
State does produce ! Our design is not (we hope) to 
increase your burden of care, but rather to lighten it if we 
could. The Lord humble us for our present differences, 
and show us the cause of them, and give us wisdom to 
behave ourselves aright before him ! Our differences are 
most unseasonable and unreasonable ; but in time, we 
trust, the dust will be allayed. 

Honored sir, although we, the subscribers, are such 
as did vote for Captain Leonard, yet did it not for the 
promoting of difference, but acted our judgments and 
consciences in so doing ; and are all of us of that 
principle, that, had the major vote fallen on the other 
person, we could have submitted to him : and hope can 
all of us sincerely say, that in this manner we do and shall 
abhor division, and now are ready to join with your honor, 
and other loving fathers in Government, for the healing 
this difference among us ; and shall accept and promote 
all your wholesome counsel and advice to us for peace. 
Your honor, hitherto, has been misinformed concerning 
the distemper of our body politic; which till the physician 
doth truly know, the poor patient can't expect a cure. 
The remedy last afforded for healing has not that effect 
among us ; and, not to lose our scope, we have digested 
our thoughts with a few parts. 

1. That the liberty granted to all to list under whom 
they pleased, it will make such a division in the town as 
portends nothing but confusion and ruin. No man of 
either part, that has the face of honesty, will profess 
himself the promoter of it. Had the division been made 
by the ground, or some other orderly way, the difficulty 
had been less ; but in this way there seems to be a core 
of distance and contention engendered in men's hearts. 



236 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

All the good men of the place (except a very few that may 
labor under some present discontent) do heartily pray it 
may be prevented, if it be God's will : yea, otherwise, 
some threaten removing out of town. From hence will 
come continual opposites in town-meetings and all other 
affairs of a civil nature. We would hope it may produce 
none in the church, — who are all of one mind, (blessed 
be God!) except three or four; and they will submit to 
order, and the determination of the Court. 

2. That hereby is increased upon us, in the most or 
greatest part, charges to procure new military instruments. 
The other party (though they falsely feign themselves so 
numerous) are some of them maintained, in part, by the 
town ; many others by parents and masters, being yet 
under their care and tuition (though drawn away by 
seditious persons) ; and so will not bear the twentieth 
part of the charge. Yea, some hot persons begin to say, 
" How can the Court force to pay such charges, if they, 
can't make others vote, and submit to their own orders'?" 

3. The freemen among us begin to grumble that the 
order of a General Court should be altered by a Council, 
and talk of petitioning to the General Court about it ; 
which we hope may be prevented. 

4. The contempt of authority by one party seems to 
be too little discountenanced ; for whereas the Court 
ordered the people should vote, and come to a choice, 
they dismissed the company and disperse[d] themselves 
as soon as they saw it promoted, and by such doings 
lose an interest in our hearts. Thereby they would have 
brought us, with themselves, to incur the penalty of a 
fifty-pound fine for neglect of it. At this time, the lead- 
ing men among them said they were not for division 
of the company, and owned it would be our ruin : yet, 
at the sa[me time], their agents promote it, and readily 
accept of commissions ; which is nothing ... if they 
can have their own wills, they care not if the whole be 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 237 

. . . of their petitioners, which, they subscribe to their 
petitions, your honor . . . they have still in multiplication. 
Did you but know what pains they take ... as they call 
it, how much drink is spent in encouraging weak friends, 
and the . . . and their party must have their fill of cider 
in the morning, before . . . you would account the whole 
matter, from the foundation, . . . 

[5-] • • • 

[6.] . . . please your honor and the Court . . . him 

that office ........ 

not ratify it, for good reasons well known to themselves. 

But now the case is altered. Great changes have been in 

the world, and sad ones among us ; and, among the rest, 

our former reverend pastor, Mr. Shove, is taken away 

from us : yet we trust his memory is precious to your 

honor. We suspect some friend in the Court does us 

a displeasure in promoting petitions. But good men 

miss it. We can't but think of Eli's sin, though he was 

a good man. 

7. If the Honored Court had never proposed it to us 
to choose a captain, but taken the power of placing one 
over us into their own hands, though most would have 
grumbled at the loss of their liberty, yet, for our parts, 
we would have yielded, and persuaded others to yield, to 
it : and had rather still that the Court would put in whom 
they will, provided we have but one sun in our firmament ; 
for two will set the world on fire. 

8. The generality (we perceive) incline not to list 
themselves under either captain, provided it might not 
be construed contempt of the Council ; in sending which 
they will rather yield to, if there be no help for it. 
Many are persuading Captain Leonard not to accept of a 
commission on these terms ; but rather to train in one 
company, though as a private soldier. Your honor, by 
this time, sees our sore. We have a great deal more to 
say, but shall not write it at present. Our honored Major 



238 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

Walley has been an eye-witness to onr state (your honor 
but an ear-witness as yet) ; and it seems a reflection on 
our major, that one or two sorry souls should have such 
credit before him : but he is able to plead his own cause. 

We are far too bold and troublesome to your honor, 
and crave your pardon. Shall finish all in a word or 
two. We humbly propose that your honor would take 
the pains to visit our town on some time appointed, when 
our Major Walley may be present also, and see how our 
state has been exceedingly misrepresented by such as may 
truly be called factious persons and turbulent spirits. We 
doubt not but your honor may compose matters with a 
short visit. We shall be heartily engaged and obliged to 
pay you due service for it ; and to make some alteration 
in under-oflicers, if your honor advise to it. To prevent 
difference, the people would yield ; though our town doth 
not abound with men of great abilities, and we should be 
at some loss if those should be laid by, whom we, acting 
with best judgment and discretion, have pitched upon. 

We leave the clerk of the company to treat your honor 
further ; and with hearty prayers for your honor's long 
life and happiness, begging yours for us, we rest 
Your humble supplicants, 

Walter Dea N , l Deacons . 

Nathan" Williams, > 

James Walker, Sen., \ 

William Harvy, > Of the Town Council. 

John Richmond, j 

Shadrach Wilbore, Town Clerk. 

Robert Crosman, Jun., Cleric of the Military. 

Peter Walker, > Constahles 

Samuel Hall, > 

John Hathaway, Sen. 

We sought not multitude of names to our petition, but 
offices or officers (not to boast) ; but that your honor 
may know how far we are engaged in acting or to act 
for the town, and that many eyes are upon us to lead in 
this matter. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 239 



THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL OF MASSACHUSETTS TO 
THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, April 11th, 1690. 
Honorable Sir, — In answer to ours lately forwarded 
unto New York, — wherein we proposed to have a meeting 
of commissioners from the several Governments as far as 
Virginia, to consult and advise what may be most conducing 
to the safety and defence of their majesties' Colonies and 
subjects in these American parts, in the present conjuncture 
of affairs, at a time when there is a general combination of 
French and Indian enemies against their majesties' interest, 
— the Governor of New York doth accept that proposal, 
and desires that may be the place of meeting, as being the 
medium between the Governments, and the 24th instant 
to be the time. On consideration whereof, we have 
agreed thereto, and shall send commissioners from hence ; 
and desire that you would appoint some commissioners for 
your Government, whom we shall expect to meet at the 
time and place aforesaid. The advantage of the enemy 
is so great, that our united strength will be found little 
enough, and a good understanding between their majesties' 
Governments — which we have no reason to doubt of — in 
this public concern against a common enemy. Commend- 
ing you to God's protection, we subscribe, honorable sir, 
your assured friends and servants, the Governor and 
Council of the Massachusetts Bay. 

Signed by their order, 

1st Addington, Secry. 



JOHN WALLEY TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Bristol, the 16 April, 1690. 
Honored Sir, — I received yours of 10th instant; and 
do think, that, if you understood the motion of Boston 
(which might be some direction), it would be proper 



240 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

you should write Leisler an answer. I understand they 
have sent up a considerable strength to Albany. For the 
management of the affairs of Taunton, I am exceedingly 
troubled ; and the late order of the Council of War will 
be of very bad consequence, and (if you will pardon me), 
I will say, contrary to the order of the General Court, 
which order is first to be observed. They had no liberty 
to be two companies, unless they could agree to divide 
by the ground, which they could not ; and then, by order 
of the General Court, they were to proceed to choice, and 
were promised the major vote should be accepted. Now, 
contrary to order, to go about to please a minor part, less, 
by far, both in weight and number ; a pleasing of a party, 
that a great many of them, I am afraid, will be angry with 
their minister ere long, and ready to oppose all that doth 
not please them. Had you attended order, surely it had 
been the safest way. You have given such a precedent 
as never was in N.E., and other towns are a-pleading 
for the benefit of it ; and we shall want, not only two, 
but ten captains in a town. But, sir, though I write 
this to you, yet I intend it chiefly for the gentlemen that 
promoted the sending of two commissions. I have them 
yet both by me, and at present shall forbear sending 
either of them. To send Captain Leonard, I had almost 
said, an illegal commission, I am not willing ; and, if he 
be wise (if I should), he would not accept it. Macey's 
party, by virtue of the order of Council, are daily list- 
ing soldiers, and take all opportunities to wheedle in all 
the youngsters they can. The other party look upon 
proceedings not to be proper, and so lie still. They are 
grown to that pass, that I despair of any success of giving 
them a meeting : and there is nothing will tend to peace, 
but for some (Mr. Cotton, &c.) that have an interest in 
Macey to persuade him, for the peace of the town, to lay 
down ; which I believe he will hardly be persuaded to. I 
could enlarge ; but I must forbear. My thoughts are to 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 241 

keep the commissions, and acquaint them from yourself 
and others of the Council. I am advised so to do until 
farther order ; and, in the mean time, to require him as 
lieutenant, and Mr. Leonard as ensign, by virtue of former 
order, and until farther order, to take care, with the rest 
of the Town Council, to meet, and order watching, ward- 
ing, and scouting, as they judge needful. Swansey have 
had another choice : chose Brooks, captain ; James Cole, 
lieutenant ; and Robert Sanford, ensign ; which have 
moved each according to the rules of discipline, and 
the choice, as things are circumstanced, most likely for 
peace. But Cole and his party are discontented: they are 
the least part, and least considerable ; but they will want 
Taunton liberty, if that may go for a precedent. 

I could be glad there were a legal opportunity for to 
have granted the commissions. Little Compton have 
made choice, but have made no return to me. Dartmouth, 
by one neglect or other, all orders and warrants come 
to nothing. They had a meeting warned ; but, as I am 
informed, the constable never appeared with the warrant, 
and nothing was done : and they have not a man in the 
town concerns himself for the settlement, or that seems 
in the least to be concerned whether they have any mili- 
tary officers or no. Eehoboth, many are discontented. 
Captain Hunt doth not lay down (which, by reason of age 
and inflrmness, might do well) ; but I durst not promote 
it, because I see no fit man to succeed him, and a great 
division probably will ensue. So that things on this side 
the country look uncomfortable. Some orders and direc- 
tions from England, to strengthen the hands of them that 
are or shall be in place, would probably tend to a better 
settling of these and all other matters. The Lord direct 
us in these difficulties we labor under, and fit for his good 
will and pleasure ! Sir, pardon my freedom. I hope we 
all aim at the same thing, — the glory of God, and the 
good of them we are concerned with and for. 

31 



242 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

When I had writ thus far, came in the constable of 
Dartmouth, and a warrant from you, with Mosier and his 
two sons. Joseph Allen, sen., and his son, was with me ; 
made complaint against Mosier, but then refused to swear 
the peace against them. Mosier had been with me before 
to make complaint against them ; and I could understand 
nothing but what in a course of law they should have 
issued. Mosier, a substantial man, lately purchased a 
whole share ; gave £180 in money for it ; is going to 
settle his land. The lot he is going to improve is a good 
lot ; lies near the Aliens', but, by record, appears to be the 
right of Mosier's predecessor : and the Aliens, doubtless, 
are trespassers ; have built a little hovel in the middle 
of his lot. Whatever Mosier doth, he doth publicly, and 
makes account he can in law answer any thing he hath 
said or done. Allen could never have took that oath : but 
he might have some fear about the house, which they have 
built in the middle of Mosier's land ; and how far Mosier 
might act therein I will not now determine. But, the 
peace being sworn against them, I have taken bond 
according to your warrant. This is the needful at present. 
With my service to yourself and all friends, I take leave, 
and subscribe myself Your friend and servant, 

John W alley. 

See Old-Colony Records, vol. vi. pp. 223, 224, 231, 237. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO JACOB LEISLER. 

Barnstable, 17 of April, 1690. 
Honorable Sir, — We having received no intelligence 
from the gentlemen of the Massachusetts, concerning their 
proposal to you for a general meeting of commissioners 
from the several Governments as far as Virginia, until just 
now on this instant, nor any intimation thereof in your 
honor's letters but a few days since received, though 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 24 >] 

those few of our Council here which could be convened 
do highly approve of the motion, from yourselves as well 
as from them, for such meeting to consult, and conclude 
what may most conduce to their majesties' interest, — the 
safety and defence of their good subjects in these American 
parts against the combined force of our common enemies, 
French and Indians ; and the maintaining of a good un- 
derstanding and correspondence between their majesties' 
Governments, — yet by reason of our extreme strait of 
time, and scattered living, being more than a hundred miles 
distant along the seaside, we do not see it possible to call 
a full Council or a General Court, in whose power it is, 
according to our constitution, to commissionate men to act 
and conclude in matters of so public, momentous concern. 
All which, notwithstanding, that we may not neglect any 
thing incumbent on us to promote the business, we have per 
post sent to Bristol, and desired Major John Walley (who 
was chosen one of the commissioners for the United Colo- 
nies), that, if it be possible, he would give meeting with the 
rest, at time and place by you desired, — at least, to consult 
and advise about that weighty affair ; and doubt not but, 
as it will be well accepted of their majesties' good subjects 
of this Colony, so will it be their ready endeavor to show 
their loyalty to their majesties, and their good affection to 
all their fellow-subjects, in any service and assistance they 
can against the common enemy, according to the capacity 
of our poor, low condition. Our best crops generally 
failing by reason of drought hath reduced us to great 
straits, — even unto a famine, had not, by God's good 
providence, large supplies of corn come in from your 
western parts ; which yet, for want of money, is very 
difficult and scarce to be obtained by many in necessity : 
besides our being much exposed to the incursions of the 
French capers* by sea, both on the north side and south 

* Privateers. 



244 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

side of many of our towns upon the Cape, whereby we 
must be forced to employ many of our men in watching 
and warding on both sides. And therefore, in reason, 
much cannot be expected from us ; but hope we shall 
show a willing mind, to the utmost of our ability in the 
matter. Not else at present ; but, committing you to 
the good guidance and blessing of the Almighty in all 
those weighty concerns which are before you, I am, sir, 

Your friend and humble servant, T. H. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO SIMON BRADSTREET. 

Barnstable, April 19, 1690. 
Honorable Sir, — Your honor's letter of the 11th 
instant, signed per Mr. Addington, came to hand not 
till 17th instant; which greatly surprised us. As to your 
expectation of commissioners from hence to meet yours at 
New York on 24th instant, having received no intelli- 
gence before of your proposal to the Governor of New 
York for any such general meeting of commissioners from 
the several Governments, nor any intimations of such your 
proposal, from said Governor, in his letters of the 3d 
instant, received some days before yours, wherein he sig- 
nifies to us their certain notice of 2,500 French posted 
in Mount Royal, and advanced from Quebeck towards 
Albany near 250 miles, with expectation of an additional 
strength of Indians, which may attack that place sooner 
than they are aware ; which he says they have commu- 
nicated to the Government of East and West Jersey, 
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and other parts of 
New England ; insomuch that he proposes, for a general 
assistance, that some be commissionated to treat with 
them, about that important affair, at New York on 24th 
instant. Which something amused us ; for we thought, 
the enemy being advanced so far toward Albany, it was 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 245 

most proper to send what force could be speedily raised 
at Long Island and places adjacent to defend Albany. 
It would else be too late, three weeks after, to meet at 
New York, and then return and prepare, and send our 
forces to prevent their attacking ; which was the princi- 
pal intent of that meeting, so far as we could understand 
by his writing : therefore knew not what to do about it, 
till we received yours as above mentioned. But then, by 
advice of such few of our Council as live in these parts 
and were here convened, we writ to him, that having not 
heard of your proposal, nor intimation thereof from him, 
till by yours on 17th instant, though we highly approved 
of the motion, from yourselves and him, for such general 
meeting to consult, and conclude what may most conduce 
to their majesties' interest, — the safety and defence of their 
good subjects in these American parts against the combined 
force of our common enemies, French and Indians ; and 
the maintaining a good understanding and correspondence 
between their majesties' Governments, — yet by reason of 
the exceeding shortness of time, and scattered living, being 
more than a hundred miles distant along the seaside, it 
seems not possible to effect it by calling a full Council or 
General Court, in whose power it is, according to our 
constitution, to commissionate men to act and conclude 
in matters of so public, momentous concern. All which, 
notwithstanding, being unwilling to omit any thing in- 
cumbent on us to promote the business, we forthwith 
despatched a post to Bristol, desiring Major Walley, that, 
if it were possible, he would give meeting with the rest, 
at time and place desired, — at least, to consult and advise 
about that weighty affair ; and doubted not but, as it would 
be well accepted of their majesties' good subjects of this 
Colony, so would it also be their ready endeavor to show 
both their loyalty to their majesties, and their good affection 
to all their fellow-subjects, in any service and assistance 
against the common enemy, according to the capacity of 



246 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

our poor, mean condition. Our crops generally failing 
by the sore drought this last year hath reduced us to 
great straits, — even to a famine, had not, by God's good 
providence, some plentiful supplies of corn come to us 
from those western parts ; which yet, for want of money, 
is very difficult to be obtained by many that are in neces- 
sity : besides our being much exposed to the incursions 
of the French capers by sea, both on the north and south 
side of many of our towns, whereby we must be forced to 
improve many of our men in watching and warding on 
both sides. Therefore much cannot be expected from us; 
yet hope we shall show a willing mind, to the utmost of 
our ability in the matter. Thus far is our account of what 
we sent to said Governor ; but whether Major Walley 
hath any special opportunity to send it, — or to go with 
it himself, as was desired, — we know not : and is all 
we can say at present, also, to yourselves respecting this 
important affair ; only with desire that all our eyes may 
be fixed on Him from whom alone comes all our help, 
that he may prepare us for his pleasure ; and that, though 
he may justly bring us low for our iniquities, yet that he 
would not forsake his people in this wilderness, for his 
own name['s] sake, — seeing it hath pleased the Lord to 
make us his people, — but so guide your honors, and all 
others concerned, in such ways and methods as he may 
graciously please to own, and crown with his own blessing 
and salvation, to his own praise and glory. I remain 
Your honor's affectionate friend and humble servant, 

Thos. Hinckley. 

Postscript. — Sir, I call to mind my fault this day ; and 
though late, yet may no longer omit to pay my humble 
and thankful acknowledgment for your honor's favor in 
the intelligence you sent in March last : and, if any further 
news occur, an account thereof will greatly oblige 

Your honor's very humble servant, pr'dict. T. H. 



THE HINCKLEY TAPERS. 247 



JOHN WALLEY TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

April the 21st, 1690. 
Honored Sir, — Yours of the 18th instant I received, 
and the enclosed, which I shall endeavor to hasten forward 
according to the direction ; but, at present, hear not of the 
Boston commissioners, nor any thing they have done at 
Rhode Island. As for my going to New York, it is not 
only that I cannot spare the time without considerable 
prejudice, but chiefly because I do not see through going, 
or any advantage it would be for me to go, not sufficiently 
instructed and empowered ; and I should be but for a 
cipher when I come thither. I think to write a line or 
two to York. Your letter will do as much to oblige us, 
and more, than I could say or do if I was there. I sent 
a few lines to you by the way of Taunton, which I hope 
you have received. I have, enclosed, sent the choice of 
officers at Little Compton. I have sent a warrant once 
more to Dartmouth, which I hope may be attended. The 
Indians of Dartmouth and Seaconnet — which are about 
100 men, 50 or more armed — have had a meeting: chose 
Lieutenant Southward for their captain, or commander, 
and one Daniel Eaton ; under whom they are willing to 
serve the English, if we should be assaulted. They have 
chose Captain Numpas and another Indian for their In- 
dian commanders. This if the Court or Council approve 
of, and order and commission as there may be reason, it 
would be well to have something done by the first oppor- 
tunity. If Lieutenant Southward be appointed to that 
charge, whether there must not be an order for them 
to choose another lieutenant. The Indian came hither 
Monday, about ten o'clock. The news from England you 
have. King James dead ; the young prince proclaimed 
king in his army. The plague in both armies, and Dublin 
and France. Ten thousand Danes and eight thousand 



248 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

English going to Ireland ; great preparations against 
Ireland, as also against France, by all the confederates. 
French lost great part of his new conquests ; sent an am- 
bassador to England, that was tartly sent away. Scotland 
in good order ; the king going to be crowned there. 
Several men-of-war gone to the "West Indies, and soldiers : 
some add, two or four frigates for New England, and 
sundry commissioned ; but for what end hear not. And 
we have a vessel from England ; but had twelve weeks' 
passage. But the latest confirmation about King James's 
death comes by the way of Barbados ; this being the most 
considerable. Being in haste, shall not add but service to 
yourself and Madam Hinckley and all friends. I subscribe 
myself Your friend and servant, 

John W alley. 



COTTON MATHER TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, 26 d. ii m., 1690. 

Sir, — You find here enclosed some letters from my 
father to yourself. By his letters to me, I perceive that, 
about the middle of last November, God had so blessed 
his applications, as that, when all other means of restora- 
tion to our ancient liberties failed us, he had obtained of 
the king an order to the Judges Holt and Pollexfen, and 
the Attorney and Solicitor General, to draw up a new 
charter for us, which was done, but just as this vessel came 
away, and waited for the broad seal. Governor Sclater 
[Sloughter] of New York had Plymouth put into his com- 
mission ; but, purely through my father's industry and 
discretion, he procured the dropping of it. Our friends 
at Whitehall assured him, that, if he had petitioned for a 
charter to be bestowed upon Plymouth by itself, there had 
none been obtained for you, nor for us neither : where- 
fore he procured Plymouth to be inserted into our grant. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 210 

But, when Mr. Wisewall understood it, he came and told 
my father, your Colony would all curse him for it : at 
which the Solicitor-General, being extremely moved, pre- 
sently dashed it out. So that you are now again like to be 
annexed unto the Government of New York ; and, if you 
find yourselves thereby plunged into manifold miseries, 
you have none to thank for it but one of your own. The 
only hope, if there be any left for you, is for you immedi- 
ately to petition the king and queen, that you may yet 
become a Province, united unto a Colony which you may 
find it more advantageous for you to belong unto. But it 
is not for me to be your adviser. I pray the Wonderful 
Counsellor to direct you. 'Tis to his conduct that you are 
now committed by, 

Sir, your most humble servant, 

C. Mather. 



JACOB LEISLER TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

A. 1690, the 3rd of May, in Fort William. 

Honorable Sir, — Yours of the 17 of April is before 
us ; by which I perceive your approbation of the motion 
of our meeting, and that the time would not permit for a 
full Council, by reason of the remoteness of the inhabitants. 
Major John Walley, your commissioner, having perceived 
the great necessity of one armament by land and water, 
has not been backward to promote the business ; but the 
inability of the gentlemen of Boston, occasioned by their 
great expenses they had last summer, has hindered that 
we could not complete a number of a 1,000 Englishmen 
by land for Albany and Canada, which was thought 
necessary by all the commissioners. I refer your honor 
to our conclusion in Major "W alley's hands ; who has 
promised, if possible, to augment your number to 80 or 
100. We are fitting out three vessels, consisting in 

32 



250 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

a frigate with 24 guns, 150 men ; a brigantine with 
8 guns, 2 or 4 pateraros, 70 men ; and a sloop with 4 
guns, 2 pateraros, 50 men. We are put in hopes, by the 
gentlemen of Boston and Major Walley, of some forces 
by sea ; but nothing certain. Ours shall go, please God, 
though there should go no more. There has been killed 
and captivated 11 persons at Nistigione, 10 mile from 
Albany, by the French and Indians ; and two more 
near Schenectady. We had a scout, near the Lake St. 
Sacrement, of 50 English and Indians ; who discovered 
the track of 12 French and Indians, and gave timely 
notice thereof: whereupon it was ordered to the people 
to come in ; but this parcel would first prepare a dinner, 
and staid, and were surprised. The enemy were pursued; 
but, dividing themselves in a swamp, could not be found. 
I desire your honor, as we have made a beginning, to con- 
tinue ; a good and real correspondency being his majesty's 
interest. We have advice from our commissioners, that 
they have received a letter of wampum signifying the 
coining of the sachems of the Five Nations. They were 
expected the last of April at Albany, where our commis- 
sioners are to treat with them. I doubt not of a good 
success, whereof your honor shall have an account so soon 
[as] I shall have it. I desire your honor to set forward 
the armament by water, which is very necessary. Having 
no more to enlarge, I recommend you to God; and remain, 
honorable sir, 

Your honor's most humble servant, 

Jacob Leisler. 



JOHN WALLEY TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Bristol, the 8th May, 1690. 

Honored Sir, — When I writ my last, I had concluded 
not to go to New York ; but Mr. Stoughton and Captain 
Sewall coming up, they urged me so long to go with them, 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 251 

that, considering thereof, — together with yonr letter, by 
which I understood it was most desired by yourselves that 
I would go, — hoping it might be someways serviceable to 
the public, I undertook the journey (or voyage) ; which, 
if it should not prove profitable, I am sure proved more 
chargeable than I expected. The conclusion, or that the 
persons there met were willing to, I have sent enclosed 
with Governor Leisler's letter. The truth is, he is a 
man that carries on some matters too arbitrary ; but 
I think he is in earnest to promote the design against 
the common enemy. That which made us willing to 
encourage, and promise to promote, the expedition, was 
the rather, forasmuch as, while we were at York, the 
sagamores of the Five Nations were come to Albany, and 
seemed willing to join against the French and Indian 
enemies ; which they will not vigorously proceed in, un- 
less they see a considerable appearance to secure Albany 
and to march into the country ; and if we do not take 
this opportunity to engage them, and make them our 
friends, the French are very industrious to engage them 
and draw them off, that so they be our enemies. Governor 
Leisler, just before we come away, had intelligence of ten 
French, and French Indians, that were taken; and that 
a fort of Indians, that about six year ago lived upon 
the river, but went away, have sent in to trade with the 
English, and offer their service against the French. They 
that are willing to come in are about 110 men, besides 
women and children. They also give an account that 
there is a great nation of Indians, that the French have 
had their chief trade of, of late are much disgusted with 
the French ; and, their sagamore being dead, there is 
great expectation they will stand by the English. These 
things may be of service, if well improved. I gave them 
an account, that if the design could be managed by land 
and water, by the whole of his majesty's subjects of these 
parts, I did not doubt but Plymouth would do what was ra- 



252 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

tional to be expected from them under their circumstances ; 
for our men would incline to go by water rather than by 
land : and, if both designs should go on, the Connecticut 
men lay more suitable for that service ; but if the design 
for Canada by water should not go on, and there being a 
sending from all the Colonies, it would be necessary that 
Plymouth should do something ; and, all things considered, 
I thought they could not send less than 60 men. The 
reason why Boston men put in no more was because they 
have about 400 men by land, and 700 with Sir William 
Phips, out already; and I have been informed Connec- 
ticut men design 200 men, and that they are upon their 
march. 

The Boston gentlemen, though they had a commission 
fully empowering them, yet only produced their letter ; 
and though I have signed with them, yet I tell them, 
therein we unanimously agreed what should (and, as 
we thought, ought to) be done ; and none that signed 
mentioned the Colony he signed for. I told them we 
could do nothing until a General Court was called ; and 
it could not be expected we could be there so soon as 
others ; that, by that time our soldiers come there, they 
will know, in a great measure, what to trust to : for I 
believe, before a week is out, they will probably be 7 or 
800 soldiers at Albany ; which if the Indians strike in, 
they will be improved before ours come. I doubt there 
will be a necessity of calling a General Court, with all 
possible speed, to consider and determine of this matter ; 
and also, by that time, we may expect that the news from 
Sir William Phips will put us upon some farther design. 
Besides, the militia of our county is in an ill posture, and 
some effectual care must be taken therein, and other 
mat[ters] that may occur. Pork and bread may be had 
cheap at York, if soldiers sent that way ; and we must, 
if we send, take care to provide what is necessary. I 
would hope there is some money of the last rate in the 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 2.*>o 

hands of the constables, &c, in Plymouth County, and at 
Taunton, &c. : they should be minded to bring in the 
account of the ratable estates at next Court. I cannot now 
enlarge ; being willing to take this opportunity of sending 
by neighbor Throop to save the charge of a post. Shall 
take leave with my service to yourself and lady, my kind 
love to my sister, &c. ; and subscribe myself 
Your friend and servant, 

John Walley. 



SAMUEL SEWALL TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, May 21, 1690. 

Honorable Sir, — The express sent per your honor 
was with me about five o'clock this morning ; but the 
Council, being to meet in the morn[ing], delayed, that 
might have your sense ; and expected a greater certainty 
of the condition of Casco, which yet fails : whose sitting 
proves so late, that fear 'twill be four post meridiem 
before shall dismiss him. 

The General Court have ordered our soldiers to be 
raised out of the several regiments. Captain James 
Converse is to command one company. They are to 
march next Tuesday, and rendezvous at Concord and 
Sudbury, and so march by land to Springfield and on to 
Albany. Intend to send meat by sea, and take up on 
trust if it arrive not" soon enough. Intend to send the 
second company with a lieutenant to Major Pynchon, and 
he appoint a captain. We think Captain Converse may be 
fit to be next the major. No news is yet received from 
Sir William, and exceeding bad news from the eastward. 
'Tis believed Casco garrisons and fort are burnt, and the 
inhabitants destroyed : so that we do not understand that 



254 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

there is one escaped, or shut up, or left. We fear, if this 
be true, there may be so many French and Indians, that 
we shall be obliged to raise four or five hundred men to 
defend our frontiers on that part. This disaster fell out 
on Friday and Saturday last. Fourscore soldiers there : 
Captain Willard came away the day before. This news 
comes by men sent from Dominicus Jordan's* garrison, and 
a shallop that saw houses on fire on Friday, and forced to 
come away without landing. Have only some glimmering 
hope that the fort not burnt. King James is so far from 
being dead, that he is said to be very strong in Ireland. 
Parliament dissolved : new one to meet on the 20th or 
22d March. Ship came from Torbay, March 7th. Bill for 
corporations twice fallen through, — once by the proroga- 
tion, and then by the dissolution. My humble service to 
your honor, Major Walley, and the gentlemen with you. 
Praying God to turn away his anger from us, and to take 
part with us, I take leave, and remain, sir, 

Your honors humble servant, 

Sam. Sew all. 

Vogue is, 'tis like to be a Dissenting Parliament. 
The Rev. Mr. Eliot j* expired this morning; which puts 
our election into mourning. 



INCREASE MATHER TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

London, May 24, 1690. 

Honored Sir, — Yours per Mr. Cooke I received. My 
former letters have signified that the bill for restoring 
charters (wherein all belonging to N. E. were compre- 



* See Willis's History of Portland, part i. p. 211. 
f Rev. John Eliot of Roxbury. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 255 

hended) came to nothing, by reason of the sudden, 
unexpected prorogation and dissolution of the last Par- 
liament. 

This Parliament (I mean the House of Commons) did 
the last week order a bill to be brought in for the restor- 
ing of all charters. I did immediately apply myself to five 
or six members of the House, to pray them to take effec- 
tual care the bill might be so worded as to comprehend 
our N.E. charters ; which they promised me they would 
do. But yesterday the Parliament was adjourned, and is 
not like to sit again till winter. Thus does the only wise 
God see meet to delay New England's full deliverance. 

I had bespoke my passage in Mr. Ware (by whom I 
design this) ; but the agents from Boston are not willing 
I should leave them. And Sir Harry Ashhurst professeth 
he will no more concern himself for N. E. if I desert 
him ; and others, who are well-wishers to the country, 
suppose it to be absolutely necessary that I should stay in 
England for the sake of New England. If I must stay 
here till the earthquake, which is at the doors, has shaken 
not the earth only, but the heavens also, and if the Lord 
shall suffer me to survive it, I shall find it a very difficult 
thing to make my friends here (which, through mercy, are 
many) believe that I am not called to end my days amongst 
them. And the truth is, that the ingratitude of N.E. 
towards me, after all the hazards I have for their sakes 
exposed myself unto (they not having to this so repaid 
the moneys which, two years ago, I borrowed to save them 
from ruin), has made a great impression on my spirits, 
which I find it no easy matter to get over. My very dear 
love and service to Mrs. Hinckley. The Lord himself be 
with you ! 

I rest yours to serve, 

I. Mather. 



256 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



STEPHEN MASON* TO SIMON BRADSTREET. 

London, the 26th May, 1690. 

Eight Honorable Sir, — Yours by your country's agents 
I have received, noting that they would pay my disburse- 
ments, being £350 principal : but I perceive they are not 
in a capacity to do it, the two bills drawn by Sir William 
Phips and Mr. Shrimpton as yet not being accepted ; and 
it is much to be doubted if they are paid. If those 
gentlemen had drawn upon me, though they are in a 
manner strangers to me, I should hardly have refused to 
honor their bills ; but, if theirs had been paid, the agents 
could not have spared money to pay me. Major Phillips 
hath also sent to Mr. Mather a letter of credit from him- 
self as treasurer : which, in my opinion, is of little value ; 
your circumstances being such, that a letter of credit 
from him, as a private person, to pay to particular per- 
sons here as upon his account, and directed to a particular 
person here, with full and plain words promising repay- 
ment, would have been more effectual. 

I take notice of the thanks returned me as from the 
Government. My greatest satisfaction is, that I acted 
from a right principle, to serve God, and his people in 
N. E. ; yet when letters of thanks, &c, were multiplied 
to them that did less deserve them, and expected to be 
paid for their services, I thought, that, for my assisting 
Mr. Mather when none else would do it, I might have 
expected my kindness would have been acknowledged] 
without a motion from Captain Sawellf and Captain 
Hutchinson. 



* Judge Davis describes this letter as from " a person in England, name not ascer- 
tained." A comparison of the handwriting and of the mutilated signature with a letter 
from Stephen Mason to Increase Mather, contained in the "Mather Papers," belonging to 
the New-England Library, affords conclusive evidence that they were written by the same 
person. 

tSewall? 



THE HINCKLEY TAPERS. 2^7 

What further supplies your agents want, I leave it to 
them to inform you. I understand that Sir H. Ashhurst 
is not forward to part with money, notwithstanding his 
fair pretences at first ; nor do I judge him to be the most 
proper person (though I hope he is honest) for an agent : 
but, he being made choice of (by whose direction and ad- 
vice I know not), it will be inconvenient for the present 
not to continue him such. I am afraid, by letters from 
hence, your people have been lulled to sleep : but I crave 
leave to inform you, that, in my apprehension, your con- 
dition is bad, and your difficulties increase ; your people 
there infatuated ; wrong measures taken there and here ; 
your friends m[uch] discouraged ; your enemies many, 
subtle, diligent, malicious, and powerful. I pray God to 
open the eyes, hearts, and hands of your people, or they 
will be undone, without some miraculous providence of 
God prevents. It is very industriously endeavored to per- 
suade our Cou[ncil] and others to believe that the gene- 
rality of the people of N.E. are against the re-establishing 
your Charter Government, especially in some Colonies. If 
it may not come too late, I humbly offer to consideration 
the sending, by two ships, a petition from all the Colonies 
jointly, from their representatives only, plainly claiming 
and praying for your cha[rter] rights. If such a thing 
were here now, it would do much also to send, in goods 
or bills, a considerable sum of money ; and without it no 
g[ood] is to be done at Court : but, if your people will 
lose a ship to save a h[al]ter, it will prove matter of great 
bitterness to them. If money ca[nnot] be had in a public 
way, is there none among you that can le[nd it] ? Where 
is the zeal of their fathers for God's glory 1 If duty to 
God be not a sufficient motive, one would think self- 
interest and self-preservation should. I have often pressed, 
not only to emp[loy] friends here, but also to endeavor to 
take off or mollify [your] enemies, but in vain ; and that 
because some have been too pro[ne to] despair of success : 

33 



258 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

though I am well satisfied it might be d[one]. I have of 
late assured Mr. Mather, that I will lay down [a] conside- 
rable sum of money to serve N.E., provided measur[es be] 
taken to my satisfaction, and that your business be . . . 
notwithstanding my little encouragement so to do ; but 
... to part with my money upon uncertainties, though 
it is neces[sary] to adventure a good sum. But he cannot 
d[o] it till you . . . him. Being what offers from, 

Sir, . . . humble servant, Ste : Mas[on]. 

I find you have many friends here till talk of money. 
The N.E. masters of ships . . . 



SIMON BRAD STREET, IN THE NAME OF THE COUNCIL OF 
MASSACHUSETTS, TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, 6th June, 1690. 
Honorable Sir, — Yours of the 5th instant came to 
hand early this morning ; wherein you advise of the 
readiness of your soldiers for the expedition to Albany, 
and desired to be informed of our motions thereunto. In 
answer to which, please to know that ours were also pro- 
vided and rendezvoused, when we were alarmed with the 
distress on the Eastern parts by the insolence and pro- 
gress of the enemy, and were necessitated to divert them 
to the relief and succor of those places assaulted ; and since 
have had an express from Connecticut to advise of the 
sickness prevailing at Albany, as also among their forces 
posted there, and that five of the Maquas are dead of the 
small-pox. All which, together with what you intimate 
referring to the Commander-in-chief, hath put us on con- 
sideration, whether or no we should presently complete 
our number as agreed. But have forwarded a party from 
hence to join those of Hampshire, so as to make one com- 
plete company, for that design ; and have referred it to 
Major Pynchon to consult the Council of Connecticut, in 



il 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 259 

order to their advance to Albany if advisable, or other- 
wise to be at present improved for the security of the 
frontiers in Hampshire until farther order, and that we 
have opportunity to complete our number. The conside- 
ration of a meet person for commander-in-chief we ap- 
prehend necessary, and the well settlement of that would 
encourage the design. Colonel Winthrop hath been in- 
vited by the Connecticut gentlemen to accept that service, 
who generously declares himself willing to serve his king 
and country : and none is more acceptable to us than he ; 
and we have written to York to encourage and promote it 
there, and hope it will obtain a general concurrence. 

Our General Court have agreed to set forth an expedi- 
tion to Canada, as that which is looked at of absolute 
necessity to our safety, and putting an end to this trouble- 
some war ; and have appointed a committee to forward 
the same. Your concurrence and assistance therein, and 
of all the other governments, is desired and expected ; 
and pray that we may be speedily informed thereof. Five 
ships-of-war, besides tenders, and two thousand five hun- 
dred men, are proposed for that design. 

Commending yourselves, and the whole interest of God 
in this poor land, unto his gracious protection and blessing, 
with the tenders of our hearty respects and service, 
Subscribe, honorable sir, your real friends and servants, 

Sim: Bradstreet, Govr., 

In the name of the Council. 



THE SAME TO THE SAME. 

Boston, June 13, 1690. 

Honorable Sir, — By Major Walley, we are informed 

of your resolves to yield your assistance of two hundred 

soldiers for their majesties' service in the expedition now 

intended for Canada. It is indeed a hard and difficult task 



260 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



that the providence of God now puts upon [us] ; and we 
may truly say, we know not what to do. And, will God 
now remember us in this our low estate, we hope we 
shall say, His mercy endures for ever. 

Sir William Phips, Knt, is appointed General ; and 
the Court have given Major Walley an invitation to be 
Lieutenant-General ; presuming of your ready concur- 
rence and consent therein for the encouraging and pro- 
moting this design of such common concernment to the 
whole. Our Court have agreed to keep the tenth day 
of July next as a day of humiliation and solemn prayer, 
humbly to implore the gracious presence and blessing of 
God upon our counsels and undertakings. 

The incursions made by the enemy on our frontiers did 
necessitate a diversion of part of our forces designed for 
Albany to their defence: and yet they are daily calling 
for more ; which, with the numbers must be provided 
here for the sea expedition, we hope will justly plead 
our excuse that we fill not up our number proposed ; yet 
are deeply sensible- of the need there is that farther sup- 
plies be sent them, and hope that yourselves and Connec- 
ticut will consider our present exigency, and make some 
addition to that number to be presently forwarded. We 
have in our straits furnished near seventy men for that 
expedition. With the desires of your prayers, commend- 
ing you to God, 

Remain, sir, your friend and servant, 

Sim. Bradstreet. 



JOHN WALLEY TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Bristol, the 23rd June, 1690. 
Honored Sir, — Since my last by the messenger that 
went with me, I have not heard from you nor from Boston, 
only what I hear by travellers. I perceive they go on 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 2G1 

with their design ; and, as I am informed by proclamation, 
they declare to give the same encouragement as before. 
It may be you have a more particular account of it. I 
could be glad of a line from you. Do believe it necessary 
that the Council should meet to consult sundry matters. 
In particular, I believe, if the design go on, there must 
be three companies ; which will be far less than our 
proportion : and I believe 20 or 30 men more than was 
spoke of at first will make them up ; for our companies 
must not be so large as was at first proposed: and I believe 
they will be made up by volunteers ; which if they should, 
we will take care to make the Boston men allow the pay 
for ; which if they yield to, we can pay them out of 
what we shall owe them. I wish we had had orders to 
a beat-up for volunteers ; though here are sundry have 
offered themselves. There is likewise a necessity of a 
special Court : for our Frenchman, that brake prison so 
long since, is sent from York ; and, if a speedy course 
be not taken, he will either get away, or, at least, must be 
sent to Plymouth. We have taken what care we can to 
secure him at present. I have sent enclosed a few lines 
I received from Leisler. I intend for Boston, God 
willing, the latter end of this week, or beginning of next 
at farthest ; when and where I earnestly desire to hear 
from you, if not to see you. I shall then be ready to 
receive any information from you, and to send any intelli- 
gence to you about our soldiers, and all things relating 
thereto, as also to receive what money is sent to lay out 
for the country's use ; and shall take care to procure 
that, in the first place, that only money will procure. 
Pray, send word what vessel you have, or may depend 
upon from your parts. Our soldiers we dismissed as soon 
as I came home ; and have our complement and to spare, 
ready in your rooms against they have order. It would 
be good the men should be at the place where they are 
to embark, some time before they go, that there may be 



262 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



some opportunity to exercise them, and the command- 
ers and soldiers may the better know and understand 
one another. If there be three companies, Lieutenant 
William Southard might do well to be captain of one; and 
then we have three commission officers for our county ; 
and so there might be in each county. To write news is 
needless : it may be you have better intelligence. Prince 
George is gone over to Ireland with thirty thousand men. 
King William advanced as far as Liverpool, the 6th April 
last, to go over likewise if need be. The English and 
Dutch have blocked up the Irish and French harbors. 
It is hoped they will get no supply from France. There 
had been eleven hundred Protestants imprisoned, and a 
Protestant bishop and counsellor-at-law hanged at Limerick 
(since which, by a traveller, I heard as if King William's 
forces had taken and burned the city, and besieged several 
other places). Ten frigates and two fire-ships arrived at 
Barbados, and a governor ; and, is said, a governor for 
Jamaica. They design forthwith to attempt the taking 
of Christopher's. A great earthquake in most of the 
Leeward Islands done great damage ; removed rocks 
[and] trees : the earth moved as the waves of the sea, to 
appearance ; five tides in a short space. It was as much or 
more at the French Islands than the English. Back Star 
[Basseterre], the chief French town at Christopher's, but 
five or six houses left standing. It is said some powder 
come from Barbados to Boston. Said, a French vessel' 
taken, that had letters to the Leeward Islands that they 
must expect no help this year, but stand upon their own 
defence. 

I heard by a Northampton man, that came thence the 
middle of last week, that 1,500 French were come over 
the lake ; that the Mohawks had killed 30 of them, 
and that, after, they killed 50 of the Mohawks; and that 
there was a post come down to give an account of it to 
Connecticut ; and that the Mohawks had sent to the 



THE HINCKLEY TAPERS. 263 

English for help. New England not sending the pro- 
mised supplies may be of ill consequence ; but it is hoped 
the Connecticut men will see it reason and their interest 
to make up what is wanting. 

Sir, pray let there be a speedy and effectual care taken 
about the Frenchman: should he escape again, our sin 
and shame would be great. With the tender of my service 
to yourself and lady, my kind love to my sister and all 
friends, I shall take leave at present, and subscribe myself 
Your friend and servant, 

John W alley. 

Sir, you should, at Election Court, have taken your oath 
about the acts of trade. However, Mr. Burton, at present, 
should be appointed as Collector, and to do what is neces- 
sary respecting vessels inward or outwards bound, coming 
from or going beyond the seas. I have not time to 
acquaint you ; but, for want of it, here is like that 
to happen, that we may all come under great blame 
about it that somebody is not appointed. 



THE SAME TO THE SAME. 

In this letter, Major Walley accepts the command of the troops 
destined for the Canada expedition under Sir William Phips. Its 
history and unsuccessful result are given by Hutchinson (History of 
Mass., vol. i. pp. 396-401) ; and the Journal of Major Walley, in 
which a narrative of proceedings in the expedition was drawn up for 
the Council of Massachusetts, may be found in the same work (vol. i. 
Appendix No. xxi.). 

Boston, the 4th of July, 1690. 

Honored Sir, — I received yours of the 29th June, by 
which I receive your approbation of my acceptance of the 
present service [I am] called to. The Boston gentlemen 
and officers that are like to be concerned seem to express 



264 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

their satisfaction in my proceeding : which is much encou- 
ragement ; for I should have been unwilling, otherwise, 
to have accepted. I find they are very active to get their 
ships and vessels ready. They will not stay for any thing, 
unless it be men ; and they think that a design so great 
as this would have required, or ground edly might expect, 
more men than we propose. However, I have told them 
I hope we shall be three companies ; which will be 220 
men, or thereabouts. I proposed Lieutenant William 
Southward for one of the three captains. Your com- 
mission officers should forthwith have their commissions 
sent them. Boston and many other captains here have 
their commissions delivered this day ; and it is necessary 
our soldiers should be upon their march next Monday 
come sevennight, to be at Plymouth on the Tuesday or 
Wednesday following at farthest. I have taken up, 
or pitched upon, a ship and two large brigantines, to 
come to Plymouth to take in our soldiers. I shall take 
care that provisions and all necessaries be put aboard 
the vessels for our men, and I hope the moneys from the 
several towns will be sent down with all speed. I shall 
endeavor that powder and bullets also be put aboard. 
It would be necessary our soldiers should have three or 
four charges of powder and shot, and have it when they 
are ready to go aboard. I writ to Lieutenant Southward 
to procure our part of the Indians that are for our side 
the country. I hope you have taken care about yours. 
They have provided four chirurgeons, besides some young 
practitioners to attend on them. They have likewise 
pitched upon five ministers ; viz., Mr. Wise, Mr. Noyes, 
Mr. Shepherd, Mr. Walter, Mr. Overton. Now, if you 
would have one out of our Colony, you must pitch upon 
a person suitable. There is care taken to put necessaries 
aboard, so much as to every man a wooden spoon. Pray 
take care that all the men be well armed and clothed. 
I intend to step home before I go ; and, as it may fall 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 265 

out, may return by the way of Plymouth at the time of the 
mustering of the soldiers : and, if there were magistrates 
enough there at that time to make a Council, it might 
do well. We design not to bring the men to Boston ; but 
there will be directions where the fleet shall be made up 
and every vessel receive their orders. The men ought 
to be in pay, I judge, the middle of next week at 
farthest. They are in great want of 30 whale-boats. I 
have waited all this day, expecting they would from the 
General Court have sent to you ; but they have omitted. 
The truth is, if they find the vessels for transportation 
of our soldiers, I think it would be reason we should find 
the boats. But let me hear from you, about this and all 
other matters, as soon as possible. I have not to add, but 
that I am Your most humble servant, 

John Walley. 



SIMON BRADSTREET TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, 5 July, 1690. 
Honorable Sir, — The great affair with reference to a 
sea-expedition for Canada, now in a considerable forward- 
ness, whereof we formerly advised your honor, and of our 
desires and expectation of the concurrence and assistance 
of your Government in an expedition of so vast import and 
general concernment to the whole, we have had no other 
answer unto but what we are given to understand by 
Major Walley, who informs that you have agreed to fit 
out two hundred men for that service ; which we expect 
will be accordingly provided and in a readiness. There will 
be also occasion for a number of whale-boats in that ex- 
pedition ; which we understand are to be had in your 
parts, and therefore desire you would please to give order 
to be speedily supplied and made ready for that service. 

34 



266 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

It seems to be most easy for yourselves to contribute unto 
the charge thereof in that way, we being at the charge 
of providing vessels for the transportation of your men 
and their provisions ; and hope you will take effectual 
order in this matter, which we depend upon you in, and 
desire your speedy answer. Commending you to God, 
and begging your earnest prayers for us, take leave, and 
subscribe, honorable sir, 

Your assured friend and humble servant, 
Sim: Bradstreet, Govr., 

In the name of the General Court. 

It's judged there will be need of thirty boats at least. 



SIMON BRADSTREET TO THOMAS HINCKLEY, GOVERNOR, AND 
THE COUNCIL OF THE COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 

Boston, July 17, 1690. 
Honorable Sirs, — Such are the growing difficulties, — 
by reason of the distresses of the war and the enemies' 
insolence, and frequent annoyances both by sea and land, 
— that it's thought advisable, and our General Court 
have accordingly agreed, to desire a meeting of the com- 
missioners of the several Colonies at Boston, or some 
other town near thereto (if the danger of the common 
distemper* may be any discouragement to come to Boston), 
upon Thursday, the 31st of July instant, to consult of the 
common safety, and to agree upon suitable methods for 
the best defence of the whole, and carrying on the war 
against the common enemy, and what else may fall under 
consideration necessary thereto. For which end, letters 
are despatched to Connecticut and Rhode Island ; and it's 
desired and expected that your commissioners may be sent 

* The small-pox, which was then prevalent in Boston. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 267 

at the time, fully empowered and instructed to conclude 
of all matters referring unto the premises. 

Two of our ships -of- war and a brigantine, all well pro- 
vided, sailed hence the last night towards Block Island, 
&c, to cruise for the enemy's ships that are annoying 
those parts. God grant they may seasonably come up 
with them, and have success ! Commending you unto 
God, begging your prayers for us, who are, gentlemen, 
Your assured friends and humble servants. 
Sim. Bradstreet, Govr., 

In the name of the General Court. 



THE SAME TO THE SAME. 

Boston, 2d August, 1690. 
Honored Gentlemen, — The heavy burden lying upon 
this Colony in making so great provisions for the intended 
expedition against Canada, and the drawing out so many 
men for that service (having no assistance therein from 
Connecticut, as was expected), — besides the considerable 
force sent from hence to the defence and aid of the 
eastern parts, and those necessarily employed as a guard 
upon our own frontiers, — puts us on great difficulties, 
the consideration whereof hath moved our General Court to 
pass a bill for sending unto yourselves to desire your speedy 
assistance with one hundred men — ■ furnished with arms, 
ammunition, and provisions for two months' time — to join 
ours in the eastern parts, for the enabling them to make out 
a body to pursue the enemy, and visit their headquarters ; 
it being rationally conjectured, that upon the despatch 
of the fleet, which, by one means or other, the enemy will 
gain the notice of, that they will immediately assault and 
fall upon the eastern parts and out-piantations. And we 
are already notified, by two captives lately escaped, that 



268 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

they are providing and gathering an united strength to 
make some considerable attempt : though now they have 
so many wounded persons, that there seems to be an 
opportunity of doing a present service, if speedily attend- 
ed ; which was designed by some of our force provided 
for Canada, if the winds had not prevented. We pray 
your serious consideration of the premises ; and that you 
speedily send the desired assistance for the preventing, 
if God see good, the intended mischiefs of the enemy, and 
giving some check to their boldness and insolence. The 
fleet, we hope, will sail within two or three days' time, 
unless the providence of God obstruct by contrary winds : 
on which we desire to wait with humble submission ; and 
commend you, in all your counsels and determinations, 
unto his grace and guidance ; and are, gentlemen, 
Your friends and servants. 

Sim: Bradstreet, 

In the name of the Council. 
Desiring your speedy answer. 



PETER TILLTON TO SIMON BRADSTREET. 

Hadley, August 23, 1690. 

Honorable and worthy Sir, — The present necessity 
of this poor captive, the bearer hereof, John Webb, who 
was impressed on the country's service to Albany, being 
taken captive by the French when Sineckdidye [Schenec- 
tady] was destroyed, stripped of all he had, and carried 
captive to Canada, where he was kept till lately, making 
his escape with two other Dutchmen, — which was done 
with much difficulty, for want of provision to keep them 
alive that longsome journey, — his present necessity of 
somewhat for his relief and supply occasioneth me to 
give your honor the trouble of these lines, that you would 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 209 

please to favor, so far as to be instrumental, that what is 
due to him from the country he may receive, with any 
thing more that the Lord may move the hearts of any, out 
of their charity, to bestow upon him. 

Sir, the righteous Lord is sorely visiting these frontier 
towns at present with sickness by agues and fevers, of 
which many are sick and weak, and several carried to their 
graves. The arrows of mortality and death are flying from 
town to town, and from family to family. A hundred 
persons sick at Deerfield, about fourscore at Northampton, 
many at Hadley and Hatfield. The disease increases in 
the towns downwards. Captain Lewis and Captain Mose- 
ley dead. 

Mr. Hooker said, above forty years ago, that, " if New 
England did not walk up to the privileges God had 
be trusted them withal, He would scourge them with the 
very scullions of the kitchen ; and, though I may die, 
my words will have their resurrection." And is not the 
Lord now scourging us with those scullions and with his 
own hand ? 

Another eminent divine, now in glory, about the same 
time had this say: " When our New-England churches turn 
world [sic], then let New England look for a sweeping 
scourge." And have we not espoused another interest than 
that blessed generation that brought the gospel hither, 
and made that great adventure over the rude and raging 
waves to set up a kingdom for Christ here ] Isa. xlii. 24 : 
" Who gave Jacob for a spoil, and Israel to the robbers ? 
did not the Lord, —he against whom ye [we] have sinned? 
For they would not walk in his ways, neither were they 
obedient unto his law. Therefore he hath poured upon 
him the fierceness of his anger and the strength of battle : 
and it hath set him on fire round about, yet he knew 
not ; and it burned him, yet he laid it not to heart." 
God is spitting in our faces ; hedging up our way with 
difficulties, that we know not how to extricate ourselves, 



270 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

or where to find our paths ; sorely provoked : what else 
means the heat of this great anger? Oh, what cause, if 
ever, to fall down at his feet; to send our cries, our outcries, 
to Heaven, that he would turn again and have compassion, 
— revive his work, — that glory may yet dwell in the land; 
that religion may flourish, that now is languishing as to 
the spirit, life, and power of it ; that Mercy and Truth 
may meet together, and Righteousness and Peace may 
kiss each other ! The Lord bless your honor ; make you 
to flourish like the palm, and grow like the cedar ; clasp 
you, with your Christian lady, in his everlasting arms ! 
This is the prayer of 

Your humble servant, 

Peter Tillton. 



BENJAMIN CHURCH TO THOMAS HINCKLEY? 

Portsmouth, Septr. 30, 1690. 
May it please your Honor, — After the tender of all 
humble service, these are to give your honor a brief account 
of our proceedings since we set sail from Piscataqua upon 
the 10th instant at two in the afternoon. And, first, I must 
beg your honor's pardon for my backwardness herein ; but, 
indeed, I intended to have had more to write before I did 
send : also I heard that Major Pike had given your honor 
account of the substance ; but, to prevent mistakes, I will 
here be a little more particular. We sailed as aforesaid, 
and came the 11th at night, in the night, amongst the 
islands in Casco Bay ; laid the vessels close out of sight. 
Went on shore at break of day, upon an island that had 
been inhabited by the English (called Capeage [Chebeag?]). 
We ranged about ; found where the enemy had lately 
been, but were drawn off: this was the 12th day. In 
the evening we weighed, and came to Macquait ; and the 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 271 

13th day, about two of the clock in the morning, we 
landed our men silently upon the main ; and, leaving 
soldiers on board to keep the vessels, we marched in the 
night up to Pochipscutt [Pejepscot] Fort ; divided the army 
into three companies ; surrounded the fort ; and, when 
daylight appeared, we found that the enemy were removed 
not long before we came there : also the soldiers found 
some little plunder, and a barn of corn. (The same day,) 
we advanced up the river towards Ammascoggen, on 
the south-west side of the river. Although the way was 
extreme difficult, yet it was a more obscure way ; the 
enemy using to march on the north-east side. We marched 
that day above the middle falls, about 20 miles. There it 
began to rain hard : where we encamped, and built fifty 
tents, and lay there that night ; and at break of day 
put out our fires, and marched as soon as 'twas light. 
It being the 14th instant and the sabbath day, the soldiers 
marched briskly, and came within sight of the fort about 
two of the clock in the afternoon. Then we turned into 
the woods, and fetched a circumference, and waded over a 
little river not much above the knees ; and, in short time, 
came to the westerly branch of the great river, and there 
left our baggage and those men that were tired, and made 
them up 40 men to guard the doctor; and, looking over 
the brow of a hill by the said river, espied two English 
captives and an Indian moving towards the fort : ran after 
them, and soon took the English; but the Indian got clear. 
Then I feared he would inform the fort. Gave order that 
all, with one consent, should run through the river, and 
not mind any other form,. but, he that could, get first to 
the fort ; if they had opportunity, to offer them peace ; 
if they would not accept it, to fall on : and, by that time 
they were well entered, the rest would be come up. Also 
I gave order to two companies to spread between the woods 
and the fort, to prevent the escape of the enemy that way. 
All which was attended. We were very wet, running 



272 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

through the river ; but got up undiscovered to the fort till 
within shot. Few Indians we found there, — but two men, 
and a lad of about 18, with some women and children. 
Five ran into the river, three or four of which were 
killed : the lad of 18 made his escape up the river to 
another place, where there was corn, about 40 or 50 miles 
up ; as afterwards we were well informed. We killed six 
or seven, and took eleven : lodged in the fort that night. 
Only one of our men was wounded in that little skirmish. 
"We made use of no other firewood but the fort all the 
time we were there. Monday, being the 15th instant, 
we, having examined the Indians and the English cap- 
tives, made search for corn and other plunder. We found 
a pretty deal of corn in barns under ground, and destroyed 
it ; also we found guns and ammunition, a pretty deal, 
with beaver : and we took five English captives ; viz., 
Lieutenant Robert Hookins [Huckins] his widow, of 
Oyster River ; Benjamin Barnard's wife, of Salmon Falls ; 
Ann Heard, of Cochecho ; one Willis's daughter, of Oyster 
River ; and a boy, of Exeter. Both Indians and English 
informed us that the enemy had lately had a consultation. 
Many of them were for peace, and many against it ; and 
had hired and procured about 300, and intended to Wells 
with a flag of truce, and offer them peace : if they could 
not agree, then to fall on. If they could not take Wells, 
then they resolved to attack Piscataqua. The which 
when we were well informed of, we left two old squaws 
that were not able to march ; gave them victuals enough 
for one week, — of their own corn, boiled, and a little 
of our provisions, — and buried their dead ; and left them 
clothes enough to keep them warm, and left the wigwams 
for them to lie in : gave them orders to tell their friends 
how kind we were to them, bidding them do the like to 
ours ; also, if they were for peace, to come to Goodman 
Small's at Barwick [Berwick] within 14 days, who would 
attend to discourse them. Then we came away with our 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 27o 

own five captives and nine of theirs, and waded through 
the river ; and returned, in that day and one more, to our 
vessels at Macquait. We made all haste imaginable, 
for fear some of our towns should be attacked before we 
came home ; and, through the goodness of God, we were 
most of us well, and found all the vessels well ; and went 
all on board, and set sail: only (as God would have it), 
one of our vessels run aground, which we did not under- 
stand (being in the night) ; and, having left her, we soon 
missed her, Captain Alden concluding she had ran aground. 
And, before she came clear, there escaped one Anthony 
Brackett, of Casco ; who was informed by the lad that 
escaped from Ammascoggen, aforesaid, of our army. He 
made his escape, got into our track, and came to Macquait; 
hallooed to the vessel, that heard him, and gladly took 
him on board. The rest of our fleet bore up, and came 
to Winter Harbor, where I sent out a scout of 60 men to 
Salco [Saco] Falls to make discovery; the rest in arms, 
ready on shore, intending, at their return, to march by 
land to Wells. The scout met with a small party upon 
the river, making fish and other provisions; viz., Old Dony 
and his crew, about 40 in all. The enemy being on the 
other side the river, ours could not come at them. They 
made shot at them ; killed one Dicks, Abaco man, and got 
him on shore : two more men sank in the river. Some 
of ours swam over the river, took their canoes and plunder. 
At this skirmish, Lieutenant Hunniwell was shot through 
the thigh. There we took a pretty deal of powder, shot, 
and lead, and other plunder, and eight or nine canoes ; 
also we destroyed four or five canoes at Ammascoggen. 
The man we took from them at Salco told us, the enemy 
from Cape Sable and all quarters were looked for, by 
that time, to rendezvous at Pechepscutt ; also that he 
knew that the enemy had brought beaver and other goods 
to Pechepscutt Plain, and hid them, — he supposed it was 
a gratuity for the eastward Irdians ; also that he himself 

35 



274 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

knew, within half a mile, where it was hid. This made us 
alter our former intention ; and took ship, and sailed to a 
place more eastward than Macquait (called Mare Point) : 
landed our men by daylight, about 250 ; marched round 
in the woods ; came upon the eastward of Pochepscutt 
Plain. In our march, we espied a canoe, with three or 
four Indians, in Macquait Bay : we made after them ; 
but they got out of our reach. When we came upon 
the plain, we parted into three companies : found none 
of the enemy ; but we found the plunder, of which 
a pretty deal of powder and shot. Then we returned 
and embarked, and made the best of our way to Casco : 
came in there in the evening, being the 20th instant. 
There I concluded to land, and send the ablest part by land 
towards Wells. But I landed the most part of the men, 
and went on shore, and ordered them where they should 
lodge : but the Indians, in particular, I ordered to such a 
house, or else to go on board again ; but they, contrary 
to my order, took up their lodge on the river, by Pa- 
pooduck* side, where the enemy had lately rendezvoused. 
All the rest of the commanders and companies were 
where I ordered them to be. The enemy discovered the 
Indians' fires ; came in the night, and discovered where 
the companies lay, and ambushed them at daylight ; 
made shot upon our Indians ; it being the 21st instant 
and the sabbath day. Our English arose to the succor 
of the Indian friends ; being all ready at break of day 
per my order : and, drawing up towards them, many were 
wounded and slain, the enemy having great advantage of 
ours ; for the light of the day and stars, reflecting upon 
the waters, gave them advantage to see us, when as we 
could not see them at all against the dark woods, especially 
we could not see to distinguish between our Indians and 
theirs. Whereupon I ordered to lie still under the sea- 

* Purpooduck. 



THE HINCKIiEY PAPERS. 275 

banks till daylight, — I coming on shore the second boat, 
and saw the difficulty : but the enemy fired hard upon the 
vessels and boats coming on shore ; and, when the day 
was light enough, I ordered the men to arise from the 
banks, and run all upon them at once. The which we 
did, and soon put them to the flight ; followed them hard 
through a swamp, firing briskly. They, knowing where 
their canoes were, got their wounded men into them 
before we came up ; and most of them put off. Our 
men affirmed but two that they saw killed. We took two 
guns, a many blankets and gun-cases, and four canoes. 
The rest of the enemy ran into the woods. "We went on 
board ; sent away two vessels with the captives, and sick 
and wounded men ; and buried our dead, which was three 
English and four Indians. The wounded were seventeen 
English and seven Indians. Them that were slain were 
chiefly Plymouth : the wounded of Captain Connyere's, 
six ; Captain Floyd['s], three ; Captain Southworth['s], 
four ; Captain Walton's, three ; of Captain Andrews['s], 
one. (Since that,) one Englishman of Plymouth is 
dead of his wounds, and an Indian ; also an Indian and 
an Englishman, both of Plymouth, dead of the small-pox. 
We embarked, and came to Cape Neddick the 22d day ; 
and marched with about 200 men, all we had fit for 
service, to Wells. Sent a scout, the next day, to Salco 
and Winter Harbor, about 24 miles : made no discovery 
of the enemy later than we were there before. Then 
we returned, and came to Portsmouth the 26th instant, 
because our doctor was gone home with the wounded men, 
and our men were several of them sick and lame, and 
wanted shoes and other recruits ; or else we would have 
gone farther before we had come home. The Indians 
we brought home were John Hawkins's wife and four 
children : we took his brother-in-law, who ran away 
from us in our return home. This John Hawkins is the 
sagamore that headed the Indians that took Cochecho. 



276 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

Two children also of Welumbee, Sagamore of Ammascog- 
gen ; and one girl more, whose father and mother were 
slain in the skirmish. John Hawkins's sister was also slain 
at the same time. And we returned to Portsmouth the 
26th instant, intending with all haste to go to Tocconnock; 
but many cross things falling out to frustrate the design, 
too long here to relate. But from Major Pike your 
honor will hear more at large. Thus, with my service 
to your honor, I rest and remain 

Your honor's most humble servant, ready to serve your 
honor, Benja. Church. 



ICHABOD WISEWALL TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

October 17, 1690. 
Honored Sir, — After all due respects premised to 
yourself and the Council, omitting any apology, and 
considering how often your Court hath advised concern- 
ing obtaining a patent from England, I wonder now that 
there is so much silence, and want of further motion I 
in that affair, especially considering how many vessels 
have arrived from New England and New York. I think 
it may be necessary, with all possible speed, to send 
another address to his majesty, lest you find yourselves 
disappointed of those so long and so eagerly desired privi- 
leges for want of asking in season. I account myself 
obliged to give you notice, that your not improving the 
late opportunities encouraged some to move for your sub- 
jection to New York ; others, that you might be annexed 
to the Massachusetts Colony: but at present both these 
are out of course. Sir, if you see reason to pursue your 
patent privileges, neglect no time : Post est occasio calva* 

* Post hmc occasio culva: " Take occasion when it cometh." — Cooper's Dictionary. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 277 

If you think meet to present an account of the Colony's 
and particular persons' sufferings under Sir Ed[mund], let 
it be under the seal of the Colony : for though (when I 
reflect on what is past) it may not be so far taken notice 
of as to recover what is lost, yet peradventure it may so 
far affect the king, that he may, by his royal grace and 
justice, shut up that back-door, or sluice, at which those 
swelling waters came in upon us ; i.e., he may grant you 
a patent which may prove a protection and security for 
the future. But, by the way, remember 10 Ecclesi- 
astes 19.* 

If you desire a patent, I advise you to write to the Earl 
of Monmouth, who is a man of courage and faithfulness, 
and in favor with the king. My Lord Shrewsbury hath 
laid down his place. The Earl of Nottingham is the 
only Secretary of State at present. It is the opinion of 
your friends here, that your vigorous management of your 
present possessed privileges will be no injury, but an ad- 
vantage, to you. I verily apprehend it may be very proper 
for you to employ Sir Henry Ashhurst and Dr. Cooke as 
your agents ; which two will be able to manage your whole 
affairs at Court. Sir, I have a great interest in Dr. Cooke, 
and can prevail with him in any thing which is reasonable ; 
and I know that he may serve you, if you send in season. 
If you see reason to comply with my sentiments, you may 
write privately to Dr. Cooke to entreat for you the favor 
of Sir John Somers, who is the king's Solicitor-General. 
When you see Mr. Dudley is come to N.E., then consider 
what you have to do, and what speed is necessary. It 
may be your interest to show all obliging civilities to 
Colonel Sloughter, who is to be Governor of New York. 
I presumed to draw an address, and also a brief memorial, 
to be presented to the king ; but, here being no creden- 
tials, met with some obstruction : concerning which, if 

* " Money answereth all tilings." — Prince. 



278 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

there be occasion, I may tell you more hereafter. Sir, I 
am unwilling to come away re infectd, though I long to 
be at home as soon as may be. God Almighty direct and 
protect you and yours, is, and shall be, the constant prayer 
of him who is, and remains, 

Sir, yours and the Colony's servant, 

ICHABOD WlSEWALLE.* 

Dyer's Court in Aldermanbury, at the sign of 
the Golden Angel, London. 

Sir, if you send any letters, let them come under to 
Mr. Samuel Sheafe, merchant, at the sign of the Golden 
Sheaf, in Cannon Street, London, and they may come 
safe to hand. 

Dr. Cooke presents his service to your honor. 



The next paper in the collection is a duplicate of the preceding 
letter, but dated November 10, 1690, and with the following postscripts 
added : — 

The House of Commons hath voted a tax of money, to 
be raised for 12 months, amounting unto 137,641-18-02 
per mensem. 

On the 6th of this month, a petition was delivered to 
the king in behalf of the Massachusetts Charter ; and it 
is hoped there will be an answer speedily. 



JOHN COTTON TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Plymouth, February 6, 16|£. 

Honored Sir, — Though an opportunity of speaking 
vivd voce may be at hand, yet I can no longer check my 
desire of speaking to you by this paper-messenger. What 
my own letters from Boston and Old England do say, 

* The above is the orthography generally used by the author of this letter in his 
signature. Contemporaneous writers spell the name Wisewall or Wiswall. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 279 

render me no stranger to what was sent you from thence 
lately. Sir, I doubt not of your faithfulness and solicitous 
care to promove the best interest of this poor Colony, 
who hath not only deserved ill from the hands of God, but 
have so demeaned themselves to the authority of their own 
choosing as not to deserve from man to say, " I will be your 
Healer;" yet, good sir, I hope you will overlook all such 
discouraging considerations, and at this day stand forth, and 
play the man, for our God and for the. cities of our God. 
That we are not in Colonel Sclater's [Sloughter's] com- 
mission (who, Mr. Dudley says, is probably arrived at 
New York before this day), is, no doubt, true : that, as 
yet, we are not conclusively disposed of at Whitehall, I 
take for granted. The question then is, What shall we 
do ] I doubt not but you have, many a time this week, 
made such an inquiry in your addresses unto God : and I 
know you are wont so far to condescend as to ask some 
weak men their opinions ; my experience whereof quickens 
me to this present boldness in thus writing to your honor. 
Not that I am now ready to presume, in suggesting what 
seems to be our present duty ; but I make bold to say, 
that having had converse, by letters and otherwise, with 
men of wisdom, prudence, and piety, I find a notable 
inclination upon their spirits, with great unanimity, to 
move that yourself would think favorably and complyingly 
of taking a voyage to Old England. I believe none among 
us w T ill be free to trust any but yourself : and as for the 
many hundreds of pounds that must be collected to defray 
the charge of such an undertaking, I find amongst us a 
great readiness (maugre all our great charges) to contribute 
largely thereunto ; and the fears of going to New York in 
most, and the unwillingness of others to be under Boston, 
make them willing to any expenses to prevent the same. I 
could almost be willing to think, that whatever improbabili- 
ties there were (as things were circumstanced at Whitehall) 
for us last year to obtain a charter, yet a prudent 



280 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

messenger might (if there himself, with such friends as 
I believe he would there find) suggest such arguments 
as would either obtain a distinct charter, or, at least, 
such privileges and immunities in our affixing us to 
Boston as would render our condition very comfortable. 
But, alas ! good sir, I have quite forgot myself. When 
I first began, I only intended to suggest to your gracious 
consort, that she should be willing to lend you to the 
Lord in so great a service, if God shall call you thereunto; 
and, hearing so many speak much for it, I thought it 
but duty to acquaint you therewith, that your sedate mind 
may revolve it before you come hither. It falls in course 
(and, for me, unhappily) to be my lecture-day. Mr. Arnold 
intends to be here : I wish Mr. Russell would come also. 
If Mr. Keith come not, I shall have his lines. Never did 
poor Plymouth (me judice) need more help from heaven 
and earth than at this day. I know you have candor 
enough to pardon my boldness : I have oft experienced it. 
With due respects and service to you and Mrs. Hinckley, 
commending you and this great affair to the Wonderful, 
Counsellor, desiring your prayers for me and mine, I 
rest, sir, Yours humbly to serve, 

John Cotton. 
Captain Clap* is dead. 



The next paper in the Collection is a copy of Orders of the General 
Court held at Plymouth, March 3, 1691 ; giving thanks to Sir Henry 
Ashhurst, Rev. Increase Mather, and Rev. Ichabod Wiswall, for their 
services in behalf of the Colony, in their endeavors to procure a charter 
for a separate Government ; appointing Sir Henry, agent to promote that 
object ; and agreeing that the Governor should send an Address to the 
King. The orders are printed in Plymouth-Colony Records, vol. vi. pp. 
260, 261 ; and are omitted here. 

* Captain Koger Clap, born in Salcom, Eng., 6 April, 1609, was one of the first set- 
tlers of Dorchester, Mass., 1630; and died in Boston, 2 Feb., 1691. — See his Memoirs, 
with an Account of the Author and his Family, by Prince. 



ma^ 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 2M 

ROBERT PIKE TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Salisbury, March 23, 1690-91. 

May it please your Honor. 

Sir, — After the tender of my humble respects, these 
lines (having so fair an opportunity to send them) are 
with respect to Major Church, and the other gentlemen 
that from your parts accompanied him in their majesties' 
service in our parts the last summer.* First, To give 
yourself and them, and your Colony for sending them, 
and they for coming, my hearty thanks ; praying the 
Lord to requite it to you, and to supply all your needs 
at all times, and to your and our safety. Secondly, To 
declare unto you that I am heartily sorry to hear of the 
ill requital that he have met with, if all be true as I 
have heard ; namely, that he is unworthily reproached as 
unfaithful or cowardly, or worse. What the reason of it, 
or whether it be true' that he is so rendered, I am not 
certain ; but this I judge it my duty to say, that, in that 
little happy acquaintance that I had with him in that de- 
sign (myself having the chief conduct thereof), I found 
him to be very forward, faithful, and diligent; vigorous and 
expeditious in despatch, at their first going-forth; and in our 
private counsel, casting one thing and another, resolved to 
keep faithful and close to duty (whatever proved the issue); 
and, after his return, was industrious (as I thought), beyond 
measure, to have promoted a second motion, — which might 
have been of good advantage, with God's blessing, could 
it [have] been accomplished, — which had certainly been 
done, had we had provision (?), though his Indians went 
away. And as for the time they were out, their improve- 
ment was great, and the success answerable ; God favoring 
them with winds, so as that they accomplished the breaking 
of the brunt of the enemy, and made them sue for peace : 



* See Thomas Church's " Entert; ining Passages," &c, pp. 66-81. 
36 



282 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

and, could they have gone the second time, it might have 
been what God saw good to make it ; and I wish that envy 
of men do not rob God of the praise due to him. All that 
I could take notice of was the sparing of the Indian, 
that was taken, and run away, for which the major was 
blamed : to which I shall only say, it was what it was. 
His commission from yourselves did bear it ; and he had 
experienced good by it, and doubtless hoped for the like 
now; and his running away was not intended by him: 
and to expect absolute perfection in any is to account 
him more than a man ; and not to allow him the accidents 
of imperfection is to deny him that which makes him less 
than a man. Sir, I humbly crave your pardon of this 
my boldness and rude application, who am constrained to 
break off abruptly for haste ; and to excuse all that is 
amiss, upon the good affection of him that is, honored sir, 
Your honor's most humble servant, 

Robt. Pike. 



SAMUEL WORDEN TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Boston, March the 30th, 1691. 

Sir, — I have taken care to commit your concerns left 
with me to the care of Mr. Lathrop, who hath promised 
to see the delivery thereof when he comes to you. We 
have had much uncomfortable tidings in a few days : 
from York on Saturday, by a post, that a quarrel has 
happened between the town and the fort, occasioned, it's 
thought, by rashness on both sides ; the town raising men 
on some pretence, and erecting works against the fort, 
and offering several affronts to the governor thereof, — it's 
doubted, on very purpose to provoke him to do something 
that might evidence against him. This is the opinion of 
the sober : but they say, he, without any provocation but 
only raising some men for the town's safety, he fired on 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 2H:] 

them from the fort near twenty shot, killing four persons ; 
and the town, fitting to answer him again, occasioned the 
killing of six more, — by the unhappy discharge of one 
of their own guns, loaden with two bags of small shot, — 
one of which was the person called Magregory, who was 
employed in Sir Edmund Andros his service here. All 
this happening on the day or two before the Governor's 
arrival ; who ordered a summons to be sent to the fort, and 
clapped up two of Lishla' s [Leisler's] Council in prison. 
Lishla, they say, demanded some terms, or else time ; 
w T hich, was answered, was not to be granted to the king's 
subjects, but enemies. The fort was surrendered, some 
say, by the soldiers, who opened the gates, and ran. But 
Lishla is secured ; where we must leave him while the 
next, and tell you something we have from Barbadoes : 
that a new and deep intrigue has been discovered in Eng- 
land, wherein 40 lords, many great persons with them, 
are laid up in the Tower, for designing the destruction 
of the king's person, and subversion of the Government : 
and the king, being embarking himself for Holland, was 
shot at by one of his guard ; and a design of conveying 
him to France instead of Holland was frustrated by the 
unanimous rising of the seamen on board the fleet. These 
things seeming intricate, we fear too much of it may be 
true ; but hardly credit it all, or as it is told to us. That 
a packet was seized as it was conveying to France from 
England, with several hundred great men's invitation to 
King James to return again ; and that a packet was taken 
going from Galway to France to inform the king, that 
the want they were in would necessitate them to surrender 
if speedy supply was not made them. It's added, likewise, 
that the Massachusetts Charter was granted about eleven 
weeks since. No matter if any of it be true ; for to what 
purpose will it be for you or us to sue for a charter, if a 
door be yet open for King James to come in at ? — which 
God forbid ! It's doubted if the news be true : too many 



284 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



of the king's domestic servants are concerned in it. I 
should have told you when the quarrel was at New York, 
some think the other party, together with their designing 
somewhat against Lishla ; so they, growing weary of waiting 
for the Governor's arrival, had intended to have wrested the 
Government out of the hand of Lishla, — partly fearing 
lest the Governor should miscarry, his stay being somewhat 
long ; and the other, not willing so to be ejected, sent 
the shot among them : which if so, his plea will be the 
better, and they not justifiable in so presumptuous an 
action. No more at present. I rest 

Your son in law* Samuel Worden. 



JOHN WALLEY TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Bristol, the 27 April, 1691. 
Honored Sir, — I have endeavored to send along, 
with what speed I can, a letter that came from Governor 
Sloughter. If there should be a necessity of a General 
Court, I would desire it might not prevent our County Court: 
it will prove a great inconvenience if it should. Though I 
do not see that it is reasonable for us to send there, unless 
they were in more necessity. We may have enough to do 
to guard on our coasts, and yet there be advantage taken : 
it's good to be well advised. They and Connecticut are 
well able to defend that post at Albany ; and it is well 
if we and Boston can look after ourselves. But, however, 
it will be expected you should, with all possible speed, 
send a letter to Governor Sloughter. In the mean time, 
until you can give him a full answer, here will be an 
opportunity in ten days to send by the same messenger 



* Mehitable, daughter of Governor Hinckley, married Samuel Warden of Boston ; and 
Afterwards, Aug. 25, 1698, William Avery of Dedham. — Savage's Geneal. Dictionary, 
vol. ii. p. 425. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 285 

that brought this. Leisler, and seven more condemned 
and sentenced, were executed, or like to be speedily, as is 
thought. They were all tried only for what [was] done 
since the coming of persons with the king's commission. 
I have not to add but my service ; and rest 
Your friend and servant, 

John W alley. 



ICHABOD WISEWALL TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Honorable Sir, — I heartily sympathize with you in 
respect of that dark cloud of Providence which hath 
overspread New England ; and daily entreat the Father 
of mercies that the sun of prosperity may yet once more 
rise, culminate, and scatter the same, to our eternal joy 
and consolation. It is the daily admiration of some, that 
not one line from your honor, nor any in that Government, 
hath arrived in London, to this very hour. When some con- 
sider the spirit which animated the first planters to venture 
their all, in attempting so great hazards for the enjoyment 
of civil and religious privileges in that day, and also 
reflect upon the demurs or neglects of those who so lately 
were providentially snatched as brands (almost consumed) 
out of the flaming furnace, it begets a question ; viz., 
An sit Natura semper sui similis ? That Plymouth, under 
its present circumstances, should sit silent so long, (may I 
not say, sleep secure?) is a great riddle. If you desire to 
return to the late experience of the miseries of an arbitrary 
commissioned Government, a little longer neglect of your 
opportunity may hasten it. I know not any one here that 
hath opened his mouth in your behalf, either to the king or 
others concerned. I forbear the reasons at present ; only 
hint to you, that time and travel prove the best expositors 



286 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

of what we sometimes knew but imperfectly. I formerly 
wrote my opinion concerning employing Dr. Cooke. I am 
semper idem ; and still account him a man of judgment in 
such affairs, and faithful to his trust. Concerning news 
and matters relating to the Massachusetts, I refer you to 
Dr. Cooke's letters to Governor Bradstreet. Thus with 
my affectionate service to your honor, Major Bradford, 
and the rest of the gentlemen now in Government, I 
subscribe myself 

Your honor's humble servant, 

ICHABOD WlSEWALLE. 

Please to present my service to Madam Hinckley, Mr. 
Russell, Mr. Cotton, senior, &c. 
Aldermanbury in London, July 6, 1691. 

Honorande domine, si ex animo velis per lumen minimi 
fallax cognoscere characterem Domini C. M. (qui inter vos 
vindicator patrice predicatur), consule Dominum Moodeum 
necnon Addingtonum, qui possunt ex pede Herculem metiri 
et delineare. 

Honoris tui incolumitatisque Plymothensis cupidissimus, 

I. W. 

Sexto quintilis a partu Virginis, 1691. 



JOHN WALLEY TO ICHABOD WISEWALL? 

Reverend Sir, — Your several letters have been received, 
and communicated to the Court. Your endeavors to keep 
them a distinct Government was very well accepted by the 
Court and the body of the people ; and they are still very 
desirous of a charter, and are willing to be out considerable 
if they could be sure of it ; but will raise but little to send 
upon an uncertainty : and many are daily possessing the 
people with the unlikeliness of their obtaining, and telling 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 287 

them they will but lose what they send. However, they 
were willing to try to raise as much, by a voluntary sub- 
scription, as would make 200 sterling, to be disposed, 50 
to Sir Henry, 25 to Mr. Mather, 25 to yourself ; * but, being 
sensible Sir Henry was a man of (?) interest at Court, 
thought he might, by friends, make a 100 go as far as a 
stranger might make 200: and, the uncertainty of yours 
and Mr. Mather['s] stay, have appointed, if the money be 
raised, to make Sir Henry their agent if he will accept ; 
and have desired him to advise with you and Mr. Mather, 
if there, about any thing that might be for the Colony's 
good; and have desired you would give him information 
as may be necessary. But, at present, the money is not all 
raised: we hope it may [be], before the ship sails; but, 
if it should not, the Colony is very desirous to be kept 
a distinct Government if it may be. If the money be 
procured, we shall send farther to acquaint you in this 
affair ; and though most are for a distinct charter, yet the 
most sober men had rather we were joined with Boston 
than New York. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO INCREASE MATHER. 

Reverend Sir, — Your several letters of May, and Sep- 
tember 16, 1690, have been received, and, so far as neces- 
sary, communicated to our General Court. Your service in 
keeping us from New York, and all other intimations for 
the good of this Colony, this [sic] thankfully accepted ; and 
though it would have been well pleasing to myself and to 
sundry others of the most thinking men, which are also 
desirous to support the ministry, and schools of learning, 



* I conclude, the Rev. Mr. Wisewall of Duxborrough, vvho went for London in Feb., 
1689-90. See Gov'r Hinckley's Let rs of Feb. 4, 1689-90. And this seems to be wrote a little 
before y e lef follow*. — Prince. 



288 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

to have been annexed to Boston, yet the greatest part 
of the people and of our deputies are most desirous to 
obtain a charter for themselves, if possible to be procured ; 
and that, so far as I can discern, they had much rather 
be annexed to the Massachusetts than to New York ; yet 
are not willing to have it mentioned, lest it should divert 
any endeavors for the obtaining a distinct charter for 
themselves : they being very jealous also, if being annexed 
to the Massachusetts, that they shall be overvoted, and 
made to bear so much of the vast charge that the Massac- 
husetts have heretofore expended, or must expend for 
past arrearages, which, superadded to the great expense 
their Colony hath voluntarily put themselves unto for the 
assistance of them and their neighbors, and fellow-subjects 
of the same Crown, against the common enemies, — Indians 
and French, — they deem will break their backs ; being 
more in debt themselves, for their said assistance past, 
than they know how to pay. Sir, to send you thanks 
only in a piece of paper, for what service, &c, is scarce 
worth our sending or your accepting; but are glad to 
hear the gentlemen of Boston have repaid what you 
mentioned you borrowed ; besides that little, not worth 
the mentioning, privately contributed by some of ours. 
Many of our deputies were very desirous to employ Mr. 
Wise wall; but was thought by some, that though he were 
never so much our friend, yet unless he had interest at 
Court, which they did not understand he had, it would put 
us to charge in vain. Some moved for yourself to be one, 
some for both of you, and some for all three of you : but, 
as things were circumstanced with us, it was thought best, 
and so at last concluded by a full vote, that as they had 
improved the Honorable Sir Henry Ashhurst in present- 
ing their humble address and petition to their majesties, 
&c, so to desire him, in pursuance thereof, still to give 
himself the trouble to ask for them, by endeavoring to 
obtain from their majesties a charter for their most ancient 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 2S9 

Colony, with such privileges, regulations, and enlargements 
as shall be thought fit for the good government of his 
subjects here ; and, in particular, that we may be suffi- 
ciently empowered and required to see that the gospel be 
preached in the several towns here, and due care taken 
for the maintenance of them that dispense the same ; and 
that Sir Henry be pleased to advise with yourself and Mr. 
Wise wall, as he shall have opportunity and may see cause, 
in any thing which may relate to us ; and that yourself 
and Mr. Wisewall be writ unto to give him the best 
information and assistance you can in what you think may 
be advantageous to us. And it was also farther voted 
by them, that two hundred pounds should be endeavored 
to be raised at present by a voluntary contribution, with 
an order and promise, that, if ever we should be in a 
capacity to make a levy for defraying such charge, they 
should be repaid what they contributed more than the 
particular proportion would amount unto : fifty pounds 
whereof to be presented to Sir Henry Ashhurst, — with 
their thanks for his readiness to serve them, — twenty-five 
to yourself, and twenty-five to Mr. Wisewall ; and the 
other hundred to be sent to Sir Henry Ashhurst to make 
some beginnings towards the procuring of a charter distinct 
for us ; and, if likely to be obtained, on advice given us 
what sum of money is necessary, more superadded for the 
obtaining thereof should be raised, and sent to him. But 
on trial made, though some particular men and towns 
did contribute liberally towards that sum, yet others, by 
reason of the great charge of the war aforesaid, and 
partly being discouraged by some leading men telling 
them that they would but throw away their money, — 
they would never be like to obtain a charter, nor you 
neither, for the Massachusetts, — and not hearing that 
you had obtained, they thought there was no hopes for 
us. But, if sure to obtain one, they would give liberally: 
but discouraged, as aforesaid, to expend much at so great 



290 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

uncertainty, in their poor and low condition ; and thereby 
the said sum proposed fell considerably short ; and by the 
Court's order, the whole sum being not raised, none 
was to be sent. Which, for aught I know, was their 
weakness, in not manifesting some suitable thankfulness 
to the gentlemen whose service had already and might 
further lay them under obligations unto : but they thought 
there was little reason to send some men's money, and 
not others' who were equally concerned therein ; and not 
being in a capacity, as now circumstanced, to make any 
rates for an equal defraying the charge hereof. So that 
I see little or no likelihood of obtaining a charter for 
us, unless their majesties, out of their royal bounty and 
clemency, graciously please to grant it, sub forma pauperis , 
to their poor but loyal subjects of this Colony, whose 
fathers and predecessors, to enjoy the liberty of their 
consciences in the matters of God's worship, and to 
enlarge their sovereign's dominions, did, at their own 
proper cost and charge, run that hazardous and amazing 
adventure, with their wives and children, to settle the 
first English plantation in New England, then a howling 
wilderness, a land not sown, — as was hinted in their 
humble address and petition to their majesties, — and 
thereby first broke the ice for many others to follow, to 
the increase of their prince's glory, advancement of trade, 
and revenue to the Crown ; or unless their majesties' 
officers through whose hands it must pass will give the 
Colony credit till thereby they may be put in a better 
capacity to raise money for defraying the charge thereof, 
— which would be accounted a great favor to them, — 
and, when in a capacity, I hope will not be ungrateful to 
their friends. 

Sir, I am ashamed to write any more to Sir Henry 
Ashhurst, unless we had the money to send with it ; but 
request you to acquaint him herewith, and the desire 
of our Court, that, as he may have opportunity, he 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 291 

would please to promote the obtaining a charter for 
them according to their address presented to the king's 
majesty by him, on their desires now further manifested 
concerning it. It is further humbly requested, that his 
honor and yourself would please to use your best endeavor 
to prevent our being put under or annexed to New York, 
which will be no service to their majesties, but a ruin to 
us; being, as is deemed, 300 miles or more from Plymouth. 
Sir, things are much out of order and in great confusion 
with us, for want of any signification to us, from their 
majesties, of their owning of us, in our present station, 
pro tempore, until his majesty hath more leisure to settle us 
for his service and bur best good : many taking occasion 
from thence, especially in the county of Bristol, to deny 
us to have any authority, and therefore refuse to pay 
any rates or taxes for payment of the soldiers sent forth 
for to maintain their majesties' interest, and defence of 
their good subjects from the treachery and barbarous 
murder and rapine of our common enemies, Indians and 
French ; riotously assembling in considerable numbers 
at Dartmouth to resist the constables in the execution 
of their offices to collect said rates, according to their war- 
rants, in their majesties' names directed to them, from 
the authority here. And there were others, since, further 
animated, in their casting-off of Government, by what they 
obtained from Governor Sloughter of New York, — on their 
complaints to him from Dartmouth and Little Compton, — 
as per letter of the 8 of May last to Mr. Joseph Church, 
who is an associate or county magistrate of Bristol County. 
So that 'tis feared there would be blood shed, if endeavors 
should be used to subject them to their duty before we have 
his majesty's pleasure, by letters signified to us, of his ap- 
probation of the necessary maintaining of the Government 
here, good order, peace and quiet of the subject ; and 
therefore earnestly request Sir Henry Ashhurst and your- 
self to improve your interest at Court for the speedy sig- 



292 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

nification of his majesty's pleasure to us in the premises. 
You better know than I can say, that all things will run 
into confusion when every man shall do nothing but what 
is good in his own eyes. But we must leave all to His 
disposal, who only doth all things well, as shall be most 
for his own glory and his people's best good in the issue ; 
to whose good guidance, protection, and blessing, in all 
he hath or may call you to, I commit you, praying for 
your safe return in God's best time, and craving your 
pardon for this trouble. With my humble service to the 
Honorable Sir Henry Ashhcirst, yourself, and gentlemen 
with you, I remain, with desire of your prayers, 

Dear sir, yours, much obliged in effect as in affection, 

Thos. Hinckley. 

Barnstable, Oct. 16, 1691. 

Sir, I sent you a letter of April 16 last, near to the 
same effect ; but, not knowing whether it came to your 
hand, made bold to give vou the trouble of these. 

T. H. 

These for the Eeverend Mr. Increase Mather, dd with care in London ; 
or, in his absence, for the Right Honorable Sir Henry Ashhurst, 
knight and baronet, at St. John's, London. 



THOMAS HINCKLEY TO ICHABOD WISEWALL. 

Sir, — Your letter of July 6, 1691, came to my hand 
the last week ; whereby I perceive that mine of April 16, 
'91, came not to your hand; wherein I gave you an 
account of the receipt of your two former letters, which 
were communicated to our General Court in March last, 
who thankfully accepted your service in endeavoring to 
keep them from being annexed to New York or the Mas- 
sachusetts, especially New York, if there be any hopes 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 293 

of obtaining a charter distinct for ourselves : otherwise, 
so far as I can discern, the generality of the deputies and 
the people had much rather be annexed to our brethren 
and neighbors of the Massachusetts, than put under New 
York and the servitude of a commissioned Government ; 
but mostly desirous to have it to themselves. And for 
that end, after much debate upon the matter, thought it 
would but increase charge to have two or three agents : 
and having begun with the Honorable Sir Henry Ashhurst, 
who manifested his readiness to serve us, and supposing 
he had best interest at Court, did at last conclude, by a 
full vote, to desire him, as he had presented their humble 
address and petition, so, in pursuance thereof, he would 
still give himself the trouble to ask for them, by endeavor- 
ing to obtain from their majesties a charter for this their 
most ancient Colony, with such privileges, &c, as should 
be thought fit for the good government and welfare of 
their subjects here ; and, in particular, that they may be 
sufficiently empowered and required to see that the gospel 
be preached in the several towns and plantations here, 
and due care be taken for the maintenance of them that 
dispense the same ; and that Sir Henry be pleased to 
advise with yourself and Mr. Mather (who hath had a con- 
siderable time of experience and acquaintance at Court), 
as he shall have opportunity and may see cause, in any 
thing which may relate to us ; and that Mr. Mather and 
yourself be writ unto to give him the best information 
and assistance you can in what may be judged advan- 
tageous for us. And it was also further voted by them, 
that £200 be endeavored to be raised by a voluntary 
contribution, with a promissory order, that, if ever they 
should be in a capacity to make a levy for the defraying 
such charge, they should be repaid what they had con- 
tributed, more than their particular proportion would 
amount unto : £50 whereof to be presented to Sir Henry 
Ashhurst, — with their thanks for his readiness to serve 



294 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

them, — £25 to Mr. Mather, and £25 to yourself ; and 
the other £100 to be sent to Sir Henry to make some 
trial and beginning towards the procuring a charter 
distinct for them ; and, if likely to be attained, on advice 
given what sum of money more were necessary for the 
obtaining thereof should be raised, and sent to him. 
But on trial made, though some particular men and 
towns did contribute liberally toward said sum, yet others, 
partly by reason of the great charge of the war and 
their low condition, and partly and especially being dis- 
couraged by some leading men telling them that they 
would but throw away their money, — they were never 
like to obtain a charter, nor the Massachusetts neither, — 
and not understanding that they had obtained any 
after all their labor and charge, they thought there was 
no hopes for us. Which if they had, or were sure of 
obtaining, they would give liberally : but discouraged to 
expend much at so great uncertainties, in their poor 
and low condition ; and thereby the sum proposed fell 
considerably short ; and the General Court's order being, 
that, if the whole sum were not raised, there should be 
none sent. "Which I thought was their weakness, in not 
manifesting some thankfulness to the gentlemen whose 
service had already and might further lay them under 
obligations unto ; and especially considering that they 
had near £150 left by their agents at Boston till more 
should be raised to make up the complement to be 
sent. But the deputies, at June or July Court, saw 
cause to send for it again, and return it to the owners, 
judging there was little reason to send some men's money, 
and others excused who were equally concerned therein ; 
and not being in a capacity, as things are circumstanced 
now with us, to make any rate for an equal defraying 
the charge thereof ; and being heartless as to any hopes 
of attaining the end it was raised for. So that I see no 
likelihood of obtaining a distinct charter for us, unless 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 295 

their majesties, out of their royal bounty and clemency, 
graciously please to grant it, sub forma pauperis, to their 
poor but truly loyal subjects of this Colony, whose fathers 
and predecessors, to enjoy the liberty of their consciences 
in the matters of the pure, scriptural worship of God, 
under the protection of their own sovereign and the en- 
largement of his dominions, did, at their own proper cost 
and charge, encounter the amazing hazards, difficulties, and 
distresses, to erect the first English plantations in this vast 
American wilderness, and thereby made way for many 
others, to the enlargement of their majesties' dominions 
and glory, the advancement of the English trade, and 
revenue to the Crown ; or unless their majesties' officers 
through whose hands it must pass will give the Colony 
credit till thereby they be put in a better capacity to raise 
money for defraying the charge thereof. Meanwhile, it's 
earnestly desired that you and the other gentlemen would 
use your best endeavors to keep us off from being under 
New York: which, if we should, would be no service to his 
majesty, but a ruin to us ; being, as is deemed, more than 
300 mile distant from Plymouth. And that you would also 
endeavor to obtain a few lines from their majesties, if they 
graciously please to favor us, so far as to own us, pro 
tempore, in our present station of Government, till he shall 
have more leisure to settle it. Eor want of the signification 
of their allowance there, doth much obstruct their majesties' 
service, and the peace and welfare of their good subjects 
here : many taking occasion thereby, especially in the 
county of Bristol, to deny us to have any authority, and 
refuse to pay any rates made for the payment of the 
soldiers sent forth to maintain their majesties' interest, 
and defence of their subjects in these parts from the 
incursions, rapines, and barbarous murders, of our com- 
mon enemy, — the perfidious Indians, and French in 
combination with them, — but riotously assembling in con- 
siderable numbers at Dartmouth to resist the constables in 



296 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

execution of their office in collecting said rate, according 
to warrant, in their majesties' name directed to them, 
from the authority here ; and are of the same spirit at 
Little Compton and some other places. So that it's 
thought there would be blood shed, if means should be 
used to reduce them to order and their duty before we 
have their majesties' pleasure signified to us, and his 
approbation of the necessary maintaining of the Govern- 
ment here, for tjieir service, and good of the subject : 
and especially seeing they seem to be animated, in their 
casting off the Government, by what Governor Sloughter 
from New York, being abused by their complaints, wrote to 
Mr. Joseph Church, who is an associate of that county, 
dated May 8, 1691 ; viz., that he hath heard several 
complaints of oppression and injury done, to several in- 
habitants of Dartmouth and Little Compton, by him 
and others forcing them and levying of taxes, without 
authority ; and if he hear any more complaints of that 
nature, he assures him, he will take such methods to ease 
the subject as " will otherwise affect you than you are 
aware of," saith the letter, subscribed by him ; and that 
the gentleman sent to us — both before this, in April, 
and after, in June — to offer our part, in men and money, 
towards a considerable force necessary to be raised for 
the defence of Albany, and making incursions toward the 
French frontiers over the lake. Which seems not con- 
sistent : for no man will go unless forced, — viz., by a 
press, — nor money raised without levied by a tax ; which 
he denieth, as it seemeth, that we have any authority 
to do, — thereby weakening our hands to raise money for 
the payment of the soldiers already sent forth for their 
majesties' service in defence of their interest and subjects. 
Though they are paid, there is none will obey, though 
they should be pressed for further service ; especially being 
so animated as aforesaid : which may prove a great disser- 
vice to their majesties' interest, and their good subjects our 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 297 

neighbors. Sir, I am ashamed to write any more lines 
to Sir Henry Ashhnrst, unless I have the money to send 
with it. You may please to acquaint him herewith, 
and with our General Court's desires as aforesaid ; and to 
whom else you shall see cause. I hear, when they are in 
a capacity, they will not show themselves ungrateful to 
him nor others. Not else at present, but with desire 
of continuance of your prayers to Him that knows how 
to scatter all the dark clouds impending over us, as shall, 
in [the] end, be most for his glory, and best good of his 
people ; to whose good guidance, protection, and blessing 
I commit you, praying for your safe return in best time. 
And with my service to the Honorable Sir Henry, yourself, 
and rest of N.E. gentlemen as if named, I rest, sir, 

Your friend and servant, T. H. 

Barnstable, Octb. 17th, 1691. 

These for the Reverend Mr. Ichabod Wiswell, at Dyer's Court in 
Aldermanbury, at the sign of the Golden Angel, London ; or to be 
left at Mr. Saml. Sheafe's, merchant, at the sign of the Golden Sheaf, 
in Cannon Street, London, for said Mr. Wiswell. 



SIMON BRAD STREET, IN THE NAME OF THE COUNCIL OF 
MASSACHUSETTS, TO THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL OF THE 
COLONY OF NEW PLYMOUTH. 

Boston, Octobr. 30th, 1691. 
Honorable Sirs, — You cannot be altogether insensible 
of the growing distresses of the country by the long con- 
tinuance of the war, the sad effects whereof have hitherto 
principally fallen upon our fellow-subjects in the eastern 
parts and on this Colony ; yourselves being, providentially, 
more remote from the present seat thereof. The vast 

38 



298 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 



charge drawn thereby upon this people, in the constant 
assistances afforded unto the Provinces of Maine and New 
Hampshire, and the several expeditions formed against 
the common enemy, with what is daily called for to the 
guarding of the frontiers and sea-coasts, renders the same 
very insupportable ; it having pleased God to frown upon 
endeavors used to give check unto the enemies' insolence, 
who are flushed with success, and, as we are credibly 
informed by intelligence lately received from John's River, 
are combined in forming of a body to make fresh attacks ; 
and the Indians, in small parties, in a skulking way are 
breaking in upon out-plantations : so that it's of necessity 
to raise a considerable force, by God's blessing to repel 
their assaults. We cannot think but that you look at 
yourselves as concerned in this common cause, and that 
you will willingly contribute your assistance thereto, as you 
have, both formerly and of late, found a readiness on our 
parts to give the like to yourselves when occasion has 
been for the same. We therefore desire you would please 
speedily to advise, and make your resolves, on this matter, 
and let us understand what assistance of men and provisions 
we may expect from you for the general support of their 
majesties' interests and the common safety ; provisions 
being more plentiful with you than in this Colony, and 
the Provinces of Maine and Hampshire having their 
dependence on this place for supplies, not only for the 
maintenance of the soldiers posted there, but also for 
the relief of the inhabitants, who must else unavoidably 
draw off. Thus commending the whole concerns of this 
distressed land to the care and good providence of Him 
who is the Lord of hosts, with the tenders of our respects, 
we subscribe 

Your friends and neighbors. 

Sim: Bradstreet, Govr., 

In the name of the Council. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 209 



ICHABOD WISEWALL TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

A part of this letter is printed in Hutchinson's History of Massachu- 
setts, vol. i. p. 413. 

Honorable Sir, — When I parted from your honor, 
Feb. the 6, anno '89, # I little then imagined that it would 
have been August the 29, '91, before I should receive one 
line from you. But I must abate something respecting 
the times, and (must I add?) the disingenuity of some, 
whose carriage to more than myself will in due time be 
laid open. Sir, it hath passed as an approved maxim, 
both among physicians and statesmen, Obsta principiis, 
sera medicina paratur, post est occasio calva. I do believe, 
Plymouth's silence, Hampshire's neglect, and the rashness 
and imprudence of one, at least, who went from New 
England in disguise by night, hath not a little contributed 
to our general disappointment. There is a time to 
speak, and a time to keep silence. We might have been 
happy, or, at least, not so miserable, had some been able 
or willing to be taught their proper seasons. Plymouth ; 
the Massachusetts as far west as the Narraganset country, 
and northward three miles beyond Merrimack Eiver ; the 
Province of Maine ; and the lands from Sackadehock 
eastward, as far [as] the easter[n]most extent of Acadia, or 
Nova Scotia, — are clapped up into one Province, under 
such restrictions as I believe will not be very acceptable 
to those inhabitants who must lose their ancient names. 
There are, in the new charter, 28 Councillors (of which, 
4 for Plymouth), a Governor and Deputy ; all nominated 
by one who acts as if he were a sole plenipotentiary. 
The Governor, Deputy, and Secretary are to be nominated 
and continued only durante bene placito regis. Sir W. P. 
hath one that labors hard for his advancement, and there 

* i.e., 1689-90. — Prince. 



300 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

are divers competitors : though, as yet, the king hath 
not declared who shall be advanced ; but will this day 
sevennight, as I am informed. The perusal of the new 
charter will inform how many old magistrates are left out, 
and what new are substituted, by one that is better known 
to us than to some in New England. Since my receipt 
of your honor's letter, I was eager to have moved in 
Plymouth's behalf; but those on whom you rely most 
are wholly averse. I need say no more. If you consult 
Secretary Addington, you may understand more than I 
have leisure now to write. I only reflect on New England's 
condition, under this juncture of providences, much like 
that of the Jews, under Cyrus ascending the throne of their 
former oppressor. At his first appearance, they were in 
hope to rebuild their city and sanctuary ; but were deprived 
of their expected privileges all his days by ill-minded coun- 
sellors. God grant that New England may know what is 
the worm which gnaws at the root of our once-flourishing 
gourd! Let Him refine us by his furnace, bring us as 
gold out of the fire, give us the Valley of Achor for a dew 
of hope, restore us our vineyards from thence, and make 
us sing as in the days of our youth, when our fathers 
followed him into this wilderness, and there was no 
strange god among them. Then was the high God their 
refuge ; who made them sit down at his feet, and expe- 
rience that all his saints were in his hand, and that there 
was the hiding of his power. So prays he who is, sir, 

Yours and New England's hearty well-wisher, servant, 
and fellow-sufferer, I. W. 

I hope your honor have received my last by Captain 
Arnold, — July the 6th. 

I hope to see you (God willing) by the next conveniency. 

Present my service to Madam Hinckley and all our 
true-hearted friends. 

London, 9ber 5th. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 301 

Sir, all the frame of heaven moves upon one axis ; 
and the whole of N.E. interests seem designed to be 
loaden on one bottom, and her particular motions to 
be concentric to the Massachusetts tropic. The entail of 
our inheritance is in danger. You know who are wont to 
trot after the Bay horse. Your distance is your advantage, 
by which you may observe their motions. Yet let me 
mind you of that of the great statesman, 7 Ecclesiastes 14. 
Few wise men rejoice at the reception of their chains, 
except such as receive honor and profit therewith. 
Doubtless it would be accounted hypocrisy before God, 
and ground of disdain among men, to see any person 
receive and entertain the present and undeniable evidences 
of his disappointments with the usual testimonies and 
compliments attending the desire accomplished. 

Your honor's eyes will be opened, if you read the 
letters to Mr. Addington, Novemb. 4, 1691. 

See Plymouth-Colony Records, vol. vi. pp. 259-261. Baylies' Me- 
moir of New Plymouth, part iv. pp. 134-138. Hutchinson's History 
of Massachusetts, vol. i. pp. 405-413. Winsor's History of Duxbury, 
pp. 112-115. Morton's New-England Memorial (Judge Davis's edi- 
tion), Appendix, pp. 473-477; where may be found judicious and dis- 
criminating remarks on the correspondence between Governor Hinckley 
and the agents of the Colony in England. 

For interesting particulars respecting Rev. Mr. Wiswall and his 
family, see History of Dorchester, pp. 483-487 ; Jackson's History of 
Newton, pp. 453, 454. 



ISAAC ADDINGTON TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Sir, — I am commanded by his excellency Sir William 
Phips, Governor, &c, to acquaint you that their majes- 
ties have appointed and constituted yourself one of their 
Council for their Province of the Massachusetts Bay ; and 
that your presence is desired and expected at Boston, with 



302 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

the first convenience you can, to attend their majesties' 
service ; and, if not sooner, without fail on Tuesday, the 
twenty-fourth current, at which time a General Council is 
appointed for the nominating and empowering of judges, 
justices, and other officers. 

I am, sir, your servant. 

By his excellency's command, 

1st Addington, Secry. 
Boston, May, 1692. 



POWER OF ATTORNEY FROM ELIZABETH BACKHOUSE TO 
THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Know all Men by these Presents, That I, Elizabeth 
Backhouse, late of Duxbury in the county of Plymouth in 
New England, single-woman, have assigned, ordained, and 
made, and in my stead and place put and constituted, my 
trusty and well-beloved friend Thomas Hinckley, of Barn- 
stable in the county of Barnstable, in New England afore- 
said, to be my true and lawful attorney for me and in my 
name, and to my use, to ask, sue for, prosecute, levy, recover, 
and receive of Nicholas Morey, of Taunton in the county 
of Bristol, and of Mary his wife, who is sole executrix of 
the last will and testament of her late husband, Joseph 
Cross,* late of Wells in the Province of Maine, deceased, 
all that legacy given and bequeathed unto me by my late 
uncle, the said Joseph Cross, by his last will and testament, 
due unto me sundry years past, as per said will doth and 
may appear ; giving and granting to my said attorney, by 
these presents, my full and whole power, strength, and 
authority in and about the premises ; and upon the 
receipt of such legacy, sum or sums of money, acquittances 



* Joseph Cross, Plymouth, 1638, removed, perhaps, to Maine; was constable of Wells, 
1670. — Savage's Genealogical Dictionary, vol. i. p. 478. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 303 

or other discharges for me and in my name to make, seal, 
and deliver ; and all and every other act and acts, thing 
and things, device and devices, in the law whatsoever, 
needful and necessary to be done in or about the premises, 
for me and in my name to do, execute, and perform, as 
fully, largely, and amply, in every respect, to all intents, 
constructions, and purposes, as I myself might or could 
do if I were personally present; ratifying, allowing, and 
holding firm and stable, whatsoever my said attorney shall 
lawfully do or cause to be done, in or about the execution 
of the premises, by virtue of these presents. 

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
seal. Dated the twenty-sixth day of June, one thousand 
six hundred ninety and seven. 

Signed, sealed, and delivered; with the word [" prose- 
cute"] added before the word " levy," in the eighth line, 
before the ensealing hereof. 

Elizabeth Backhouse. \Seal.~\ 
(Her mark) E 
In presence of 

Sam ll Prince, 

BETHIAH GrAILE. 

The above-named Elizabeth Backhouse personally ap- 
peared, the date abovesaid, and acknowledged this instru- 
ment to be her act and deed, before me, 

Stephen Ske[ff], Just[ice of the Peace]. 



SAMUEL PRINCE TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Honored Sir, — I make bold here to present you with 
a token of love, in the first-fruit of that gracious gift 
which once you were pleased to bestow upon me, though, 
I think, scarcely with all your heart. My son, I mean ; 



304 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

whom I bequeath to you as your own, to be a father 
unto and a tutor of; freely and heartily acquiescing in 
your faithfulness, both for correction and instruction, as 
occasion shall offer and need require ; and shall ever 
acknowledge myself gratefully obliged to you, upon your 
kind acceptance. 

So, presenting you with our duty, with love to our 
brethren and sisters, service to Mr. Russell, his wife, and 
all friends, begging your prayers to God for us and him, 
I remain Your dutiful son, 

Sam 1l Prince. 

Sandwich, January 17th, 1698-99. 



JOSEPH LORD TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Honored Sir, — That you might know something of 
our circumstances, and that I might not seem unmindful 
of the duty which I owe unto yourself, I have taken the 
opportunity (though much hurried with concernments of 
several sorts) to let you understand, that, after three 
weeks wherein we had been out of Boston, we arrived 
at Charlestown in Carolina, on Dec. 7 in the evening; 
having seen and spoken with no less than seven vessels 
in our passage, one whereof (a sloop that had been, when 
we met with her, two months out of New York, bound 
for Virginia ; whose master's name (if I mistake not), he 
told us, was Richard Slowman), I fear, is lost. We had 
a pretty comfortable passage ; meeting with no very bad 
storms in the way, nor any great matter of sea-sickness. 
My wife was sea-sick but a day or two ; and not very sick 
then neither. That day we arrived was the coldest day 
that we had in our voyage ; and, on that night after our 
arrival, came up a storm of rain and hail, with cold, 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 305 

insomuch that the ice hung upon the trees in such 
quantities, that some trees were broken off in their bodies 
by the weight of it ; others had their boughs broken off ; 
and the noise of their falling was a continual disturbance 
to such as lived near to thick woods. In which storm, 
a ship, that was coming up to the bar a little after us, 
was blown off again, and was a week longer before she 
could come in. When I came up to Dorchester, I found 
that a certain Anabaptist teacher (named Scrivan), who 
came from New England, had taken the advantage of my 
absence to insinuate into some of the people about us, and 
to endeavor to make proselytes, not by public preaching 
up his own tenents, nor by disputations, but by employing 
some of his most officious and trusty adherents to gain 
upon such as they had interest in, and thereby to set 
an example to others that are too apt to be led by any 
thing that is new. And he had like to have prevailed : 
but Mr. Cotton's and my coming has a little obstructed 
them ; one woman being recovered, and convinced of the 
error of that way, — for whose rebaptization a day was 
appointed, — and another (a neighbor of ours, the wife 
of Major Broughton ; by which you may perceive that 
they enter into houses, and lead captive silly women) is in 
a way (I hope) to be convinced of it, though she was 
almost prevailed on to be rebaptized by plunging. Dabit 
Deus his quoque finem. 

Mr. Cotton is likely to settle at Charlestown : and a day 
is by them of his church appointed for the solemn uniting 
in church state, and receiving the right hand of fellowship; 
viz., March 15. 

My wife, at present, is not very well ; and therefore 
cannot write with her own hand. She remembers her 
duty to yourself and to mother ; as also I do. She likes 
the winter ; but does not know how she likes the country, 
till she has been here all seasons of the year. 

39 



306 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

Angelica, that we brought over with us, is grown out 
five or six inches long already. So are some damson- 
trees, the roots whereof we brought o[ver]. Currant and 
gooseberry bushes that we brought with us are green 
and flourishing. Apple-seed[s, so]wn by us since we 
came, came up in January ; and are now about three 
inches high, some of them. All other herbs that we 
brought over seem to take very well and grow here. 

This, with our respects to Mr. Russell and Mrs. Russell, 
and love to our brothers, sisters, and other friends and rela- 
tions, with desires of your prayers for us, is all at present 
from Your dutiful son,* Joseph Lord. 

Dorchester in Carolina, Feb. 21, 169|. 



NATHANIEL STONE TO THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Harwich, Aug. 18, 1699. 
Honored Sir, — It has commonly been found a truth 
as to people, with respect to the maintenance of their 
ministers, that their promises have been better than 
their performances, and their pretensions in the beginning 
of their concernment with them better than their practices 
afterward ; and I wish neither of these may be verified in 
this people with whom I am concerned. I gave yourself, 
not long since, an account of what they did, or rather 
what they did not do, at their last meeting, with respect 
to my settlement among them. The selectmen have now 
appointed another meeting to be on the 28 of this instant 
August, at 9 of the clock in the morning, to make trial 
of what may be farther done ; and I e[ntre]at the favor of 

* Abigail, daughter of Governor Hinckley, married, 2 Jan., 1698, Kev. Joseph Lord, 
of Dorchester in South Carolina, afterward of Chatham, Mass. — Savage's Geneal. Diction- 
ary, vol. ii. p. 425. 



THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 307 

yourself to give us a visit, and so to [be] present at that 
time. It will, I suppose, be more proper [for] me (under 
my circumstances) to controvert with them about it. 
We should have been glad of a visit from Mr. Russell 
at the same time, but find reason to question whether 
it will then be. Sir, I am 

Your dutiful son,* N. Stone. 

We are now removing into the house designed for us 
to dwell in. 



A FRAGMENT, PROBABLY FROM SAMUEL SPRAGUE TO 
THOMAS HINCKLEY. 

Marshfield, 5th of Sept., 1699. 

Honored and much esteemed Friend: 

Sir, — Yours of 24th of August I have received ; and, in 
answer to your request therein, have carefully searched 
and compared our late Colony books together, and find 
that the 4th of July, 1673, was the first Tuesday of July, 
and that actions were then tried ; and find not any word, 
in any of said books, that mentions a General Court 
held at Plymouth at that time, nor no adjournment from 
June Court to any time. I mean, in express terms : for 
doubtless there was a General Court held by adjournment 
about the middle of that week, as was usual about that 
time, though neglected to be so called and entered by the 
then Secretary ; because, in the acts and proceedings of said 
Court, many things were done only proper for a General 
Court ; and, at the conclusion of all, find the names of the 



* Rev. Nathaniel Stone, of Harwich, married Reliance, a daughter of Governor Hinckley 
by his second wife, Dec. 15, 1698. — Savage's Geneal. Dictionary, vol. ii. p. 425. 



308 THE HINCKLEY PAPERS. 

deputies that served at said Court. Notwithstanding, that 
particular act that you refer to seems most probable to be 
done by a Court of Assistants, because dated the first day 
of that Court ; and I well remember that the actions were 
usually near tried before the General Court began : which 
is all I can inform of that matter. 

Sir, the reason of my not journeying to Monamoy, as 
intended when I was last at Barnstable, is, first, because 
I never yet understood that those that claim to have right 
to those lands with William Nickerson, Sarah Covell, and 
myself, do accept of what I then proposed and have reason 
to . . . 



Note. — The Latin phrase, imperfectly given on page 146, lines 
6, 7, as it appears on the defective manuscript of the original, was 
undoubtedly taken from the iEneid, book v. line 709 ; which is as 
follows : — 

"Nate Dea, quo fata trahunt retrahuntque sequamur." 

Dryden amplifies the idea in the following translation : — 

" Goddess-born ! resigned in every state, 
With patience bear, with prudence push, your fate. 
By suffering well, our fortune we subdue ; 
Fly when she frowns, and, when she calls, pursue." 



Swmmarg jistariial Harrattfo 



THE WARS IN NEW ENGLAND 



WITH THK 



FRENCH AND INDIANS IN THE SEVERAL 
PARTS OF THE COUNTRY. 



BY REV. SAMUEL NILES, A.M. 



CONTINUED FROM VOL. VI., THIRD SERIES, PAGE 279. 



NILES'S HISTORY 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 



The depredations and massacres prevailing in the land, 
the authorities thought proper to add to the premiums 
for prisoners and scalps. But it did not answer the 
design ; for it was quickly found, that every Indian scalp 
or prisoner taken cost the country at least a thousand 
pound. 

It was observed, that they committed more spoil in 
smaller parties, in proportion, than in larger bodies. 

August .10 [1706], the Indians slew William Pearl of 
Dover ; and, a little after, took Nathaniel Tibbits. 

But of all the Indians that were ever known since 
King Philip, in the southern part of the country (of whom 
we have heard much, in the former part of this history), 
none has appeared so barbarously cruel and inhuman as 
Assacambuit, that insulting monster in shedding of blood. 
By his own account, and for that very reason perhaps, he 
had encouragement from the French to go over to Paris, 
where he had introduction into the king's presence ; * and 
there, in the most arrogant and vain -glorious manner, 
lifting up [his] hand, he says, " This hand of mine has 
slain one hundred and fifty of your majesty's enemies 

* See Charlevoix, vol. ii. p. 326. 



312 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

within the territories of New England : " which bold and 
impudent assertion so pleased that bloody monarch, his 
master, that he immediately conferred on him the dignity 
of knighthood (I suppose, the first Indian that ever was 
knighted; and perhaps will be the last, except some one 
or more of his party-colored mongrel vassals rise up and 
do the like barbarities on the people in these American 
parts of the world), and ordered him eight livres a day 
during life ; which so puffed him up with pride, that after 
his return, having so long imbrued his hands in innocent 
blood as to exert a sovereignty over his own people by 
murdering one and stabbing [another], and finding their 
relations meditating revenge, he made his escape, and 
never returned again. 

About this time, the Government concluded to send out 
further force against the enemy: therefore Colonel Hilton, 
January 21, marched with two hundred and twenty men, 
and visited the frontiers anew. But, the season proving 
moderate, they could effect but little of what was intended. 
However, in his return, he came upon an Indian track, near 
Black Point: which he pursued, and killed four; and took 
a squaw, with a pappoose at her breast, — who informed 
him of a small number on a neck of land, and conducted him 
thither. He slew them all but one; him he kept prisoner: 
they were eighteen in all. "It is strange to think by 
what winged Mercury" (as my author expresses it) " reports 
are often carried. Plutarch, and other writers I remember, 
have given surprising instances of things transacted at 
such a distance, as have been inconsistent with any human 
conveyance : witness that of Domitian, two thousand H\e 
hundred miles in the space of twenty-four hours ; and 
of William the Conqueror, the news of whose death was 
conveyed from Rouen in France to Pome (about seven 
hundred and forty miles) the day he died, — which, as 
historians mention, prius pene quam nunciari possit. And, 
to my certain knowledge, on the very morning that Colonel 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 313 

Hilton did this exploit, it was publicly talked of at Ports- 
mouth, in every article and with little or no variation, 
although ninety miles' distance." 

But in all this time we were only lopping off the 
branches. The French at Canada and Nova Scotia, 
who supply the Indians with all necessaries for the war, 
were the root of all our calamity : wherefore it was 
resolved to make an enterprise on Nova Scotia, under 
the command of Colonel March, with two regiments ; 
viz., Colonel Wainwright, Lieutenant-Colonel Appleton, 
Major Walton, commanders of the Red ; Colonel Hilton, 
Lieutenant-Colonel Walton, Major Spencer, commanders of 
the Blue. They sailed from Nantasket, March 13 * 1707, 
in three transport -ships, five brigantines, fifteen sloops, 
with a considerable number of whale-boats to pass in the 
rivers, — having her majesty's ship the " Deptford," and 
the Province Galley, to cover them ; and, in a fortnight, 
arrived at Port-Royal Gut, where they landed on both 
sides the river. The French, perceiving it, made an 
alarm, and retired to the fort. Monsieur Supercass,f 



* This date is wrong. It should be May 13th. Eev. John Barnard, chaplain, in his 
Journal (Mass. Hist. Coll., 3d Series, vol. v. p. 191) says, — 

" The 13th of May, the fleet came to sail by sunrise, from Nantasket, with an easy 
south-west wind." 

David Pulsifer, Esq., has examined the papers in the State Archives with reference to 
this date ; and, in a note to the Committee, says he finds nothing to contradict Mr. Barnard. 
He adds, " In a note or memorandum, in Governor Dudley's handwriting, he (Governor 
Dudley) says to Mr. Secretary Addington, ' Draw warrants for the gentlemen above, 
chaplains for the expedition. Send Mr. Bernard's presently, with orders to go down 
to-morrow to Nantasket. Your servant, J. Dudley. 

" ' April 28, 1707. 

" ' Date the warrant 23 instant. 

" ' To Mr. Secretary Addington.' " 

The date is erroneously given in Penhallow, from whom Mr. Niles copied it, and 
by Douglass in his Summary; but correctly in Hutchinson's History, vol. ii. p. 165; 
Trumbull's Hist, of the U. S., vol. i. p. 232; Belknap's Hist, of N. H., vol. i. p. 342; and 
Holmes's Amer. Annals, vol. ii. p. 70. Haliburton (Hist, of Nova Scotia, vol. i. p. 84) errs 
in giving May 17 as the date of the arrival of the expedition at Port Royal ; which, according 
to our author, was "in a fortnight" after their departure, — corresponding nearly with the 
date given by Barnard, who says that the troops were landed there on the 26th of that 
month. 

f "Daniel Auber de Subercasse, Governor ^f L'Acadie, of Cape Breton, islands and 
lands adjacent," &c. — Douglas's Summary, i. p. 309. 

40 



314 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

who was the Governor, upon rallying his forces together, 
held a short skirmish with our men ; but, rinding their 
fire too hot for him to endure, soon retreated (his horse 
being killed under him). A council was then called, and 
a vote passed to land their artillery ; but, by the cowardice 
or treachery of the sea-forces, that vote was superseded 
by a second. So nothing was done, but only some small 
spoil made on the enemy by killing their cattle, and then 
returned ; when it was evident, that, had they staid but 
a few days, they might have made themselves masters 
of the fort, by starving them out, and compelling them 
to a surrender. This threw the country into a surprise 
and an amazing ferment, that, after all this fatigue and 
cost, such a fair and promising opportunity to check 
and subdue the enemy was so shamefully lost. His excel- 
lency (who had the interest of the country much at heart), 
being apprised hereof, sent strict orders to stay them, and 
another ship-of-war, with two companies of fresh men, to 
re-enforce them. Colonel Hutchinson, Colonel Townsend, 
and Mr. Leverett, were sent commissioners, to give the 
greater vigor to the affair ; but the great number of 
deserters, and disaffected officers on board, overthrew the 
design. However, a second attempt was made ; which 
the enemy perceiving, called in their auxiliaries from 
Menis, Sachenecto,* and other adjacent parts, both of 
French and Indians, to their assistance in fortifying and 
strengthening their fort, and securing their lines : so 
that nothing could be well attempted but a few fruitless 
encounters, in which Major Walton (the only field-officer 
then ashore) behaved with much bravery, — killing several 
of them, among whom was their field-major. Sixteen of 
the English were slain in these actions, and as many 
wounded ; but finally they put the enemy to flight. 
The frontiers were still greatly distressed : and, May 

* Chignecto. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 



22, they took two at Oyster River ; June 12, killed one 
at Groton. Soon after, they slew William Carpenter 
of Kittery, with his whole family, — at least three ; 
and, July 8, two, as they were going from Dover to 
Oyster River. Captain Somersby, being there with his 
troop, regained most of the plunder they had taken. 
About the same time, Stephen Gilman, and Jacob his 
brother, as they were riding from Exeter to Kingston, 
were ambushed by another party. The first had his 
horse shot under him, and was in danger of being scalped 
before he could get clear. The other brother had several 
shot through his clothes, and one that grazed his belly; 
his horse also was wounded : yet he defended himself on 
foot, and got into the garrison. 

At Casco, the Indians intercepted a fishing-boat, as she 
was sailing between the islands, with fi.Ye men : three of 
them they killed, and took the other two captive. 

August 10, as four men were riding from York to 
Wells in company with Mrs. Littlefield, who had the 
value of sixty pounds with her, they were all killed but 
one. At Marlborough, two were at work in a field : one 
they killed, and the other they carried captive. The 
neighborhood gathered together, and engaged them so 
smartly, that they quickly gave way, leaving twenty-four 
packs behind them. Upon this defeat, they were so 
enraged as to kill the poor captive they had so lately 
taken, in their furious revenge. On our side, two were 
slain, and two wounded. One was killed at Exeter, and 
another at Kingston, near about the same time. 

At Oyster River came thirty French Indians, painted, 
after their manner, like so many furies. They killed 
seven, and mortally wounded another : some were hewing 
timber, others were carting it. Captain Chesly, that 
had signalized himself in many encounters, with the few 
that were left, fired on them, and for some time bravely 
defended themselves ; but at last were overpowered, and 



316 Giles's history of the 

he was slain. His fall was greatly lamented. The others 
made their escape. 

September 21, one hundred and fifty Indians in fifty 
canoes beset Winter Harbor, where were two shallops 
riding at anchor, in which were Captain Austin, Mr. 
Harmon, and Sergeant Cole, with five men more and a 
boy ; who, perceiving their intention, suffered them to 
come within reach of their guns, and then fired on them ; 
which put them, at first, into great confusion : but they 
soon recovered, and fired with such resolution, that our 
men got all into one of [the] shallops, and left the other 
to the enemy ; which they took possession of, and imme- 
diately hoisted the sails before our men could hoist theirs 
half-way atrip. But the Indians were more skilful in 
steering their canoes than in plain sailing ; for, by 
missing stays or jibing, they soon fell in the rear a 
quarter of a mile, and the English escaped out of their 
hands. The Indians continued to fire from their canoes, 
still dodging them ; but, the wind breezing up, they soon 
got out of their reach. One Benjamin Daniel was the 
only man killed in this sharp and long-continued conflict ; 
who was wounded in his bowels, soon after they came to 
sail. When he fell, he said, " I am a dead man ! " but, 
recovering himself a little, added, " Let me kill one before 
I die : " but he had not strength to fire, and immediately 
expired. The engagement continued about three hours ; 
and, when they came to examine their stock, they had but 
one-quarter of a pound of powder left. 

After this, a small scout of the enemy appeared at 
Berwick ; where they killed two as they were returning 
from public worship. Some of the inhabitants, that 
were acquainted with their usual walk, lay in wait for 
them ; and, upon making discovery of their near ap- 
proach, fired on them to good advantage : which put 
them into such a consternation, that they dropped several 
of their packs, in which were found three scalps, sup- 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 317 

posed to be some of those they had lately taken captive 
at Oyster River. 

The winter season afforded a little respite ; but on 
April 22, 1708, Lieutenant Littlefield of Wells, and 
Joseph Winn, as they were travelling to York, were 
surrounded by a party of Indians. Winn escaped : but 
Littlefield was carried to Quebec ; who, being skilful in 
water-works (I suppose, sawmills), did them much service. 

About this time, eight hundred French and Indians were 
forming a design to fall upon some of our out-settlements ; 
but, differing among themselves on the measures to be 
pursued in the enterprise, the greater part returned back. 
However, about one hundred and fifty, August 29, at break 
of day, fell on Haverhill; but, passing by the garrisons, got 
into the centre of the town before they were discovered. 
They attempted to fire the meeting-house, and burnt some 
houses near unto it. Major Turner, Captain Price, and 
Captain Gardner, were providentially there at that time, 
and rallied their forces all they could ; but the most of their 
men were posted in remote garrisons, unable to assist them. 
However, they faced the enemy with much courage and 
bravery ; and, in less than an hour, put them all to flight, 
leaving nine of their dead, and several wounded. But 
the slain on our side were thrice as many ; among whom 
was the Reverend Mr. Rolph, the worthy minister of the 
town, with Captain Wainwright, besides the wounded. 

A while after, James Hays of Amesbury, and one from 
Brookfield, were taken captive. They also killed Robert 
Read and David Hutchins, of Kittery. 

Colonel Hilton marched again, with one hundred and 
seventy men, to their headquarters at Amassaconty and Pig- 
wacket, and other adjacent parts ; but made no discovery. 

April 12, 1709, a party fell on Deerfield, and took 
Mehamen Hindsdel, which was the second time of his 
captivity: and, May 6, they took several within three 
miles of Exeter ; among whom were Mr. William Moody, 



318 Giles's history of the 

Samuel Stephins, and two of Mr. Jeremiah Gilman's sons. 
A few days after, Captain Wright, with several English, 
and two Natick Indians, came from Northampton, and 
did some spoil on the enemy. In their return up what 
was called French Biver, they met with a body of the 
enemy in canoes, on whom they fired; killed, overset, and 
wounded several of them. In this company was William 
Moody, before mentioned ; who, being alone but with one 
Indian in a canoe, was advised by the English on shore to 
kill the Indian, and make his escape: which he attempted, 
but, in the struggle, overset the canoe ; and then Moody 
swam to the English for relief. Whereupon Lieutenant 
John Wells, with one or two more, ran down the bank, 
and helped him ashore. In the mean time, a number of 
the enemy came upon them, and wounded John Strong, and 
killed Lieutenant Wells, who had been mighty serviceable 
in the war, therefore was much lamented. Whereupon 
this miserable Moody unhappily resigned himself into the 
Indians' hands, who, in the most inhuman and barba- 
rous manner, tortured him to death, fastening him to a 
stake, and roasting him alive ; and then feasted on his 
body, and, like so many voracious and insatiable cannibals, 
tearing the flesh from his scorched bones. These forces 
scattered in their return ; and it was supposed that John 
Burt perished with hunger, as he never returned. 

Deerfield, that had suffered so much spoil before by 
Monsieur Artel, was, on June 23, again invaded, with 
one hundred and eighty French and Indians, under the 
command of Monsieur Ravel, his son-in-law, with a full 
design to lay all waste and desolate before them. But the 
town was alarmed, and valiantly resisted them, with 
the loss only of one man, and another wounded. After 
this, they killed two at Brookfield, one at Wells ; and 
took one captive. 

Colonel Vetch, being then in England, — who was well 
acquainted with the continent of America and the state 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 319 

of this country, — moved some of the chief ministers of 
state, that the reduction of Canada was necessary in 
order to the subduing the Indians ; and represented 
things relating to that affair in a true light. General 
Nicholson added all he could to promote it, and was 
appointed to head the force in New York and parts 
adjacent, as lying nearest to the lake : and orders were 
given for each Government to provide their quotas of 
men on this expedition, and that General Nicholson 
should command the force by land ; and the command 
of those who went by water was given to Colonel Vetch, 
with a promise of sufficient force by sea and land for 
the reduction of Canada. They arrived early in the 
spring, with her majesty's royal commands to the several 
Governments for the enlisting men, with good encourage- 
ment to the soldiers ; but the design finally dropped 
through, and nothing was done to any good effect. 

The seizure of this country (Nova Scotia) was first 
made by Sebastian Cobbet [Cabot], for the Crown of 
Great Britain, in the reign of King Henry the Seventh ; 
but lay dormant until the year 1621, in which time Sir 
William Alexander — who was then one of the Secretaries 
of State for Scotland, and afterwards Earl of Stirling — 
had a patent for it from King James ; where he settled a 
Colony, and possessed it some years. After that, Sir David 
Kirk was the proprietor and governor : but he did not 
enjoy it long ; for it was, in a surprising, shameful manner, 
delivered up to the French. But Oliver Cromwell retook 
it in the year 1654, and in no after- treaties would be 
persuaded to surrender it ; yet in the year 1662 it again 
returned, to the reproach of the English, and unspeakable 
wound to New England and to all the American-English 
Governments, to Massachusetts and New Hampshire in a 
more especial manner. 

Monsieur Maneval was made Governor ; who built a 
small fort at Eort Royal, — on the edge of a basin, or small 



320 



NILES S HISTORY OF THE 



bay, one league broad, and two long ; about sixteen foot 
water on one side, and six or seven on the other, — where 
the inhabitants increased, and carried a considerable 
trade, until the year 1690 ; when it was taken by Sir 
William Phips, then Governor of the Massachusetts. He 
took possession of it in the name of King "William and 
Queen Mary, and administered the oath of allegiance to 
the inhabitants in the adjacent parts. But, in a little 
time, they revolted. Colonel Nicholson arrived at Boston, 
July 1, 1710, in her majesty's ship " Dragon," attended 
by the "Falmouth" and a bomb-ship, — with several trans- 
ports, British officers, a regiment of marines, provisions, 
and stores of war, — bringing with him also her majesty's 
royal command to the Governors of the Massachusetts, 
Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire, to assist 
in the expedition ; who readily complied, and provided 
their respective quotas of good and effective men, with 
transports, provisions, stores of war, pilots, chaplains, 
chirurgeons, and necessaries for the service. 

Colonel Nicholson was appointed General and Com- 
mander-in-chief : who embarked September 18 from 
Nantasket, having with him — 

Her majesty's ship the Dragon . . Commodore Martyn. 

The Falmouth Captain Riddle. 

The Lowestoff Captain Gordon. 

The Feversham Captain Pastor. 

The Province Galley Captain Southack. 

The Star, bomb Captain Rochford. 

Besides tenders, transports, hospitals, store-ships, and 
twenty-five lesser vessels, with open floats for carrying 
boards and other necessaries. The land-forces consisted 
of five regiments of foot, whereof Colonel Vetch was 
Adjutant-General. Sir Charles Hobby, Colonel Walton, 
Colonel Tailer, Colonel Whiting, and Colonel Reading, had 
commissions sent them from the Queen. The wind proving 
fair, they all safely arrived in six days, excepting Captain 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 321 

Faye ; who, at his entering into the Gut, was lost, with 
twenty-five men. The next day, a council of war was called, 
and several detachments ordered to go ashore and view 
the ground for the better landing, and pitching their camp. 
Colonel Reading and Colonel Rednap, with a company 
of marines, were appointed on the south side of the river, 
where the fort stood ; supported with one hundred and fifty 
men more, under the command of Major Mullins. At the 
same time, Colonel Vetch, Colonel Walton, Major Brown, 
Captain Southack, and Engineer Forbes, landed on the 
north side, with a company of grenadiers commanded by 
Captain Mascareen. After this, orders were given to land 
the whole army ; which was done by four o'clock in the 
afternoon. The fort fired on them, but did no damage. 
In the evening, the bomb-ship came up, and saluted them 
with seven shells ; which number the fort returned, but 
without execution. On Thursday, 26, at break of day, 
the General marched with the army on the south side : the 
marines in the front, Colonel Reading at their head ; 
Colonel Whiting's regiment in the centre ; Sir Charles 
Hobby in the rear ; and Major Levinston, with a party 
of Indians, flanking the body in their march. Towards 
evening, the French and Indians fired smartly from the 
fort, and behind the fences, where some of them lay : they 
killed three men. In the evening, the bomb-ship came up 
again, and threw thirty-six shells into the fort ; which 
brought [them] into such an amazing terror, saith my 
author, "as brought to my mind the saying of the poet, — 

' The slaughter-breathing brass grew hot, and spoke 
In flames of lightning and in clouds of smoke.' " 

After this, Lieutenant-Colonel Ballantine with his com- 
pany from the fleet, and Lieutenant -Colonel Goffe, from 
Colonel Vetch on the north, with four companies more, 
came to the General's camp. Every regiment was now 
preparing for further engagements. Lieutenant -Colonel 
Johnson, with three hundred, was ordered to cut fascines ; 

41 



322 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

the boats being constantly employed in going and coming 
with provisions and all sorts of warlike stores. On Friday, 
the twenty-ninth, two French officers, a fort-major, sergeant, 
and drummer, came out of the fort with a flag of truce, 
and a letter from Monsieur Supercass to the General, 
respecting some gentlewomen that were terrified at the 
noise of the bombs, — praying that no incivility or abuse 
may be offered them ; which was readily granted. 

The next day, the sentinels of the advanced guard 
discovered some of the enemy near the woods : they 
pursued them, and took Captain Allein a prisoner, — 
October 1. The great guns were placed on three batteries : 
the mortars also were planted, and twenty-four cohorns, 
at a little distance from the outward barrier of the fort. 
These all played on the fort with good effect ; the French, 
at the same time, firing their great guns and mortars on 
the English. 

The General sent Colonel Tailer and Captain Abbercrom- 
by with a summons to Monsieur Supercass, the Governor, 
to deliver up the fort for the Queen of Great Britain, as 
her undoubted right. The answer which he returned was 
soft, only desiring a capitulation with some of the principal 
officers on each side ; which was granted, and thereupon 
a cessation of arms. Next day, the articles of capitulation 
were drawn up and signed by General Nicholson and the 
Governors. Upon this, several compliments passed on each 
side, which were sent by Major Hardy, the aide-de-camp ; 
and, October 5, the fort was delivered up. Upon which, 
Abbercromby, with two hundred men, live captains, and 
eight subalterns, were ordered to take possession thereof. 
Captain Davison marched first, at the head of fifty grena- 
diers ; Major Abbercromby, Captain Mascareen, Captain 
Bartlett, Captain Adams, and Captain Lyon, followed, in 
their order and proper stations. The General, with 
Colonel Vetch on his right hand, and Sir Charles Hobby 
on the left, — with Monsieur Bonaventure and Dr. Gou- 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 323 

ten, who were hostages, — and then the field-officers, with 
a great many others, advanced to the fort ; where the 
French Governor met them half-way on the bridge, 
with Colonel Heading and Captain Matthews, who were 
hostages on our side. The Governor complimented the 
General in these words :. — 

" Sir, I am very sorry for the king, my master, in losing 
so brave a fort, and territories adjoining ; but count myself 
happy in falling into the hands of one so noble and 
generous ; and now deliver up the keys of the fort,* and 
all the magazine, into your hands, hoping to give you a 
visit next spring." "Which keys the General immediately 
delivered to Colonel Vetch, as governor of the fort, by 
virtue of her majesty's instructions : whereupon Monsieur 
Supercass, with his officers and troops, marched out with 
drums beating, and colors flying, and guns shouldered ; 
each one paying their respects to the General as they 
passed by. And then our army entered the fort, hoisted 
the Union-flag, and drank the Queen's health ; firing all the 
guns round the fort, as did also the men-of-war and other 
vessels in the river. 

Upon the remarkable success, and smiles of Providence 
on the country, and that the lives of but three men 
were lost in this expedition, a day of public thanksgiving 
to God was appointed and solemnized ; and, agreeable to 
the articles of capitulation, three vessels were appointed 
to transport the soldiers to France, being two hundred and 
fifty-eight. 

After this, a council of war was called, and resolved that 
Major Levinston and St. Casteen, with three Indian guides, 
should go to the Governor of Canada up[on] the exchange 
of captives. It would be too tedious and tiresome, perhaps, 
to my reader, to relate here the hardships and difficulties 
Major Levinston and his company underwent in this jour- 

* One of these keys is in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 



324 



NILES S HISTORY OF THE 



ney, both in his going to and returning from Canada ; but 
a few may interest. This fort — by the French called 
Port Royal, but now, by the English, Annapolis Royal — 
was taken from the French (as above is related), October 
5, 1710. Soon after, Major Levinston took his journey, 
and came to Penobscot, and from thence to an island 
called Lett ; where they met fifty canoes, and about one 
hundred Indians, besides squaws and pappooses ; where 
were two prisoners, taken at Winter Harbor. One of 
them, two days after, being with his Indian master on an 
island, made his escape, carrying away his canoe and gun 
also ; which so exasperated this furious fellow, that, when 
he came to Major Levinston, he took him by the throat, 
with his hatchet in his hand, ready to split out his brains 
at one stroke, but that Casteen prevented it. November 4, 
they took their departure ; and, the next day, the majors 
canoe overset, and one of his Indian guides was drowned ; 
and he lost his gun, and what he had with him in the 
canoe. After that, their canoe was cut in pieces with 
the ice ; and they were forced to travel the rest of the 
way by land, through terrible deserts and over almost 
inaccessible mountains ; forced often to head rivers and 
lakes, and sometimes to ford over rivers very rapid 
and dangerous ; the snow often knee-deep, and, for nine- 
teen days together, not seeing the sun, by reason of storms 
or fogs ; the woods and trees so thick with spruce and cedar, 
and land so exceeding rocky, that made it almost impossible 
to travel ; and their provision was spent, so that, for six 
days, they fed on barks of trees. After these and many 
other unspeakable difficulties, they arrived at Quebeck, 
December the sixteenth. Though he was civilly treated 
by the Governor, yet nothing was done with regard to the 
captives ; but two gentlemen were sent to Boston to treat 
on that affair. In six days, homeward-bound, they came 
to Troy River [Trois Rivieres], where he left his man 
sick in an hospital. From thence they came to Shamblee 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 325 

[Chambly], and brought with [them] three birch canoes ; 
being thirteen in number : which canoes they carried 
seventy miles [by] land, through woods and ice ; and then 
passed in them sixty miles by water, crossing the lake. 
They did not arrive at Albany till February 23d. 

Early in the spring, the Indians appeared in their usual 
insulting manner. The first that fell under their cruelty 
was one Benjamin Prebble, of York. But the most 
surprising stroke was on Colonel Hilton, of Exeter ; who 
was deeply engaged in the mashing-business, and having 
fell[ed] several trees of value, fourteen miles up in the 
country, went with seven men to peel off the bark to 
prevent the worms injuring them. On July 22,* were 
ambushed by a party of the enemy. They took two, and 
killed three, of whom the Colonel was one ; who was 
greatly lamented and deservedly respected by all that 
knew him, as he was a gentleman of good temper, 
courage, and conduct. f The enemy triumphed the more, 
because they [had] slain a superior officer : they scalped 
him, and then struck an hatchet into his brains with 
utmost revenge ; leaving a [lance] pierced through his 
heart. After this, they appeared boldly in the streets 
of the town, and carried four children captive, and John 
Wedgwood ; after that, kil[led] John Magoon. It was 
something remarkable, this Magoon, three nights before, 
dreamed he should be killed by the Indians, and pointed 
to the very spot of ground to those that were with him : 
and, by a sort of fatality, it happened accordingly; although 



* "June 23, 1710, says the monument over his grave. For a particular memoir of his 
life, the reader is referred to Farmer and Moore's Collections, vol. i. pp. 241-251." — 
Collections of New-Hampshire Historical Society, vol. i. p. 68. 

f " The same day that Colonel Hilton was killed, a company of Indians who had 
pretended friendship — who had been peaceably conversant with the inhabitants of 
Kingston, and seemed to be thirsting after the blood of the enemy — came into the town, 
and, ambushing the road, killed Samuel Winslow and Samuel Huntoon. They also took 
Philip Huntoon and Jacob Gilman, and carried them to Canada; where, after some time, 
they purchased their own redemption by build : ng a sawmill for the Governor, after the 
English mode." — Belknap, vol. i. p. 280; N.l T Hist. Coll., vol. i. p. 69. 



326 Giles's history of the 

he was so strongly possessed in his mind of the certainty 
of it, as often in the time to visit the place with a dejected 
and sorrowful countenance. 

After this, they killed three at Waterbury,* and at 
Simsbury one, and shot the post as he was riding to 
Hadley. From thence they went to Malbury, and 
wounded Major Tyngf at Chelmsford, who soon after 
died. He was a true lover of his country, and had often 
distinguished himself ; a gentleman of singular valor and 
good conduct. 

August 2, a party of French and Indians fell on Winter 
Harbor; where they killed one woman, and took two men. 
One was Pendleton Fletcher, which was the fourth time 
of his captivity ; but was in a little time redeemed by the 
garrison. The week following, they came with a far 
superior number, and killed three, and carried off six. 
One of the slain they barbarously skinned, and made 
girdles of his skin. They also slew Jacob Garland as he 
was coming from public worship. 

As the winter approached, Colonel Walton was again 
preparing to traverse the eastern shore, with an hundred 
and seventy men ; being the usual season of the Indians 
visiting their clam-banks. As they were encamping on an 
island, the Indians seeing a smoke that the English had 
made, they came near, supposing them to be some of 
their own party; but, finding themselves deceived, they 
attempted to escape, which our men prevented by taking 
some of them prisoners. The principal Indian among them 
was Arrubawikwabemt, Chief Sachem of Norridgwalk, — 
a fellow of an undaunted spirit ; for, when they asked him 
questions, he made [no] reply ; and they threatened 
him with death : he laughed at it with contempt. Upon 
which, they delivered him up to our friend Indians, who 



* In Connecticut. 

f Major Tyng was wounded by the Indians, between Concord and Groton. He was 
carried to Concord, and there died. — Allen's History of Chelmsford. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 327 

soon became his executioners. When the sachemess, or 
squaw sachem, his wife, saw the fate of her husband, she 
was more flexible, and freely discovered where each of 
[their] party encamped ; upon which, they went further 
eastward, and did some spoil on the enemy. After this, a 
certain Indian (through discontent) surrendered himself to 
our men, and informed them of Moxus and several others 
that were at Penobscot ; which our forces had a special 
regard unto, and, as they returned, went up Saco River, 
where they took two of the enemy, and killed live. 

Now, although the number we destroyed of the Indians 
was but small in comparison with those they had killed 
of our people, yet, by cold, hunger, and sickness, they were 
greatly diminished : for as, in the beginning of the war, 
they [were] computed to be four hundred and fifty in their 
several tribes, of fighting men, they were reduced to three 
hundred, or a less number ; which made the old men weary 
of the war, and desire peace. Yet, at Winter Harbor, they 
took Corporal Ayers, but soon dismissed him, and came 
with a flag of truce to the garrison, or fort, professing their 
desire of a pacification; but at the same time, or soon after, 
came in an hostile [manner] to Cochecho, and slew Thomas 
Downs and three more while they were at work in the 
field. After this, they killed one at York, and wounded 
another, whom they knocked on the head, and scalped 
him, and cut him deep in his neck, He retained his 
senses ; but made no motion or struggling, and by that 
means saved his life. April 29, the like number appeared 
at Wells ; where they killed two men, as they [were] 
planting corn. After that, they slew John Church of 
Cochecho, and wounded another,* as he with others were 
coming from public worship. Upon which, Colonel Walton 
went with two companies to Ossipe and Winnepisseocay 
Ponds, — being general places for their fishing, fowling, 

* John Horn. — N.H. EiS. Coll., vol. i. p. 71. 



328 NILEs's HISTORY OF THE 

and hunting, — but found a few deserted wigwams ; for it 
was supposed that they were so hotly pursued by our 
forces, that [they] fled to other nations of Indians, leaving 
only a few of their most blood-thirsty tribes behind them, 
that continued to alarm the country. 

Colonel Nicholson, by the reduction of Port Royal, — 
which, from that time, bears the name of Annapolis Royal, 

— was the more solicitous to conquer Canada : therefore, 
being now returned for England, he in such strong terms 
represented to the queen and ministry the great advantage 
that would accrue to the Crown thereby, that he obtained 
orders for a sufficient force by sea and land, with the 
assistance of the several Colonies ; and, for the better 
expediting the affair, he set sail the latter end of April, 
some time before the fleet, with express orders to the 
several Governors in New England, New York, the Jerseys, 
and Philadelphia, to get their quotas of men in readiness. 
He arrived in Boston, June 8, 1711, to the great joy and 
satisfaction of the country : whereupon a congress was 
appointed at New London, being nearest the centre ; where 
the several Governors met, with firm resolutions to carry 
on the affair, as it was esteemed of important consequence 
to the whole country. On the 25th, the fleet arrived at 
Boston ; where they were met and congratulated by the 
Council, and other gentlemen of distinction. 

Brigadier Hill was Commander-in-chief of these her 
majesty's troops ; and Sir Hovenden Walker, Admiral of 
the fleet, which consisted of fifteen men-of-war and forty 
transports, one battalion of marines, and seven regiments 

— under Colonel Kirk, Colonel Seymore, Brigadier Hill, 
Colonel Desne, Colonel Windress, Colonel Clayton, and 
Colonel Kaine — with upwards of five thousand men ; 
who arrived safe, in health, and encamped on Noddle's 
Island, below Boston ; where they made the finest ap- 
pearance that ever had been seen or known in America 
(of which my curiosity led me to be a spectator). Her 



NDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 



329 



majesty, out of her royal favor, was pleased also to send 
six ships, with all manner of warlike stores, and a fine 
train of artillery, with forty horses to draw the same. 
It's surprising to think how vigorously this expedition was 
forwarded ; for, in less than a month's time, the several 
quotas of men were raised, in the several Governments, 
besides all proper provision made for two regiments, 
raised, and put under the command of Colonel Vetch 
and Colonel Walton, who embarked at the same time, 
in transports of our own. 

Colonel Nicholson set out for New York the same day 
the fleet sailed from Boston, and from thence to Albany ; 
having ordered batteaux before for passing over the lake, 
and all other things necessary, to be got in readiness with 
utmost application, for the land-forces. The Assembly 
of New York raised ten thousand pounds, besides their 
full proportion of men ; the Jerseys, five ; and though 
Pennsylvania, from a particular persuasion, did not send 
men, yet they opened their purses as freely as the other 
Governments to promote this expedition. 

Things now looked with a very smiling aspect, and 
promising appearance of success, considering the mighty 
strength by land and sea ; the land-forces being as fine 
regimental troops as any that belonged to the Duke of 
Marlborough's army ; and the fleet consisted of as service- 
able ships as any in the whole navy of England ; which 
are here inserted : — 

The Swiftsure to lead with starboard ; 

The Monmouth with the larboard tack aboard. 



The Ships' Names. 

Swiftsure . 
Sunderland 
Enterprise 
Sapphire . 
Windsor . 



Men. 

Joseph Soans .... 444 

Gore . 365 

Smith. 190 

Cockburn 190 

Artiss 365 

42 



Guns. 

70 
60 
40 
40 
60 



330 



1NILES s history of the 



15 



The Ships' Names. 






Captains. 


Men. 


Guns. 


Kingstown .... Winder 


365 . 


. . 60 


Montague . 






. '. Walton 


365 . 


. . 60 


Devonshire 






. Cooper 


520 . 


. . 80 


Edgar . 






Sir H. Walker, Admiral . 


470 . 


. . 70 


Humber . . 






. Colliford 


520 . 


. . 80 


Dunkirk . , 






. Rouse ....... 


365 . 


. . 60 


Feversham . 






Paston f 


196 . 


. . 36 


Leopard . 






. Cook 


280 . 


. . 50 


Chester 








280 . 


. . 54 


Monmouth 






. Mitchel 


440 . 


. . 70 



15 



5,35[5] 



890 



The first harbor they made, after they sailed from 
Nantasket, was Cape Gaspey. From there they sailed 
up St. Lawrence's River, until they got up off the Virgin 
Mountains, so called. The weather being foggy and diffi- 
cult, the Admiral consulted the pilots what was best to do. 
They gave their advice ; but he obstinately refused to 
comply with it. They thereupon told some of the officers 
the fatal consequence that would follow, and accordingly 
happened in providence; for, at one o'clock, nine ships with 
1,500 men were cast ashore, and the others in imminent 
danger. About six hundred men were lost in terrible 
shipwreck. By this surprising overthrow, much plunder 
was thrown into the French's hands, and many fine cannon, 
which enabled [them] to fortify and strengthen their forts 
and strongholds against us. It was remarkable that only 
one man of the New-England forces perished at that 
time, who had, a little before, exchanged his station on 
shipboard with one of the English force. 

General Nicholson, who was at this time using his 
utmost endeavors in the west to forward his designs 
against Canada, soon had intelligence of the surprising 
defeat of the sea-force, as before, is noted: upon which 
he was constrained to retreat with the land-army under 
his command. Thus the whole design against Canada 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 3&1 

was broken, after immense sums had been expended by 
the Crown, the loss of so many lives, and the charge the 
country had been put to : which was a shocking stroke 
to the whole land ; and the more so, as it was generally 
concluded, upon good ground, that the defeat was owing 
to the cowardice or treachery of the Admiral, who, im- 
mediately after the shipwreck of his vessels, set sail, and 
returned to England ; and, probably by the influence 
of some that sat at helm, the affair was never called into 
question ; nor had General Nicholson (who always ap- 
peared to have the interest of this country much at heart) 
any opportunity to make his remonstrances at the Council 
Board ; which was further matter of almost universal 
amazement to the people, both here and at home. 

The overthrow of this enterprise flushed the French 
near to Port Royal to break their allegiance to the Crown 
of Great Britain. Captain Pigeon, being ordered up the 
river for timber to repair the, fort, was violently attacked 
by about 150 French and Indians, who killed the whole 
boat's crew, wounded the fort-major, and afterwards bar- 
barously murdered him: they also slew Captain Forbis the 
engineer, and several more, and took thirty-four prisoners. 
The broken part of the fleet arrived in England, at Ports- 
mouth, on October 9 ; and, on the 15th following, the 
Admiral's ship, the " Edgar," was blown up, 400 seamen, 
and several others that were then aboard, the officers 
being then ashore. 

The reduction of Canada was always thought to be of 
great importance to the Crown of England, and to her 
subjects in North America ; being fully apprised, that, 
as long as the French inhabit there (considering the vast 
number of Indians they have drawn into their interest), 
so long the English would be exposed to their rage and 
rapine. 

The melancholy accounts given by the Hudson's Bay 



oo2 Giles's history of the 

Company, and Newfoundland, of the depredations of these 
savages in conjunction with the French, as I have no 
intelligence of particular circumstances, I must omit saying 
any thing here on that head : New England (as it is termed 
by way of distinction from the other Governments in the 
country) alone. For, in or about this time, the Jesuits 
among the French had instigated the Indians in the 
southern parts to fall on the English, as they did in 
the back parts of Pennsylvania, — where they butchered 
great numbers of the Palatines, — and extended their 
slaughters to Virginia and Carolina. Some of these 
Indians were supposed to be of the Senakees, — who are 
a branch of the Five Nations, — who are numerous and 
strong; and the Shocktaus, another tribe, who did mischief 
mostly at Carolina. Scouts were sent out after them, 
but to little purpose, except the burning some hundreds 
of their houses, or wigwams. 

In the History of Sir Sebastian Cobbet, we find that he 
took the great River St. Lawrence for the Crown of Great 
Britain, in the reign of King Henry the Seventh ; which 
has been neglected by the English nation almost ever 
since : by which means the French have, from the terri- 
tory of Canada, extended their pretended claims to the 
Mississippi River, and beyond to unknown boundaries ; 
which, according to the French historians, contains all 
Acadia, Newfoundland, and Terra de Labrador. This 
great territory, consisting of 2,000 miles in length, — and, 
by some, a thousand leagues, — and 846 in breadth, was 
— near about the beginning of the last century — by 
the contrivance of some then at helm, who bore a great 
sway in the English court, taken possession of by the 
French, as they pretend. 

The unhappy disappointment of the Canada expedition, 
as it ocasioned great uneasiness in the country, so it also 
increased their fears lest the enemy would improve the 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. WAV) 

opportunity, and fall on some of our frontiers : therefore 
Colonel Walton, with one hundred and eighty men, [went] 
to Penobscot and the adjacent territories, where he burnt 
two fishing-vessels (that were preparing to come upon us 
early in the spring), and took several captives, with some 
plunder. 

The Indians falling on some of the southern Govern- 
ments, as before is noted, Colonel Gibs, then the Governor 
of Carolina, commissionated Captain Hastings, and the 
Indian emperor who was in league with the English, and 
Captain Welch, with the assistance of the Chickshau 
Indians, to fall on them in several parts ; and, in a little 
time, got to their headquarters, and destroyed about 400 
of their houses, or wigwams. The friend Indians were bold 
and active, but wanted discipline and a good regulation ; 
which if they had had, might have done much more spoil 
on the enemy. Some time after, Colonel Barnwell went in 
pursuit of another nation of Indians, called Tuskarorahs, 
and entirely routed them. 

But to return to the eastern frontiers ; where at Exeter, 
April 16, 1712, they killed Mr. Cuningham, and. shot 
Samuel Webber. Between York and Cape Neddick, they 
slew three of Wells, and wounded as many more : one 
of the slain was Lieutenant Littlefield, not long before 
redeemed out of captivity, and was much lamented. They 
appeared soon after in the middle of the town, and carried 
two from thence. At Spruce Creek, they killed a boy, 
and wounded another. Another party fell on the upper 
branch of Oyster River, where they shot one Jeremiah 
Cromett, and slew Ensign Tuttle at Tole End, and wounded 
a son of Lieutenant Herd as he stood sentinel. May 14, 
about thirty French and Indians surprised a scout of ours 
as they were marching to Cape Neddick, and slew Sergeant 
Nalton, and took seven. The remainder fought on a 
retreat, and, for some time, made a large rock a barrier 



334: NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

of defence, until they were relieved by the vigilant care 
and activity of Captain Willard. 

About this time, fifty of our men went to Merrimack 
River, and slew eight Indians, and took considerable 
plunder, without the loss of one man. June 1, they 
came to Spruce Creek, and shot John Pickernel as he 
was locking his door in order to go to the garrison, and 
wounded his wife, and knocked a child on the head, 
and scalped it ; yet it afterwards recovered. Then they 
went [to] Amsbury, and then to Kingstown, where they 
wounded Ebenezer Stephens, and Stephen Gilman, — him 
they took alive, and after inhumanly murdered, — and 
killed one at Newchawanick. June 18,* they slew another 
at Wells, and [took] a negro, who after made his escape. 
They also endeavored to intercept the people of Dover 
as they came from public worship ; but a scout was sent 
out, which prevented their design : yet they took two 
children from Lieutenant Herd's garrison ; but, not having 
time to scalp them, chopped off both their heads, and 
carried them away. There was not, at that time, a man 
in the garrison. However, one Esther Jones supplied the 
place of several : for she courageously advanced [to] 
the watch-box, crying with a loud voice, " Here they are ! 
— come on, come on!" which so terrified the enemy, that 
they drew off without further mischief. They were 
supposed to be very numerous ; for they appeared in 
several parties. It was therefore thought proper to leave 
an additional number to cover the frontiers, under the 
command of Captain Davis ; which, by his vigilance and 
care (through the blessing of God), prevented their doing 
any further mischief for some time. But, on September 
1, they killed John Spencer, and wounded Dependance 
Stover. At this time, a sloop, from Placentia in New- 

* July 18, according to Penhallow. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. ooi) 

foundland, was cruising on our coast, with 45 French and 
Indians on board ; which Captain Carver took. But our 
fishery at Cape Sables were great sufferers, through the 
defect of the guard-ship ; where no less than twenty fell 
into the enemies' hands. 

The last action of moment that happened this war was 
at Mr. Plaisted's marriage with Captain Wheelwright's 
daughter, of Wells ; there being a considerable concourse 
of people. When they were about to mount their horses 
to return, two of their horses were missing : upon which, 
Mr. Downing and Isaac Cole and others went to seek 
them ; but, before they had gone many rods, these two 
named were killed, and the others taken. The report 
of the guns soon alarmed the guests ; and Captain Lane, 
Captain Robinson, and Captain Herd, with several others, 
immediately mounted their horses, ordering twelve soldiers 
to run over the field a nearer way. But they were 
ambushed by another party, who killed Captain Robinson, 
and dismounted the rest ; yet they all escaped except the 
bridegroom, who was in a short time after redeemed, with 
his father's prudence, at the cost of three hundred pounds. 
Captain Lane and Captain Harmon mustered together 
what strength they could, and held a dispute with them for 
some time ; but no execution was done on either side. 

Not long after this, we had advice of the suspension 
of arms between the two Crowns, — that of England and 
France : of which the Indians were also apprised ; who 
came in with a flag of truce, and desired a treaty. Their 
first application was to Captain Moody, at Casco, desiring 
the conference might be there : but the Governor not 
inclining to meet them at that distance, but ordered it at 
Portsmouth ; where they accordingly met, July 11, 1713, 
three delegates from St. John's, three from Kennebeck ; 
including the other settlements, — from Penecook, Amas- 
contie, Neridgewalk, Saco, and all other adjacent places. 



336 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

But as these Indians, under the influence of the French 
and their Jesuits, have always approved themselves so 
monstrously false and treacherous, I think it needless to 
insert all the articles of their pretended submission, and 
shall only briefly note a short paragraph or two of their 
pacification : — 

" Whereas, for some years last past, we have made a breach of our 
fidelity and loyalty to the Crown of Great Britain, and made open 
rebellion against her majesty's subjects, — the English inhabiting the 
Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and other her majesty's territories in 
New England, — and being now sensible of the miseries which we and 
our people are reduced unto thereby, — we confess that we have, con- 
trary to all faith and justice, broken our articles with Sir William Phips, 
Governor, in the year of our Lord God 1693, and with the Earl of 
Bellamont in the year 1699 ; and the assurance we gave to his excellency 
Joseph Dudley, Esq., in the year of our Lord God 1702, in the 
month of August, — and 1703, in the month of July, — notwithstanding 
we have been well treated by the Governors : wherefore we, whose 
names are subscribed, delegates for the several tribes of Indians 
belonging to the River of Kenebeck, Amorascoggin, St. John's, Sauco, 
Merrimack, and the parts adjacent, do, in all humble, submissive 
manner, cast ourselves upon her majesty for mercy, and pardon for all 
our past rebellions, hostilities, and violations of our promises ; praying 
to be received unto her majesty's grace and favor." 

And also pray that " this treaty to be humbly laid before her majesty 
for her ratification and further order. 

" In witness whereof, we the delegates — by name, Kizebenuit, 
Iteansis, and Jackoid, for Penobscott ; Joseph and JEneas, for St. 
John's ; Warrueensit, Wadacanaquin, and Bomazeen, for Kenebeck — 
have hereunto set our hands and seals, this 13 day of July, 1713. 

" Signed, sealed, and delivered in the presence of us : 

"Edmund Quinsey, Spencer Phips, William Dudley, 
Shadrack Walton, Josiah Willard, &c." 

The seals affixed to the names of these Indians are of 
such confused form, and as so many intricate scrawls, 
that it would only serve for so many amusements to 
transcribe them ; but [if] any have the curiosity to take 
a view of them, I refer such to Mr. Penhallow's treatise 
of these wars I am upon. But to proceed : — 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 



3:37 



" Province of New Hampshire. 

" The submission and pacification of the eastern Indians was made 
and done the thirteenth of July, 1713" (as before is noted), " annoque 
regni Regince nunc Magnce Britannice duodecimo. 

" Present, his excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq. 



" Councillors of the Massachusetts : — 

Samuel Sewall, 
Jonathan Corwin, 
Penn Townsend, 
John Appleton, 
John Higginson, 
Andrew Belcher, 
Thomas Noyes, 
Samuel Appleton, 
ichabod plaisted, 
John Wheelwright, 
Benjamin Linde, Esquires. 



And of New Hampshire the Councillors : — 

William Vaughan, 

Peter Coffin, 

Robert Eliot, 

Richard Waldron, 

Nathan. Weare, 

Samuel Penhallow, 

John Plaisted, 

Mark Hunking, 

John Went worth, Esquires." 



Having inserted the names of these onr worthy fathers, 
and patriots of our Commonwealth, but few of whom are 
yet surviving, I shall omit several circumstances in the 
conclusion of this treaty ; and the rather, because, in 
less than two years, the Indians brake these engagements 
with the English, committing spoils on their interests, 
as will appear. 

The peace being thus concluded, and supposed to be 
happily settled, many returned to repair their old settle- 
ments, and others to settle new ones ; in which they were 
countenanced and assisted by the Government, and by 
several gentlemen that had large tracts of land in those 
eastern parts. They began to settle from Cape Porpas* 
to Kenebeck Eiver ; and several towns were begun, — as 
Brunswick, Topsham, Augusta, George Town. Things 
then appeared with a smiling aspect on the country, as 
buildings were erected, and sawmills. The fishery was 
also set forward by the ingenious Doctor Oliver Noyes 
of Boston, where twenty vessels were employed at a time. 



* Cape Porpoise. 
43 



338 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

He also built a stone garrison at Augusta, at his own 
charge, which was judged to be the best in the eastern 
parts ; which for a while was kept at the public cost, 
but afterwards slighted, to the country's injury : for the 
inhabitants withdrew, and the fishery was broken up ; 
and the Indians came and burnt it, with several houses. 
Thus the peace so strongly ratified was soon rendered 
null and void. 

In Kenebeck River, the sturgeon-fishery was also set 
up, and carried on with such success, that many thousand 
keg were made in a season, and esteemed as good as any 
that came from Hambrough or Norway ; and a mighty 
trade from thence to Boston, but to foreign parts, began 
to be carried on, under very hopeful appearances. 

The French missionaries, when they perceived the 
hopeful growth (on our part) of these plantations, soon 
animated the Indians to disquiet them, by insinuating 
that the land was theirs, and that the English invaded 
their properties ; which was a vile and false suggestion, 
as their conveyance was from the ancient sagamores at 
least seventy years before, as was always the custom 
with Indians ; the sagamore of the soil making sale, and 
his subjects concurring, ever made the conveyance valid : 
which had been produced upon former treaties, to the 
Indians' seeming mutual satisfaction in beforetimes. But 
now they pretended to remain dissatisfied, and killed some 
cattle, and committed other outrages on the English; 
which occasioned many of them to draw off, to their own 
and country's injury. 

No sooner was the advice hereof brought to his ex- 
cellency Samuel Shute, Esq., — then Governor of the 
Massachusetts, with New Hampshire, then in connection 
therewith, — who had ever appeared heartily concerned 
for the safety and good of the country, therefore appointed 
a congress at Arowsick in Kenebeck River, in August, 
1717; where a great number of Indians, with the chiefs 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. $80 

of the several tribes, accordingly met ; the complaints on 
both sides heard and debated ; the original deeds of ancient 
sagamores produced, read and examined by interpreters 
under oath, to the satisfaction of each party ; and the 
peace renewed, and, as was supposed, greatly strengthened. 
They drank the king's health, and promised allegiance to 
the Crown of Great Britain. 

One thing here I may not omit. A few days after this, 
the Indians, as their manner was, went a duck-hunting, 
in the season when the old had shed their feathers, and 
the young ones were not fledged and able to fly. They 
followed so closely, and drove them into creeks and narrow 
passages, that with their paddles, and small billets of wood, 
they slew at one time four thousand and six hundred. 
This had been their usual practice, but not with the like 
success, either before, and probably never since. They 
sold a great number of them to the English for a penny a 
dozen. 

The Indians were again spurred up by the Jesuits to 
insult the inhabitants ; which occasioned a scout of fifty or 
sixty men to be sent out, which for some time kept them 
in awe : but, after a while, they grew more insulting, and 
appeared in greater bodies. Upon which, in the year 1720, 
Colonel Walton was ordered, with about two hundred men, 
to guard the frontiers; and, after that, was appointed, with 
Captain Moody, Captain Harmon, Captain Penhallow, 
and Captain Wainwright, to send for the chiefs of the 
Indians, to make satisfaction for the hostilities they had 
committed in killing the cattle. 

The Indians, fearing the event, promised to pay 200 
skins, and, for their fidelity, to deliver four of their young 
men as hostages ; and, for a short time, seemed to be 
tolerably quiet : but, in the spring, grew as insolent as 
before, especially at Kenebeck ; where, some time in July, 
they came with ninety canoes to a place called Padishal's 
Island, opposite to Arowsick, and sent to speak with 



'340 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

Captain Penh allow. But he, fearing some secret designs 
of mischief, refused the motion: upon which 150 of them 
went over to him, with whom he had a conference, par- 
ticularly with Monsieur Delachase* and Sebastian Ralle,f 
who were Jesuits. Monsieur Croizen from Canada, and 
Casteen from Penobscot, came also with them ; who 
brought a letter for Governor Shute, in the behalf of the 
several tribes, with this import, — that if the English did 
not in three weeks quit their land, and remove, they 
would kill them, and burn their houses. Whereupon a 
re-enforcement of the garrisons was ordered, and soldiers 
were sent under the command of Colonel Thaxter and 
Lieutenant-Colonel Goff; and several of the Council were 
sent to inquire into the ground of these tumults, and, if 
possible, to renew the pacification they had entered into so 
lately. They were sent to accordingly ; but they slighted 
and derided the message. In the summer, they again 
renewed their insults; for on June 13, 1722, about 60 
came in 20 canoes, and took nine families at Merry- 
meeting Bay. Most of them they afterwards released ; but 
sent Mr. Hamilton, Love, Handson, Trescot, and Edgar 
to Canada ; who with great difficulty and expense, after 
some time, were set at liberty. They after made a 
descent on St. George's, where they burnt a sloop, and 
took several prisoners, and fought the fort some time, or 
garrison. And, in a month after, came a greater body, 
and killed five, and engaged the fort twelve days by 
the influence of the friar that was with them in this 
engagement ; but, finding their endeavors were fruitless, 
attempted to undermine the fort, and made considerable 
progress therein : but Providence prevented them by send- 
ing a great rain, and caved down the sides of their trench; 
which caused their siege to break up. One Samuel, an 



* Peter de la Chasse. — See Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 144. 

t See Coll. of Maine Hist. Soc, vol. i. p. 331 ; Mass. Hist. Coll., 2d ser., vol. viii. p. 267. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 341 

Indian captain before named, with five others, boarded 
Lieutenant Tilton, as he lay at anchor a-fishing, near 
Damaris Cove : they pinioned [him] and his brother, and 
beat them sorely. But at last one got clear, and released 
the other, and then fell furiously on the Indians ; threw 
one overboard, and mortally wounded two others. 

Captain Savage, Captain Blin, and Mr. Newton, were at 
this time coming from Annapolis; and, [knowing] nothing 
of the Indians' proceedings, went into Passamaquoddy 
for water. They were no sooner ashore, but they found 
themselves hemmed in by a great body of the savages ; 
the French basely standing by, and suffering them in their 
insults. Captain Savage got off, and returned to Boston. 
Those he left behind, after some difficulty and expense, 
were released. 

Captain Harmon, who was at Kenebeck, went up the 
river with a detachment of thirty-four men ; and, seeing 
some fires, went ashore in the night, where he found 
eleven canoes. The Indians were lying round the fire, — 
wearied with dancing, the day and evening before, upon 
their success they had, — that they stumbled over them as 
they lay asleep. The number the English slew of them 
is uncertain. They brought off fifteen guns, and, at 
some distance, found the hand of an Englishman, laid on 
the stump of a tree ; and, at a little distance, they found 
his [body]; barbarously mangled, — his tongue cut out 
of [his] mouth, his nose and private parts cut off. They 
brought him away, and buried him. He was found to be 
one Moses Eaton, of Salsbury. This exploit was effected 
in a very short time, in slaughter, as was said, of eighteen 
Indians, without the loss of one of our men ; though, at 
the same time, there lay a considerable body of Indians 
but at a small distance, who, hearing the noise, fired on 
the English without any damage, and then ran away. 

It is to be noted, that in the time I am here speaking of 
was a time of peace ; though it was supposed by many 



342 Giles's history of the 

that the Indians had met with abuses by the truck- 
masters — at the truck-houses, and places of trade and 
commerce with them, appointed by the Government — in 
their exorbitant demand on them, and especially in selling 
strong drink contrary to the order and regulation they 
were put under by the authority. However, their depre- 
dations were looked upon [as] insufferable ; forasmuch 
as, by the articles of their agreement with the English, 
they were obliged, under a real or apprehended injury 
done them by the English, to represent all matters of 
grievance, in a proper manner, to the authority they had 
put themselves under by solemn engagements, and not 
to break out in acts of open hostility. Upon the whole, 
after much debate in the Court, it was finally concluded 
necessary, in order to secure our frontiers, that a war be 
commenced with them. Accordingly, a war was pro- 
claimed at Boston, by order of Samuel Shute, Governor, 
July 25, 1722, — Josiah Willard, Secretary ; and soon 
after at New Hampshire, in Portsmouth. 

It w T ould be needless at this day to transcribe those 
proclamations : therefore refer my reader to Mr. Penhal- 
low's transcript of that at Boston, and pass on in my 
intended narrative of the slaughters done by the French 
and Indians in the country, with some other occurrences 
as I go along. The French and Indians not only harassed 
and made spoil on the English, not only on the frontiers, — 
in time of peace, as was said, — but infested the fishery 
at sea. They took about sixteen fishing-vessels, as they 
went in and out of the harbors to supply their necessities 
for wood and water. Upon which, Governor Phillips, 
then of Annapolis, summoned the several masters and 
sailors ashore that had not been taken, and proposed the 
fitting out two sloops, well manned, for the recovery of 
the vessels and captives ; which was highly approved 
of. He immediately ordered the drums to beat for 
volunteers ; and, in less than half a day, fixed them out, 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 343 

with about twenty men in each of them, under the com- 
mand of Captain Eliot and Captain Robinson, who freely 
offered to engage in the service. Captain Eliot having 
the best sailing vessel under foot, he got first to [a] harbor 
called Winpague ; where he discovered some vessels, and 
bore directly down upon them till he came near them. 
The Indians, much flushed with their past successes, — and 
having thirty-nine on board one of their vessels which they 
had took, and seeing no more men on board than usual of 
the English, — commanded them to strike, for that they 
were their prize. Captain Eliot replied, he was hastening 
to them ; and instantly called all his men upon deck, — 
who fired on them, with a loud huzza, — and clapped 
them suddenly on board : which was such a surprising 
salutation, that they made a hideous yelling and outcry. 
However, they resisted as well as they could about the 
space of half an hour, in which time Captain Eliot received 
three wounds; when Mr. Bradstreet, who commanded the 
soldiers, entered with hand-granados. Most of the Indians 
jumped overboard, who were shot in the water : those 
that ran down into the hold of the vessel were torn in 
pieces by the shells ; so that five only escaped, who also 
were sorely wounded. One of our men was killed, and 
some others hurt ; among others, the corporal of the 
troops, who had five swan-shot in his body. Captain 
Eliot, being ill of his wounds, was obliged to return ; 
carrying with him seven vessels into Canso, which he 
retook, with fifteen captives, six hundred quintals of 
fish, and two heads of the chiefs of those Indians that 
were among them. 

Upon this, the Governor ordered the same sloop back, 
with a fresh supply of men to re-enforce Captain Robinson ; 
who, in a week after, brought in two Indian scalps, a 
schooner and a sloop which he took at Mallegash. 

After this, he met with a Frenchman and an English 
captive, who informed him of a body of Indians, and five 



344 NILEs's HISTORY OF THE 

vessels that lay at a little distance ; but, not being fully 
apprised of their strength, lay at a distance from them. 
Then three canoes, with three Indians in each of them, 
double-armed, drew near. One of them came on board of 
him : the other lay on their paddles, whom they treated 
friendly, expecting a greater prize. But the Indian, grow- 
ing jealous, attempted to escape, and presented his gun to 
Lieutenant Jephson's breast ; which he put by, shot him 
dead, and then fired on them in the canoes, and killed 
three more of them. The enemy were so numerous on 
the shore, that he thought it not prudent to engage them : 
however, he took one vessel at this time. They had then 
twenty English captives : but he could not come to a 
fair capitulation for their redemption, but warned them 
to treat the captives well ; for as we had 30 of theirs 
at Annapolis, 20 at Boston, and as many at Canso, they 
might expect the like treatment from us as they conducted 
towards ours in their hands. 

Mr. Bradstreet steered westward, where Captain Eliot 
had the dispute before mentioned ; and retook three vessels 
more, but could find neither Indians nor captives. The 
day after, Captain Blin arrived with a flag of truce, and 
redeemed seven vessels, and 24 captives, which otherwise, 
probably, would have been put to death in some shameful, 
barbarous manner. From thence he sailed to the Cape ; 
and, in his returning back, took three or four Indians, and 
brought them to Boston. 

Captain Southack, being informed of a small body that 
was then at Astagenash, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, — 
where Monsieur Golden,* the famous friar, resided, — had 
an intent to visit him, but was prevented ; for in his 
passage through the Gut, where meeting with two canoes 
with six Indians, he killed one, and took the other five. 

The General Court, finding that the premiums on Indian 



* Michael Anthony Gaulin? — See Shea's Catholic Missions, pp. 145, 443. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 345 

scalps was not sufficient to encourage volunteers to go out 
against them, voted an additional reward ; the particular 
articles whereof, I also refer my reader to Mr. Penhallow's 
account. 

On September 10, there was advice from Arowsick of 
4 or 500 Canada and Cape-Sable Indians, that fell upon 
them early in the morning, but were seasonably discovered 
by a small guard which Captain Penhallow T was sending 
out to assist the neighborhood in gathering in their corn. 
They killed one [of] the company, and wounded three 
more. The report of the guns alarmed the people, and 
made [them] hasten to the garrison with what substance 
they could carry with them. They soon assaulted the 
garrison, and shot Samuel Brooking through one of 
the port-holes. They killed 50 cattle, and burnt 26 
dwelling-houses. The same day, in the evening, came 
Colonel Walton and Captain Harmon, with about thirty 
men, in tw T o whale-boats ; who, with those of Captain 
Temple and Captain Penhallow's men (that could be 
spared out of the garrison), made about seventy ; who 
gave them battle some time : but the enemy being very 
numerous, and attempting to surround them, by which 
they were constrained to fight upon a retreat, in the 
night they drew off, and went up the river, and attacked 
Mr. Stratton as he was turning down in his sloop, whom 
they mortally wounded. The last that fell this season 
was a man at Berwick. 

His excellency Governor Shute's affairs now calling 
him home, the care and charge of the Government 
devolved on the Honorable William Dummer, Esq., Lieu- 
tenant-Governor ; whose prudence and good conduct 
made him acceptable to all, through the whole course 
of his administrations. The first alteration he made was 
in commissionating Colonel Westbrook as chief in the 
eastern affairs; who, February 10, marched to Penobscot, 

44 



346 



NILES S HISTORY OF THE 



and Captain Harmon, at the same time, up Amanscoggin 
River. Captain Say ward, with a company of volunteers, 
went as far as the White Hills, so called, — an hundred 
miles into the enemies' country. But none of them met 
with success, save Captain Harmon's burning a chapel 
and some wigwams at Amanscoggin. 

As soon as the spring advanced, they appeared as furious 
as ever. At Scarborough, they killed Thomas Larrabee 
and his son ; after that, Mrs. Deering and two soldiers ; 
where they also took Mary Scamond, John Hunuel, and 
Robert Jordan. Another party came to Cochecho, where 
they slew Tristram Head,* Joseph Ham, and carried 
three children captive. From thence they went to 
Lamprey- eel River, where they killed Aaron Rawlins j" 
and one of his children ; carrying his wife and three 
more with them. At Northfield, they shot two : and 
meeting with the Reverend Mr. Willard,J of Rutland, 
they laid violent hands on him ; but, being a man of 
courage answerable to his strength, he killed one and 
wounded another, till at last they gave him his mortal 
stroke. Two also of Ensign Stevens's sons were killed, 
and two carried captive. 

Captain Watkins was at this time engaged in a fishing- 
voyage at Canso ; who was surprised by a small body 
of Indians in the night, and slain by them. The day 
before this, he was at meeting : and it happened that two 
ministers preached at two different congregations on the 
same subject ; namely, " Preparing for Sudden Death." 
Though he had been strongly importuned by several 
friends to stay at the fort that night, as though they 
had been under some secret impulse of impending evil ; 



* Tristram Heard. — Note to Farmer's edition of Belknap's New Hampshire, p. 203. 
1 Ibid., p. 203. 

X Rev. Joseph Willard, a graduate of Yale College, 1714. — See N.H. Hist. Collections, 
vol. i. p. 100, Note. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 347 

but he rejected their entreaties. His death was much 
lamented. John Drew, a hopeful youth of Portsmouth, 
was slain also at the same time. 

About this time, the delegates of the Six Nations of 
Iroquoise, with the Mohegan and Scatacook Indians, came 
to Boston, where they were kindly entertained, and, in 
conference with the General Assembly (then sitting), 
seemed greatly to lament the abundance of blood that 
had been shed by their kinsmen and brethren ; alleging 
also, that, from their original, they had been friends 
to the English ; and, as a testimony of their continued 
friendship, presented a belt of wampum, which with them, 
and according to their custom, is a token of renewing and 
confirming their covenant. His honor the Lieutenant- 
Governor, as an acknowledgment, gave to each of them 
a piece of plate, with figures engraven thereon, — viz., a 
turtle, a bear, a hatchet, a wolf, — which were the 
escutcheons of their several tribes ; with which they 
appeared to be mightily pleased. They had also a fat ox 
given them ; which they killed with bow T s and arrows, 
and then dressed it after their Indian manner. They 
were also entertained with the sight of a curious gun, 
made by Mr. Pirn of Boston, — a curious piece of work- 
manship, — which though loaded but once, yet was 
discharged eleven times following, with bullets, in the 
space of two minutes, each of which went through a 
double door at fifty yards' distance. They made many 
fair promises of taking up the hatchet (which is [the] 
usual phrase of engaging in war) in defence of the English 
against the Erench, and Indians in their interest, when 
occasion should require it. But it was of no significancy; 
which was owing principally to the Dutch, as was after 
found, on the account of trade and commerce. 

On October 13, there was advice from Northfield of a 
body of Indians, that, a little before, fell on the town-fort, 
and killed two, and wounded two more ; and soon after 



348 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

surprised Mr. Cogshel* and his boat's company, as they 
were going ashore at Mount Desert. 

December 25, about sixty of the enemy laid siege to 
St. George's garrison, where they continued thirty days'; 
and were the more flushed with hopes of success, from 
the account they gained, by two soldiers they took at their 
first coming, of the weakness of the garrison : but Mr. 
Canady, the commanding officer, being a man of uncom- 
mon resolution, stood his ground till Colonel Westbrook 
arrived, and constrained them to break up their siege and 
draw off. 

The favorableness of the winter prevented our march- 
ing to any of their head-quarters this season, except to 
Norridgwalk, where Captain Moulton found a vile and 
pernicious letter from the Governor of Quebeck, directed 
to the friar, exhorting him to push on the Indians 
with utmost zeal against the English; which advice he 
industriously pursued. 

April 17, 1724, they shot William Mitchel, of Scarbo- 
rough, as he was ploughing in his field, and took two of 
his sons, who were released at the taking of Norridg- 
walk. They then fell on a sloop belonging to Lynn, and 
killed the whole company, six in number, at Kenebunk. 
But the heaviest stroke was on Captain Winslow, who, 
with sixteen men in two whale-boats, went from St. 
George's to the Green Islands, — where the enemy often 
frequented on the account of fowling, — but, on their 
returning, were ambuscaded by two or three companies 
that lay on each side of the river. The first that fell was 
Sergeant Harvey, who commanded the other boat, and, 
by keeping too near the shore, gave the enemy the greater 
advantage. He returned the shot with as much bravery 
as could be expected, till overpowered by a multitude. 
Captain Winslow, — who was now a considerable way 

* Coggeshall, or Cogswell. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 349 

ahead, and out of danger, — perceiving the engagement 
by the report of the guns, turned back to their assistance ; 
but, before he could afford them any relief, was surrounded 
with about thirty canoes, with a hideous yelling in their 
manner. He answered them only from the muzzles of 
his guns. A smart engagement ensued, which continued 
till night; when, finding his thigh broken and most of his 
men slain, was obliged to hasten ashore : but there also 
he found himself unhappily waylaid. They fell on him 
with utmost fury : yet his courage held out to the last ; 
for he rested himself on his other knee, and killed an 
Indian before they slew him, as one of them that escaped 
has since reported. Thus died, by the hands of the 
heathen, that worthy young gentleman, in the defence 
of his country. He was of an honorable extract, and 
had a liberal education. He was the grandson of General 
Winslow, that commanded the army at the Swamp Fight, 
commonly so called, and taking that fort in the Narragan- 
set country. He was also Governor of Plymouth. His 
father [was] Colonel Winslow: and [he] has a younger 
brother, who has been long, and still is remaining, 
very much at the head of the New-England officers in 
our armies ; whose distinguishing character in our wars 
will, in justice, come under a more full and particular 
consideration in its place (as is intended by the author) 
in the following part of this historical narrative. 

Sylvanus Nock,* a worthy elder of the church of 
Oyster River, was slain as he was riding; and, the same 
day, Myles Thomson of Berwick was killed by another 
party, and his son was carried captive. A few days after, 
they beset Captain Penhallow's garrison ; where they took 
three as they were driving their cows to pasture, and, 
at their drawing-off, killed many cattle. Another com- 
pany fell on Kingstown ; where they took Peter Colcard, 

* Belknap says, James Nock. 



350 GILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

Ephraim Severns, and two of Mr. Stevens's children, 
whom they carried to Canada, bnt, by the unwearied ex- 
pense and care of their father, were redeemed:* Colcard, 
in about six months after, made his escape, and came 
home, but did not long survive. May 24, they shot George 
Chesley as he was returning from public worship, and 
mortally wounded Elizabeth Burnum in company. Three 
days after, they went to Perpooduck, where they killed 
one, and wounded another ; then went to Saco, and 
killed David Hill, a friend Indian : and, the same day, 
another party went to Chester, and took Thomas Smith, 
with another, whom they pinioned ; but, soon after, they 
made their escape, and got home. 

The frontiers being thus infested by the enemy, two 
companies of volunteers went from New Hampshire, on 
the bounty-act of one hundred pound a scalp. One Moses 
Davis informed them of three Indian packs he had 
discovered. He with his son, going before to conduct 
them to the place, were both shot dead. The English 
then fired on them, and killed one, and wounded two 
others ; but could not find the wounded, though they 
tracked them a considerable way by their blood. 

They did some mischief at Groton ; but they were 
so hotly pursued, that they left several of their packs 
behind. About which time, news came to Deerfleld of a 
body of Indians discovered up Connecticut Biver. Upon 
which Captain Thomas Wells rallied a company of men, 
and went in quest of them ; but made no discovery of 
them, till in their return home, near four miles from 
Deerfleld, some of the company (supposing themselves 
out of danger) rode at some distance before the rest ; 
fell into an unhappy ambushment of the enemy, near a 
swamp : they were three in number, and all three killed. 
The company behind, hearing the report of the guns, 

* See N.H. Hist. Coll., vol.-i. p. 104, Note. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 351 

rode up with all speed as the enemy were scalping the 
slain, and fired upon them, and wounded several ; upon 
which they fled into the swamp. The English, dismount- 
ing their horses, rah in after them, but found none; but 
recovered ten packs, and tracked them a considerable way 
by the blood of their wounded : and, as they were after 
informed, two died of their wounds, and a third lost the 
use of his arm. Another company fell on Spurwink, 
where they mortally wounded Solomon Jordan as he was 
coming out of the garrison. The next day, July 18, 
Captain Bean went in search of them, and came up with 
about thirty, and engaged them, but soon put them to 
flight ; leaving 25 packs, 12 blankets, and a hatchet and 
gun behind them, and several other things.* The enemy, 
not finding their expected success on our frontiers, resolved 
to obstruct our fishery by sea : accordingly made up a 
fleet of fifty canoes, and intercepted the fishery when 
they went in and out the harbors for wood or water, or 
in storms. They first designed for Monhegen : but going 
through the Fox Islands, and discovering many vessels at 
anchor, surprised eight with little or no opposition ; in 
which were forty men, of whom they killed twenty. After 
this, they took fourteen more ; and with the assistance of 
the Cape-Sable Indians, who now became very powerful, 
so as to terrify, for some time, all that sailed along the 
eastern shore, they then went to St. George's, with a 
design to burn that garrison : in order whereto, they 
filled two shallops with combustible matter, and set them 
on fire ; but it was happily extinguished. They then 
offered terms of surrendering; which were rejected by 



* In the copy of Penhallow belonging to the Massachusetts Historical Society, there is 
the following advertisement: — 

"In Page 102 there is a great omission, which the Reader is desired to correct: viz., 
In the article relating to Lieut. Bean and Company, at the bottom of the Page, it should 
have been added, One of their principal Indians was kill'd, and his scalp brought to Boston ; 
for which said Bean and Company received an hundred pounds." 

See Note to N.H. Hist. Coll., vol. i. p. 105. 



352 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

those in the garrison ; but, finding that neither force nor 
flattery would prevail, they withdrew. From thence they 
sailed to Annapolis, designing to surprise the fort: but, 
firing at a soldier in their march, gave an alarm ; upon 
which a detachment was sent out, and, after a smart 
dispute, put them to flight, but not without some loss on 
our side. The fishery being thus invaded, as was said, 
two shallops well fixed, with about forty men, went from 
New Hampshire ; who advantageously came up with one 
of them, but, through cowardice, were afraid to enter into 
an engagement. However, Doctor Jackson from Kittery, 
and Sylvanus Lakeman from Ipswich, with a smaller 
number, gave them chase, and fired on them with their 
small arms. Although the enemy had two great guns 
and four pateraros, which did damage to their shrouds, 
yet they pursued, and drove them into Penobscot ; and, 
there being a great body of Indians to cover them, our 
men thought unadvisable to follow any further. The 
doctor and Mr. Cutt were sorely wounded in this engage- 
ment, but recovered afterward. This storm at sea gave 
no quiet on the shore ; for, at Rutland, they killed three 
men, wounded one, and took another captive ; and, at 
Oxford, beset an house that stood partly under a hill: 
one of the enemy attempted to break through the roof, 
but was shot to death by the woman of the house. 
At Dover, Oyster River, and Berwick they killed one, 
wounded another, and carried away a third. 

Captain Harmon, Moulton, Brown, and Bean were pre- 
paring [for] Norridgwalk, with two hundred men in seven- 
teen whale-boats. Soon after, they landed at Triconick, 
where they met with Bomazeen, and shot him as he was 
endeavoring to make his escape. They met with him at 
Brunswick : he had a little before killed an Englishman. 
They took his daughter and his squaw captive, who 
gave them account of the state of the enemy, which 
encouraged them to push on briskly ; and soon got within 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 558 

two miles of the place: The captains divided their compa- 
nies. Captain Harmon drew off about sixty men to range 
[their] cornfields ; whilst Captain Moulton, with about 
an hundred men, moved directly forward, and, when he 
came within sight of their town, artfully divided his men 
into three squadrons, thirty in each, — having ordered ten 
to guard their baggage, and a squadron on each wing to 
lie in ambush, while he with the like number encountered 
them in the front. He marched on with such resolution, 
that he got within pistol-shot before he was discovered. 
The Indians were under an amazing terror : yet, in their 
great surprise, some of them snatched up their guns, and 
fired ; but their hands trembled with fear, so that they 
did no execution ; and immediately betook themselves to 
flight, and, running hastily, fell on the very muzzles 
of the guns of them that lay in ambush of the English 
party. Our men pursued them, and killed many of them, 
as before ; and, as they fled, some got into their canoes, 
and others jumped into the river, which was rapid and 
swift, and the falls so steep and high, that many perished 
in the water. They scalped 26, besides Monsieur Ealle* 
the Jesuit, who, as was said, refused to give or take 
quarter when offered him ; he* was such a bloody incen- 
diary, and instrumental to most of the mischiefs that had 
been done, as far as his influence reached, by preaching 
up the merit of salvation by the destruction of heretics, 
as all Protestants are termed to be by the Papists. They 
took four Indians alive, and redeemed three captives. 
The whole number that were killed or drowned were 
supposed to be 80 or more. It was counted the greatest 
victory that had been gained against the enemy in the 
three or four preceding wars. About this time, near 
70 French Mohawks, who killed many cattle, — some of 



* See Farmer's Belknap, p. 206, Note; also jVIass. Hist. Coll., Second Series, vol. viii. 
p. 250 et seq. 

45 



354 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

them fell on the house of John Hanson of Dover, who 
professing himself a Quaker, and ridiculing the military 
power in our own defence ; and refused to go into the 
garrison, though strongly solicited to it : by which means 
his whole family (then at home), being eight in number* 
were all killed [or] taken. After some time, his wife and 
two of his children were redeemed, with much pains 
and expense. 

September 4, they fell on Dunstable, and took two in 
the evening. Next morning, Lieutenant French, with 
14 men, went in quest of them ; but, being waylaid, both 
he and half his company were slain. After that, a fresh 
company of as many more went in pursuit of them ; but, 
being overpowered by a superior number of the enemy, 
were constrained to retreat, with loss of one man, and 
four wounded.* 

Soon after, they killed Jabez Coleman of Kingstown, 
and his son, and Nathaniel Edwards of Northampton; and 
the next day they went to Westfield, and beset a number 
of men as they were coming out of the meadows with 
loaded carts, and wounded one man, and had certainly 
taken him, but some of our men bravely faced about, and 
attempted to fire upon them. But their guns all missed 
fire but Mr. Noah Ashley's : his went off, and killed one 
of the enemy ; which prevented their further pursuit of 
the English. A fresh company issued out, and soon 
found the Indian Ashley had shot, and scalped him ; 
for which he received an hundred-pound bounty reward, 
according to the order of the Assembly. 

A regiment of fresh men were now preparing for 
Penobscot, under the command of Colonel Westbrook ; 
but, after a long and tedious fatigue (through the unskil- 
fulness of his guides), made no discovery. 



* See N.H. Hist. Coll., vol. i. p. 109, Note, for interesting particulars of this transaction ; 
also Farmer's Belknap, p. 207, Note. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 355 

Captain Love well, from Dunstable, with 30 volunteers, 
went out northward ; travelled several miles into the 
country, and came to a wigwam where were two Indians. 
One they killed, and took the other prisoner : which was 
all the success they met with. For the scalp they had the 
hundred-pound bounty, and two shillings and sixpence a 
day over. 

Other companies went out on the same encouragement, 
but met with no Indian tracks ; therefore returned empty. 
Captain Heath's went to Penobscot, but found only a 
[few] deserted wigwams. 

The Government being fully apprised of the perfidy 
of the French at Canada in supplying the Indians with 
all necessary stores of war, and when there was a peace 
ratified between the Crowns of Great Britain and France, 
appointed Colonel Thaxter and Colonel Dudley from the 
Massachusetts, and Mr. Atkinson from New Hampshire, 
commissioners to represent the many grievances that arose 
thereby to the country, and to make a demand of the 
captives in a time of peace and carried to Canada; 
alleging also that it was a stirring them up to acts 
of rebellion, and an open violation of their professed 
allegiance and submission to the Crown of England, made 
and strongly ratified in the year 1693, and renewed in 
1713, and also in 1717. 

The gentlemen went upon the message to Canada, and 
met with great difficulty in their travels, and obstructions 
in the way: it took them four months. The lake they 
passed over was covered with about four inches [of water] 
upon the ice. From thence they went to Mont Real, 
where the Governor then was, and delivered the message 
they were sent upon. The Governor extenuated the 
matter, — pretending that he had not supplied the Indians, 
or countenanced their acts of hostility against the English, 
— till they made it evident by letters under his own hand 



356 Giles's history of the 

to Monsieur Ralle, before mentioned, — the Jesuit and 
their father confessor. However, they were civilly treated 
while there, and he sent a guard with them some part 
of their way homeward ; and they brought 16 captives 
away with them. Mont Real is an island in the middle 
of the river commonly called St. Lawrence ; and it is 
30 miles in length, and 12 in breadth ; 180 miles above 
Quebeck ; navigable for vessels of about 100 tons. Mont 
Real stands about the middle of the island ; walled round 
with stone and lime; 16 foot high, and 3 foot thick. It 
had then no battery or fortification ; three churches, two 
chapels, two nunneries ; and two streets, about three-quar- 
ters of a mile in length; and it contained about 400 houses. 
Their chief trade is in furs. 

The Lake Champlain (as I take it), that the commis- 
sioners travelled over in their way to Mont Real, before 
mentioned, is 150 miles in length, and 30 in breadth. 
The first place they came to was Shamblee ; where was 
a fortification 200 foot square, 30 high, and four tier 
of guns. 

Captain Love well raised a new company of volunteers, 
and marched some miles beyond the Indians' usual head- 
quarters, to the east side of the Winnepissocay Ponds ; 
and soon espied two Indians. Their whole company was 
ten. He watched their motions all the day, and at night 
came upon them as they lay fast asleep round their fire ; 
killed seven the first shot, and after two more, and 
wounded another ; which was the whole company. Their 
arms were so new and good, most of them, that they were 
sold for seven pounds apiece. Each of them had two 
blankets, and a great number of spare moccasons, — i.e., 
Indian shoes, — which were, as was supposed, to supply 
the captives they expected to take. Our men were well 
entertained, in their march, with moose, bear, and deer ; 
together with salmon [trout], some of which were three 
foot long, and weighed twelve pounds. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 357 

April 12, 1725, there came two Indians to Mack quoit,* 
and took one Cockram, a soldier abont 18 years of age, and 
carried him 30 miles into the [woods]. They pinioned him 
the first night ; but, the next, they let him be loose. He 
took his opportunity when they were fast asleep, and 
with one of their hatchets killed them both, and scalped 
them, and brought away their scalps and guns. But, in 
fording over a river, he lost one of the scalps and a gun : 
the other two he brought to the garrison ; from whence 
some went the next day, and found it as he had related. 
He was highly commended and handsomely rewarded for 
the exploit. 

Soon after came a party to Yarmouth, and killed 
William and Matthew Scales. After this they went to 
Cape Porpoise, and wounded Lieutenant Trescot. Near 
about this time came 70 Indians, and fell on an out- 
house, in sight of the garrison at Canso, and slew seven 
men, one woman, and a child. From thence they went 
to Captain Durell's Island, and beset a fortified house in 
which were but four men. One of them was quickly 
killed : the other three bravely defended themselves, until 
the enemy drew off, after they had engaged them several 
hours. 

The fatal day now approached wherein Captain Love- 
well, that had been remarkably successful against the 
enemy, must fall under their fury : for, in his further 
attempt on Pigwackett with 44 men, in his march built 
a small fort near Ossipy, to retire unto in case of danger; 
where he left ten of his men, — one that was sick, with 
the doctor, and eight more to guard them, — and then 
proceeded with the rest of his small company in quest of 
the enemy; when on May 8, near Saco Pond, 40 miles dis- 
tant from his fort, about 10 in the morning, they espied an 
Indian on a point of land. After a short debate whether to 

* Maquoit is a bay which lies about 20 miles north of Cape Elizabeth. — Sullivan, p. 14. 



358 Giles's history of the 

pursue him or not, although they were not altogether with- 
out some secret suspicion that a party of the enemy might 
be lurking behind them, — which they after found true, to 
their sorrow and overthrow, — however, being animated 
with a strong desire to come up with the enemy, imme- 
diately threw off their packs, the better to qualify them 
for the pursuit, — which proved of unhappy consequence 
to them, as before is hinted ; for the Indians, coming on 
them, knew their numbers by the number of which their 
packs consisted, and from thence were the more em- 
boldened to engage them, — and fired on and wounded the 
Indian that at first had made his appearance. But he, 
notwithstanding, returned the shot, and wounded Captain 
Lovewell in his belly ; upon which Mr. Wyman fired, and 
killed him. The Indians lay in ambush, and, at their 
return, made the first shot on our men ; which they 
answered with much bravery, and, advancing within twice 
the length of their guns, slew nine on the spot. The 
encounter was smart and desperate, and continued ten 
hours ; and then the enemy retreated, and left the English 
masters of the field of battle. 

Their company consisted of 70, as was said : 40 were 
slain on the spot, 18 died of their wounds ; so that but 
12 returned. After Captain Lovewell was killed, Ensign 
Wyman took the command of the shattered company, and 
animated the men with much courage ; telling them that 
" the day would yet be their own if they did not flag," — 
which gave them new life and activity. Some fired 
twenty, and others no less than thirty times, in this close 
engagement with the enemy, wherein fifteen were killed, 
and Eleazer Davis of Concord, Lieutenant Farewell, Mr. 
Robins, with Mr. Fry* their chaplain, were wounded. 
Mr. Farewell and Fry died of their wounds afterward. 
Of this Mr. Fry [our] author says, "He was a very worthy 

* Rev. Jonathan Frye, H.C. 1723. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 359 

and promising young gentleman, the bud of whose youth 
was but just opening into a flower." 

Mr. Jacob Fullam, who was an officer, distinguished 
himself with much bravery. One of the first that was 
[slain was] by his hand; and, in making a second fire, it's 
said that he and his adversary fell together by each other's 
shot. Mr. Farewell held out until the eleventh day in 
his return ; during which time he had nothing to drink 
but water, nor any thing to eat but a few roots he chewed : 
and by this time his wounds were so mortified, that the 
worms or maggots made free passage through his body ; 
and so he died. Mr. Robins, being sensible of his dying 
state, desired of the company to charge his gun, and leave 
it with him, — being fully persuaded that the Indians 
would come by the morning, and scalp him, — and was 
desirous to kill one more before he died. Solomon Kies 
also was wounded in three places, and lost so much blood 
that he could stand no longer ; but in the heat of the 
battle, calling to Mr. Wyman, said " he was a dead 
man: however, he would endeavor, if possible, to creep 
into some obscure place, and hide himself, rather than 
be insulted by the bloody Indians." But by a strange 
providence, as he was creeping away, he espied a canoe 
in a pond, into which he rolled himself; and by a favorable 
wind, without any of his assistance, was carried so far on 
his way, that he got safe to the fort. 

Upon the report of Captain Lovewell's defeat, about 
fifty men well equipped, from New Hampshire, went 
out on purpose to find the enemy and bury the slain ; 
but were disappointed in both. Colonel Tyng from 
Dunstable, with Captain White, — who went out after- 
wards, — buried twelve, and, in their search, found three 
Indians at some distance : one of them was Paugus, a 
noted vile and bloody wretch toward the poor captives 
that fell into his hands. 

As it was noted before respecting Colonel Hilton, so. 



360 



six or eight days before Captain Lovewell was defeated 
and slain, there was a current report of it several miles 
round, with little or no variation both as to time and 
circumstances.* 

Mr. Wyman, who had distinguished himself in such 
a signal manner, was, at his return, presented with a 
silver-hilted sword and a captain's commission ; Edward 
Lingfleld, with an ensigns : and the General Assembly, 
to their sympathy and compassionate regards (as well 
as a grateful acknowledgment to the soldiers that were 
slain in this engagement), ordered to their widows and 
orphans the sum of fifteen hundred pounds, to be given 
them under a certain regulation, and further encourage- 
ment to volunteers. And, soon after, several brave, 
courageous men went out under the command of Captain 
White and Captain Wyman ; but they did not march 
very far, by reason of the extremity of heat. Many of 
them also were seized with the bloody flux, and died, — ■ 
some after their return home: among others were the two 
worthy, renowned Captains Wyman and White, whose 
deaths [were] greatly lamented, as they had remarkably 
signalized themselves (with many others) against the 
enemy, in the cause and for the defence of their country. 

Saquarexis and Nebine, — one an hostage, and the 
other a prisoner, in the hands of the English, — upon 
their desire to visit their friends and acquaintance, had 
liberty given them upon a parole ; who, at their return, 
brought word that the Indians were disposed to over- 
tures of peace : upon which Colonel Walton from New 
Hampshire, Colonel Stoddard and Mr. Wainwright from 
the Massachusetts, were appointed commissioners to go 



* Farmer, in a note to his edition of Belknap, p. 209, gives the names of all the mem- 
bers of Capt. Lovewell's company, taken from the historical preface to a sermon preached 
at Bradford, May 16, 1725, by Rev. Thomas Symmes, and entitled "Lovewell Lamented;" 
in which may be found many other interesting particulars of the battle. — See also the 
address of Charles S. Daveis, Esq., at the centennial celebration of " Lovewell's Fight," 
May 19,' 1825. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 361 

to St. George's, to hear and make report of what the 
Indians had to offer on this affair. They arrived there 
July 2, and sent word of their being there ; and, in six 
days after, [their chiefs] appeared under a flag of truce. 

Captain Bean, the interpreter, went out unto them, by 
order, to meet them. The two Indians before mentioned 
brought a letter written in French, — from Winnenimmit, 
their chief sagamore, — the import of which was to con- 
gratulate our gentlemen's arrival on a design of peace, 
which they earnestly desired, provided they might do it 
with safety: being under some fear and jealousy, for which 
they had sufficient cause ; because about ten days before, 
under a flag of truce, some of the English treacherously 
attempted to lay violent hands on them, — in which 
skirmish one was killed, another wounded ; which was 
the occasion of the like unhappy disaster that afterwards 
happened to Captain Saunders in Penobscot Bay. After 
assurances given them, by the commissioners, of a peace- 
able and safe interview, after five days seven more of their 
company came in, — which delay the Indians had moved 
for, and consented to by the commissioners, — upon which 
they entered into a friendly debate, the particulars whereof 
I think needless here to insert. This conference being 
ended, a further treaty was resolved upon, to be at Boston. 
They also desired a cessation of arms. The gentlemen 
replied, that they had not power then to determine that 
matter ; but, if they went to Boston, it would probably be 
granted : however, they promised that no acts of hostility 
should, in the mean time, be committed on the English by 
any of their parties. The treaty being over, Captain Loran, 
and Ahanquid, accompanied our gentlemen to Boston, and 
were kindly entertained, — these were two of the chiefs of 
their tribes, — who, after a capitulation of matters, were 
returned in a vessel prepared for that purpose. 

I have designedly omitted most of the particulars con- 
tained in the several treaties held with the Indians from 

4G 



362 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

one time to another in the course of these wars, and also 
the articles of their pretended pacifications come into, 
together with the hieroglyphical signatures affixed .to the 
names of the sagamores on these occasions, as they are 
more fully described in the ingenuous Mr. Penhallow's 
memoirs. They are designedly omitted, I say ; as the 
Indians universally, with whom the English have trans- 
acted herein, have ever proved themselves a perfidious, 
false, and treacherous company, under their most specious 
promises and protestations of fidelity. 

Nor is it strange that these ignorant savages are thus 
treacherous and deceitful, when the French priests and 
Jesuits among them endeavor all they can to impress 
upon their minds such Popish principles as these: namely, 
that no faith is to he kept with an heretic ; and, the 
more they kill of them, so much the more they merit 
salvation, and consequently a fuller acceptance in the 
sight of God; and it is martyrdom if they die by the hands 
of Protestants ; and such like. And also that it was the 
English that crucified Christ : therefore it is not only 
lawful, but laudable, for them to take their revenge on 
the English in the most cruel and barbarous manner they 
can possibly invent. Upon these and such-like principles, 
imbibed and practised from their youth, they choose rather 
to violate their most solemn engagements, rather than 
fulfil them. 

A superadded proof of the deceit and treachery of 
these heathen's infidelity, to what has before been re- 
marked, is, that although at the treaty last mentioned, 
which was in July, the Indians promised that no acts 
of hostility should be committed on the English, yet, on 
September 15, a party of them fell on [some of] Cochecho 
while at work in the field ; slew one man, scalped another, 
cut off the head of the third, and carried a fourth captive : 
they all belonged to the family of the Evanses.* 

* See Belknap's New Hampshire, vol. i. p. 217, Farmer's edition. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 363 

A few days after, another party attacked a garrison at 
North Yarmouth, but were bravely repulsed, and driven 
off: in their retreat, they killed several cattle. Two days 
after, they appeared at Mowsum ; and then at Damaris 
Cove, two leagues within the line agreed upon, where 
they took and burnt two shallops which belonged to 
Stephen Hunuel and Alexander Soaper ; who, with five 
other men and a boy, they carried to Winneganse, and 
killed the boy. 

On or about September 28, 1725, Captain D wight of 
Fort Dummer sent out a scout of six men westward ; 
who in their return sat down to refresh themselves, and, 
hearing a noise behind them like some persons running, 
looked about, [and] saw 14 Indians just upon them. They 
fired at them; but were overpowered by the Indians, 
who killed two, took three, and one escaped. 

As I have already given my reason for omitting the 
particulars (many of them) relating to the treaties with 
the Indians, and their false pretensions of the confirma- 
tions of peace with the English, it is therefore needless, at 
present, to proceed upon a narrative of this part of the 
bloody, wasteful, and expensive war with the French, and 
Indians in the east, which was of twenty-three years' con- 
tinuance in the whole, and in which time "we have heard 
the sound of the trumpet and the alarm of war," except 
in the time of intervening peace ; and even then, also, we 
were seldom free from mischief, and acts of hostility, 
from their merciless hands. It may only be added here, 
that this peace, after a long treaty with the Indians, was 
consummated and completed at Falmouth, in Casco Bay, 
before his honor William Dummer, Esq., then Lieutenant- 
Governor of the Massachusetts Bay; the Honorable John 
Wentworth, Lieutenant-Governor of New Hampshire ; 
and several of his majesty's Council of each Province ; and 
Major Paul Mascarene, delegated from Nova Scotia, or 
L' Acadia, his majesty's Province, for that purpose ; the 



364 NTLES^S HISTORY OF THE 

Honorable Laurence Armstrong, Esq., then Governor 
there ; and subscribed by many gentlemen then present, 
and the chiefs of the Indian tribes, — August 5,* 1726, and 
in the thirteenth year of the reign of King George the 
First over England, &c. ; attested by the Honorable Josiah 
Willard, then Secretary, yet surviving. 

Before I dismiss this head, it may be proper just to 
insert the names of the chiefs of the Indian tribes, saga- 
mores, or their delegates, that subscribed, and thereby 
ratified, the articles of this peace, concluded as above. 
The introduction of their treaty of peace with the English 
begins thus : — 

"Whereas the several tribes of Eastern Indians — viz., the Penob- 
scott, Naridgwalk, St. John's, Cape Sables, and other tribes inhabiting 
within his majesty's territories of New England and Nova Scotia — 
who have been engaged in the present war, — from whom we ; — 
Sauguaaram alias Sorun, Arexis, Francois-Xavier, and Meganumbe — 
are delegated and fully empowered to enter into articles of pacification 
with his majesty's Governments of the Massachusetts Bay, New Hamp- 
shire, and Nova Scotia, — have, contrary to the several treaties they 
have solemnly entered into with the said Governments, made an open 
rupture, and have continued some years in acts of hostility against the 
subjects of his majesty King George within the said Governments : 
being desirous to be restored to his majesty's grace and favor, and to 
live in peace with all his majesty's subjects of the said three Govern- 
ments, and with the Province of New York, and Colonies of Connecticut 
and Rhode Island, — and that acts of former injury be forgotten, — we, 
the said delegates for and in behalf of the several tribes aforesaid, do 
promise and engage, that at all times for ever, from and after the date 
of these presents, we and they will cease and forbear all acts of hostility, 
injuries, and discord, towards all the subjects of the Crown of Great 
Britain." 

The Lieutenant-Governor demanded of them why the 
Naridgwalks were not there. Wenemovet answered, 
that they had full power to act for them and for the 



* The treaty was ratified, on the part of the Indians, on the fifth of August; and by 
Lieut.-Gov. Dumraer, on the sixth. — See Penhallow, pp. 131, 132; N. H. Hist. Coll., vol. i. 
pp. 129, 131. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 'W>5 

Wewenocks, and for the Arreruguntenocks and [St.] 
Francis. 

I have transcribed thns mnch of the submission of 
these Indian tribes to the English Crown ; and time has 
sufficiently proved (as before is remarked) their treach- 
ery and deceit, waiting only for a fairer opportunity to 
renew their mischievous purposes against us. However, 
their following violation of these solemn engagements 
renders them, in their several tribes, open rebels to the 
Crown ; and therefore ought ever to have been dealt 
toward as such. 

The charge of the three last years of the war was 
no less than one hundred and seventy thousand pounds, 
besides the constant charge of watching, warding, scouting, 
and making and repairing garrisons, which, [by] a moderate 
computation, amounted to seventy thousand pounds more. 
And if, in so short a time, such a great sum was expend- 
ed, what may we conceive the charge of the foregoing 
twenty years' war with our eastern enemies amounted to ? 
— the weight and burthen whereof lay principally on the 
Massachusetts Province. 

After the peace was concluded as is above related, the 
Indians were, for a while, more still and quiet during 
the time of peace between England and France ; but, 
not long after the war again commenced between these 
two Crowns, the Indians, through the instigation of the 
French at Canada, broke their vows, and, in rebellion to 
England, engaged against us. 

France, in concert with Spain, proclaimed war against 
England on March 15, 1743-4; and, on the 29th of the 
same month, Great Britain declared war with France. 
The Indians desisted from entering on their wonted 
mischievous proceedings for some time after this ; which 
probably was owing to the inability of the French suddenly 
to supply them with ammunition and other necessaries to 
carry on the war against us. However, July 5, 1745, a 



366 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

party of Indians came to a place called the Great Meadow,* 
on Connecticut River, about 16 miles above Fort Dum- 
mer, where they took one William Phips. When the two 
that took him had led him about half a mile, they came 
to a stop ; and, as was said, one of them went down a 
hill to fetch something they had left. At his return, 
Phips snatched his gun from him, and shot him down, 
and then fell on the other with [a] hoe, — with which he 
was at work in the field when taken, and had it still with 
him, — and with it beat and bruised the fellow very much, 
and then attempted to escape ; but three Indians, coming 
up at that instant, shot, scalped him, and mangled his 
body. It was told, that the Indian he chopped with 
his hoe died afterwards with his wounds. 

July 10, the same or some other party of Indians came 
to Ashuelot the Upper ; j* killed and scalped Deacon Josiah 
Fisher as he was driving his cows to pasture, about half a 
mile from the garrison. 

October 11, a considerable body of French and Indians 
came [to] a place called the Great Meadow, and made an 
attempt on the fort, but did not succeed. However, they 
took Mr. Nehemiah How, and carried him to Quebeck, 
where he died in prison about a year after ; and, as they 
went off, they killed and scalped one David Pugg, and 
killed some cattle. There was another man with Pugg 
in a canoe ; but he made his escape. 

April 19, 1746, the enemy came to the most frontier 
part of Connecticut Piver, — to a place called Number 
Four, J — where they took three men, about half a mile 
from the garrison; viz., Captain John Spafford, Isaac Par- 
ker, and Stephen Farnsworth. They were prisoners some 
time in Canada, but afterwards were returned home. 

April 22, a man was shot through the brim of his hat, 
in going from Northfield to Deerneld. 

* In Putney. f Keene. J Charlestown, N.H. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 367 

April 23, about 50 of the enemy came to the Upper 
Ashuelot, designing to rush into the garrison as the men 
went out in the morning ; but some without discovered 
them, and gave warning. They pursued those without, 
and took one Nathan Blake captive : he, after a long 
imprisonment, returned home. The enemy pressed hard 
on the garrison-gate ; shot John Bullard, and stabbed 
Daniel McKenny's wife, with a long knife, in her back : 
they both soon died. They also burnt several buildings, 
not only to destroy the people's substance, as was thought, 
but to conceal their dead ; for human bones were after 
found in the ashes. They also killed 23 cattle. 

April 26, some of the same company, it's probable, 
waylaid the road leading from Lunenburg to Northfield, 
and killed and scalped one Joshua Holton, of Northfield, as 
he was returning from Boston with a considerable sum of 
money for billeting soldiers. 

May 2, they came again to Number Four, as it was 
then called ; and, as a few men went out in the morning 
about 50 or 60 rods from the fort, the enemy lay in a 
barn, fired on them, and killed one Seth Putnam. As 
they were scalping of him, Major Josiah Willard, with 
two men, ran near and fired on them, and made them 
retreat with confusion. The captives after related, that 
two of them were killed as they were scalping Putnam. 

May 6, a party of Indians came to Lower Ashuelot,* 
and lay about the garrison, till, observing Deacon Timo- 
thy Brown and Robert Mofiet going towards the Upper 
Ashuelot, waylaid them, and fired on them. Moffet 
fired at them, and broke the chief Indian's arm. They 
were both taken, and carried to Canada ; but were after 
released. 

At the same time, a party lay skulking about the 
garrison at the Upper Ashuelot ; and as one of them 



Swans 



368 . Giles's history of the 

ventured to come up to the fort in the night, who shook 
the gate, the watch shot at the gate, and shot the Indian 
through the bottom of his belly, who died of his wound 
before he reached Crown Point. 

May 9, a considerable party came to Fall Town,* with 
a design to rush into the fort in the middle of the day, 
when the men were gone out ; but a soldier a little 
distant from the fort discovered them, and alarmed the 
fort, which he himself could not recover to get into. 
There being then but three men in the fort, [they] de- 
fended themselves courageously : the women also assisted 
in charging the guns. The enemy, though they approached 
near to the fort, were repulsed ; did no mischief, except 
slightly wounding John Buck,f and killing 10 cattle. The 
chief Indian had his arm broken in this conflict, and two 
more of their company wounded. 

The same day, Sergeant John Hawks and John 
MihilsJ being some distance from the Fort Massachu- 
setts, riding on a horse, two Indians fired on them, and 
wounded them both. Mihils made his escape to the fort. 
Sergeant Hawks fell from the horse : the Indians ran 
immediately to scalp him ; but he, recovering, presented 
his gun. One Indian jumped down the bank ; the other 
got behind a tree. He calling for help from the fort, the 
Indians made off, and left him. 

May 10, some of those Indians, that the day before were 
disappointed at Fall Town, turned off to Colerain, about 
10 miles distant from Deerfield, to the north-west; and as 
one Matthew Clark with his wife and daughter, and three 
soldiers, were going to Clark's house from the garrison, the 
Indians fired on them, killed Clark and scalped him, and 
wounded his wife and daughter. One soldier played the 
man, — fired several times, defended and brought off the 
woman and her daughter to the fort ; and both recovered. 

* Bernardston. f Hoyt gives the name Burke. \ Miles. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 369 

July 3, a small party lay in ambush near Colonel 
Hinsdel's mill. Colonel Willard, with about twenty men, 
went to get grinding. They went to search whether there 
were not an ambush laid by the Indians : some of them 
fell unexpectedly on the ambush. The enemy fired on 
them: our men engaged and pursued them, and recovered 
most of their packs. One Wright was slightly wounded 
in the engagement. 

July 28, David Morrison of Colerain, a lad, was taken 
captive near his father's house ; of whom there was no 
certain news afterward. 

August 3, a large body of the enemy came to Number 
Four. The dogs barked, and gave information of the 
enemy's approach. Early in the morning, some went 
out to a nursery, and were fired upon by some Indians 
that lay hid near the place. One Phillips was killed. The 
enemy ran off. When they went to bring Phillips into 
the fort, the ambush arose, and fired near an hundred 
guns at them. Our men fired some time, and retreated to 
the fort. The enemy continued firing till the next day ; 
then burnt the buildings, killed some cattle, and drew oif. 

August 6, about 30 Indians came to Winchester, way- 
laid the road, and, as six of our men were passing that 
way, fired on them ; killed and scalped one Joseph 
Rawson, and slightly wounded Amasa Wright. 

August 11, a small party came to Northfield, and shot 
Benjamin Wright, a young man, who that night died with 
his wounds. 

August 15, a party of Indians shot upon four men near 
Shattuck's Fort,* but did them no hurt. 

August 17, some Indians came to a place called Pe- 
quaiog,-j" and killed and scalped one Ezekiel Wallingford. 

August 19, there appeared before the Fort Massa- 
chusetts 8 or 900 French and Indians, commanded by 

* At Hinsdale. t Athol. 

47 



370 KILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

Monsieur Rigaud de Vaudreuil ; who, having surrounded 
the fort, began, with hideous acclamations after their 
manner, to rush forward on the fort, with constant fire 
upon it on every side, in which were 22 men, 3 women, 
and 5 children. The fort was but in a poor condition to 
withstand such a force ; several of the men being sick, 
and having but a scant stock of ammunition. However, 
our men played their part as long as they could, and, 
they supposed, shot down several of the enemy; and con- 
strained the general to retreat, by a wound he received 
in his arm from the fort. Notwithstanding, he sent 
proposals of a surrender upon conditions of good quarter, 
and also that they should not be put into the Indians' 
hands. They had, before this, wounded (though slightly) 
John Aldrich and Jonathan Bridgman, and shot Thomas 
Knowlton, in the watch-box, through his head ; and he 
soon died. The chief commander then in the fort was 
Sergeant Hawks. The Reverend Mr. John Norton (since a 
minister settled in a town in Connecticut, and, if I mistake 
not, now a chaplain in [the] Connecticut forces against 
Crown Point) was then also chaplain in this Massachusetts 
Fort; who, upon the motion of a parley made by the 
enemy, examined their stock of powder ; found it so 
small, though they had been very sparing in their firing, 
that, in reason, it was impossible long to withstand the 
force and fury of their besiegers : therefore consented to 
a capitulation, and finally consented to yield themselves 
prisoners of war, and to the mercy of their enemies ; and 
opened their gate, August 20, 17[4]6. The general only, 
with the French in his army, first entered, and shut the 
gates on the Indians : at which they were disgusted to that 
degree, as to undermining or pulling out the underpinning 
of the fort ; and rushed in with prodigious noises, and 
insults, and mangled the dead man's body in a barbarous 
manner ; and, the next night, killed one of our men, that 
was wounded, so that he could not travel, although the 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 371 

French general had promised that such should be carried. 
And, contrary to the stipulated conditions of the surrender- 
ing themselves prisoners, half of them were put into the 
hands of the Indians ; who, notwithstanding their cruel 
dispositions, treated them with more humanity than usual. 
They were mostly carried to Canada, where many of them 
died. It would be too long here to relate the particular 
circumstances and occurrences of Mr. Norton's travels, 
and what he met with in his captivity, and those that were 
taken with him at Fort Massachusetts ; but refer my reader 
to the narrative of that affair which Mr. Norton himself has 
given the world.* I shall, therefore, only remark here, 
that, in the general, he and the prisoners taken with him 
were treated more favorably than many others, as before 
is noted;-)* and also, while he was in prison in Canada, he 
had an account, by two prisoners brought in there, that 
they were taken at Sheepscot, October 20, and at that time 
one Anderson was killed : their names were Robert Adams 
and John McNeer. 

Captain Donahew killed at Canso, June 29, 1745 ; 
William Briant and four of his children killed, and his 
wife taken prisoner, and died in prison at Quebec. The 
number of those that died in prison there, according to 
the Reverend Mr. Norton's account, from the beginning 
of November, 1746, to August 11 following, amounted to 
73 men, women, and children, by an epidemical disease, 
which swept off many of [the] French at Canada also at 
the same time. J Though it was for want of ammunition 
that this Massachusetts Fort was given up, yet, by good 
intelligence afterwards, near 50 of the enemy were slain 
before the fort was surrendered. 



* " The Redeemed Captive ; being a Narrative of the taking and carrying into Captivity 
the Reverend Mr. John Norton, when Fort Massachusetts surrendered to a large body of 
French and Indians, Aug. 20, 1746," &c. Boston, 1748. 

1 Hoyt, in his Antiquarian Researches, p. 238, Note, gives the names of the garrison. 

| See Norton's Narrative, pp. 30-40. 



372 



NILES S HISTORY OF THE 



August 22, as some men were going from Deerfield to 
Colerain, three Indians lay by the wayside ; killed and 
scalped one Constant Bliss, a Connecticut soldier: the 
rest made their escape. 

August 25, the enemy not satisfied with the destruction 
they had made on the Massachusetts Fort, about thirty of 
their company came to Deerfield ; fell upon some people 
there ; killed and scalped Samuel Allen, Eleazer Hawks, 
jun., Oliver Amsden, Simeon Amsden, of Deerfield, and 
Adonijah Gillet, a soldier. They wounded Eunice Allen, 
and took Samuel Allen, a child about nine years old.* 

In' 1745, in this summer, a proclamation was issued for 
the enlisting men upon an expedition against Canada ; in 
which many with great cheerfulness engaged. But it was 
only talked of: for after 'the summer season was over, and 
opportunity for action in that designed enterprise, the 
scheme was strangely broke through, and the soldiers 
disbanded, — to their hurt, many of them, and wounding 
of the country ; for the men were kept under pay and in 
idleness the whole summer. 

March 30, 1747, about 30 or 40 Indians came to a fort 
called Shattuck's Fort, between Northfield and Colonel 
Hinsdei's, with a design to burn it ; and provided fagots 
of dry spruce and pitch-pine, with the ends dipped in 
brimstone ; and, coming silently in the night, set the fort 
on fire, which burnt a part of it on the south. But, by a 
remarkable Providence, the wind, that was then south, 
shifted to the north, — the soldiers getting into the north 
part; and, by the advantage of the water in the brook 
that ran through the fort, they prevented the further 
progress of the fire to the north part. The Indians, 
being thus disappointed, drew off without doing any more 
mischief. 

April 7, a considerable body of French and Indians 

* See Hoyt's Antiquarian Researches, p. 240. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 373 

came to Number Four, and laid siege to the garrison. 
Captain Stevens, being there with about 30 men, defended 
it ; though the enemy continued firing on them near two 
days, and then proposed to them to surrender, upon 
plausible pretences of giving them good quarter : [but] 
the captain absolutely rejected the motion. Then they 
requested the captain to sell them some corn. He told 
them, he would grant them ^ve bushels of corn for every 
hostage they should send into the fort, to be kept till the 
enemy should bring and deliver so many of our captives 
from Canada. But, on the third day, they drew off; 
having done no other mischief but slightly wounding 
Joseph Ely and John Brown. Governor Knowls was so 
mightily well pleased with Captain Stevens's conduct in 
the affair, that he made a present to him of a very costly 
silver-hilted sword.* 

Before this, — March 31, the day after the attack on 
Shattuck's Fort before mentioned, — Captain Eleazer 
Melvin, with some of his company who were then at 
Northfield, pursued a party of them, shot at them over 
the river, and killed one of them : the others escaped. 

April 14, the same or another army came to Northfield: 
they killed and scalped Nathanael Dickinson and Asahel 
Burt ; and then drew off to Winchester and the two 
Ashuelots, and burnt down those three towns, which, not 
long before, the inhabitants had deserted. 

Not to omit the tragical downfall, exit, and unparalleled 
massacre that befell the very noble, heroic Colonel Noble, 
with a great part of his men, through the perfidy and 
treachery of the Neutral French (as they were called) at 
Menis, we must, in this narrative, turn back to the imme- 
diately foregoing year; viz., 1746. 

Our Court in the Massachusetts, having received cer- 
tain intelligence that a party of the neutrals had joined 

* It is matter of regret that this valuable memorial is lost. 



374 NILEs's HISTORY OF THE 

with the other French, — our declared enemies, — and the 
Indians in confederacy with them, in acts of hostility 
against the English, thought proper to order Colonel 
Noble and Colonel Gorham (who had distinguished them- 
selves remarkably against the enemy in this war) to 
Menis ; if possible, to make a discovery of such among 
them who had been actors in this treacherous rebellion, 
contrary to all truth, and their professed subjection to the 
Crown of Great Britain, — as before is noted in the pre- 
ceding part of this historical narrative. They accordingly 
went thither (as they thought) with a sufficient number 
of the forces under their command; but the lamentable 
issue proves, that wisdom and proper caution in conduct 
is sometimes hid from the wise and prudent. These 
gentlemen, at this time, seemed destitute of their wonted 
precaution, and fearless of danger in this their critical 
situation; for instead of keeping with their men in a body, 
for their mutual defence if necessity required, — as, indeed, 
at that juncture it did, very eminently, — they, especially 
Colonel Noble, with a great [part] of his men, took up their 
lodgings promiscuously among the French inhabitants, 
supposing them to be friends. But the sequel proved 
them to be their treacherous and barbarous enemies : for, 
in the dark and silent night, [with] the extreme cold, and 
a terrible storm of wind and snow more than common, 
an army of cut-throatly French and Indians, — the most 
of them French, — under the command of Monsieur Ram- 
sey, fell on our English men, and in a miserable manner 
slaughtered them, from house to house where they lodged, 
without any resistance ; which was impossible for them to 
do, had not the inhabitants conducted them to the several 
houses where they were quartered. It was said that an 
old friendly Frenchman acquainted Colonel Noble, the 
evening before, of this plot. The colonel, supposing 
the design of the old man was to intimidate him, therefore 
treated him roughly, and not with that kindness and 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 375 

good regard he had merited from his hand. Through his 
unhappy mistake, thus he fell with his men, the resistless 
victims of the enemies' rage, — more so than barbarian 
cruelty. 

Thus Colonel Noble died, — of whom it may be said as 
David did of Abner, 2 Sam. 3 : 33, — after all his noble 
achievements and memorable successes in war ; and with 
him, at the same time and manner, at least eighty of his 
men. Colonel Gorham took the watchword, and marched 
with his forces, in that terrible storm, unto Annapolis ; 
and by it escaped the direful fate of his colleague and 
fellow-partner in the fatigues and dangers of war, which 
they had encountered and run through together, in the 
defence of their country. 

To return to the succeeding occurrences of the year 
1747, where we left off. 

May 25, as Colonel William Williams, with a conside- 
rable body of soldiers, were, by order of the Government, 
rebuilding Fort Massachusetts, an army of the enemy 
came upon them, with a design to beat them off, and 
frustrate their purpose. Major Williams had been to 
Albany for stores ; and was now on his return, with a 
number of wagons. Near the fort, he sent some men 
before to mend the ways, and inform the people that they 
were coming. When they got within 50 or 60 rods of it, 
they saw the enemy creeping towards the fort. They 
fired on them; which made them discover themselves, and 
fire upon them that were upon the guard and at work, 
and pursue those that were coming from Major Williams. 
Our men fired on them from the fort: then they retreated. 
The enemy killed a friend Indian belonging to Stock- 
bridge ; and wounded three more, who after recovered. 
Ten of the enemy were slain in the engagement, as they 
afterwards gave that account. 

July 15, a small party of the enemy came to Fall Town, 



376 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

and shot Eliakim Shelden as he was hoeing corn in the 
field. He escaped to the fort, but died that night. 

In the beginning of August, a party of Indians came to 
Ashuelot, and killed some cattle. Our men went out after 
them. They shot at each other, but did no hurt. 

August 26, a party of the enemy came to a village not 
far distant from Northampton ; killed and scalped Noah 
Clark as he was threshing in a barn. 

October 1, they took Peter Boove, a soldier, and carried 
him to Canada. He afterwards returned. 

October 16, as Major Willard, Captain Alexander, and 
some others, were coming from Ashuelot to Northfield, in 
Winchester they met some cattle running as though they 
were pursued. Captain Alexander, being foremost, saw a 
Frenchman in the path, coming toward him. When he 
saw our men, he jumped out of the path, behind a tree. 
Captain Alexander shot him in the breast. The French- 
man came to him, saluted him courteously ; but he soon 
grew faint, and, as our men supposed, was dying. They, 
being in fear the Indians were nigh, left him. He after 
revived. The Indians came to him, and carried him some 
way ; but, fearing the English coming upon them, they 
also left him. A few days after, he came to Northfield, 
and resigned himself a prisoner to Captain Alexander. 
He was kindly treated, and his wound was healed ; and 
conducted from Boston to Canada. Notwithstanding the 
kindness done him, he afterwards came out with the In- 
dians, and did mischief on our frontiers. 

October 19, as John Smead — who was taken with the 
Rev. Mr. Norton at the Massachusetts Fort,* and was just 
returned from Canada — was travelling from Northfield 
to Sunderland, [he] was killed and scalped. 

October 22, a party of Indians came to Bridgman's Fort, 
and took one Jonathan Sartle,-)* and burnt Bridgman's 
fort, house, and barn. 

* See Norton's " Redeemed Csiptive." f Suwtel. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 377 

November 14, as twelve of our men were drawing off 
from Number Four, a party of the enemy waylaid them 
within half a mile of the garrison ; shot on them ; killed 
Nathanael Goold and Thomas Goodale, and scalped them : 
Oliver Avery was wounded, John Henderson taken captive. 
It was remarkable, that, because this Goodale could not 
get liberty of his officer to come off from the service, said, 
the night before he was killed, that " he would come off, 
notwithstanding all the powers above and below." 

March 15, about eight men went out of the garrison at 
Number Four, near sixty rods from it, and were fired upon 
by a small party of Indians: they killed Charles Stevens, 
wounded one Andreas, and took Eleazer Priest captive. 
Our men could not issue out after them from the fort ; the 
snow being then very deep, and they had neither Indian 
moccasons or snow-shoes to pursue them. Thus poorly 
was the garrison provided, as well as some others ; when, 
at the same time, many hundred pair of snow-shoes the 
Province had provided lay upon spoil in one place and 
another. 

March 29, 1748, a small party of Indians waylaid the 
scout-path from Fort Dummer to Colerain. Lieutenant 
Sergeant and four more went out in this path to get 
timber for oars and paddles. About a mile from Fort 
Dummer, they were fired upon. Moses Cooper was 
mortally wounded the first shot ; yet made his escape 
to the fort, but died of his wounds the next night. 
Lieutenant Sergeant, his son, and Joshua Wells, engaged 
the enemy, fighting on a retreat. Wells was soon killed. 
Sergeant encouraged his son, telling him they should have 
help ; and shouted as often as the Indians did, — calling 
them to come from the fort, and help them, and fight 
boldly. They discharged their guns many times : and in 
this manner they retreated, these two, the father and son, 
half a mile ; when this courageous Lieutenant Sergeant 
was also killed, and his son taken captive. They could 

48 



378 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

not have help from the fort ; there being but few men in 
it, and some of them sick with the measles. 

April 16, one Badcock was taken prisoner as he was at 
work in his field. 

May 8, about 12 Indians lay in ambush near a house in 
South Hampton, and killed one Noah Pixley. 

May 21, about 30 Indians lay in ambush near Fort 
Massachusetts. Sergeant Elisha Chapin, going from 
Deerfield with a number of our men, went silently on 
the road, and came within a few rods of them. The 
ambush arose, jumped up, and ran. Chapin, and one or 
two more next to him, fired on them, and killed one, and 
took his scalp. They left a gun, and the most of their 
blankets. 

May 25, Captain Melvin, with 18 men, went out after 
the enemy, and came to the lake a little south of Crown 
Point ; saw two canoes, about fifty or sixty rods from 
the shore, going to Crown Point. Captain Melvin and his 
men shot 50 or 60 guns: the Indians made great lamenta- 
tions whilst our men were firing upon them. The people 
at Crown Point took the alarm, and fired their cannon. 
Our men perceived the enemy were got before them 
in their way home. Captain Melvin took a contrary 
course, and escaped them, till he came to West Biver, so 
called. The Indians, on the 31 of May, laid an ambush 
on the bank of the river, near where they supposed 
Captain Melvin would come, between them and the river. 
Providence ordered that he stopped within a few rods 
of the muzzles of their guns. The ambush immediately 
arose, and fired on our men ; which they answered with a 
smart fire for some time, and supposed they killed several 
of them. There were killed in this engagement, of Captain 
Melvin's men, Joseph Petty, John Howard, John Dod, 
Daniel Man, Isaac Taylor, and Samuel Severance. Cap- 
tain Melvin's came in at different times to Fort Dummer, 
all but six. 






INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 379 

June 16, a large body of the enemy came, and waylaid 
the road between Colonel Hinsdel's Fort and Fort Dum- 
mer. Thirteen of our men, going from Colonel Hinsdel's 
Fort to Fort Dummer, were shot upon : three were killed ; 
and the bones of a man were found, where the enemy 
lodged the first night, — supposed to be William Bickford. 
Not long after, Joseph Richardson, Nathan French, and 
John Frost, were killed. 

June 26, as Captain Humphrey Hobbs was passing, 
with a scout of 40 men, from Number Four to Fort 
Shirley, they were pursued by 150 of the enemy : and, as 
they stopped to refresh themselves, their guards were set ; 
and he that was appointed to watch their back track 
discovered the enemy, and gave the alarm. Immediately 
thereupon began a very hot engagement. The enemy 
rushed on violently ; but our men stood their ground, and 
gave them a warm reception. The fight continued four 
hours : in which time there fell Samuel Gunn, Ebenezer 
Mitchel, and Ely Scot, and three very dangerously wound- 
ed, — viz., Samuel Graves, who was shot in his head, 
and some of his brains issued out of the wound ; Daniel 
McKeney had his thigh broken; and Nathan Walker 
had his arm broken, and the bullet lodged between the 
bones of his arm ; and one Ralph Rice was slightly 
wounded. Captain Hobbs shot the last gun at the enemy, 
and it was supposed he killed the chief Indian who 
encouraged the rest in the fight. After the Indians drew 
off, Captain Hobbs brought off his dead and wounded 
men; and buried his dead, as well as he could, in the 
night ; and brought his wounded men the next day into 
Fort Dummer, and the next day to Northfield. 

July 8, a party of Indians came to the Upper Ashuelot, 
and killed some cattle. About the same time, a fort of 
the English was taken at Lunenburg : two soldiers were 
killed ; a man and a woman and five children were taken 
captive, but were after released. 



380 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

July 14, the enemy that engaged Captain Hobbs went 
to West River : leaving part of their company, returned, 
and waylaid the road between Colonel Hinsdei's Fort and 
Fort Dummer ; and, as seventy men were going to Fort 
Dummer, they were shot upon. Sergeant Thomas Taylor 
commanded his men to fight; but the enemy, rushing 
violently upon them, killed two men, and wounded two 
others, whom they soon after killed. The men killed 

were Joseph Rose, Asael Graves, Billings, and 

Chandler. Nine were taken captive, of whom the sergeant 
was one. The rest escaped. 

July 23, a small party came to Northfield, and waylaid 
the town- street, and killed Aaron Belden, and scalped 
him ; and then ran into the woods, before the people 
were apprised what was the matter, as [it] was some time 
before sunrise: so daringly bold were the enemy become. 

August 1, a large body of the enemy came to Fort 
Massachusetts, and laid an ambush. The dogs made a 
great barking ; which gave the men warning that the 
enemy were not far off. A few soldiers ran out, without 
orders, near the place where the dogs barked. A few 
of the ambush arose, and fired at them ; which caused 
Captain Williams and his men to rush out of the fort. 
One of the enemy called to him to come along. Our 
men advanced so far, that the ambush arose partly behind 
them, and nearer the fort. Our men stood their ground 
for some time, and fired several shot, without any thing to 
shelter them from the bullets of the enemy; and retreated 
to the fort, firing. Lieutenant Hawley was shot through 
the leg in this fight ; Ezekiel Wells had his thigh broken ; 
one Abbot was shot through the body, and soon after died. 
It was reported, that, in this conflict, considerable spoil 
was done upon the enemy. 

Soon after this, there was a cessation of arms concluded 
on between the two Crowns ; which they at Canada hear- 
ing of, prevented both the French and Indians from 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 381 

making their usual and long - continued incursions and 
slaughters on our frontiers. 

On the latter end of July, 1690 (which was omitted 
In its proper place, for want of earlier intelligence), 
there came out near or full 300 Indians, and besieged 
Mr. Roff's garrison, where were but one and twenty 
men to defend it. They continued their fire with great 
violence for near two days, and killed one Blackman and 
a woman, and wounded one Simon B riant and another 
man, but slightly. Briant was from Braintree : and so 
was Mr. Ephraim Thayer, then a soldier in the garrison ; 
who also gave me this narrative, and is surviving at the 
writing of this, and in the eighty-seventh year of his age. 
The garrison bravely defended themselves all that time. 
At length, Moxus, a chief sagamore of the Indians, got up 
on the bank, under which he with his men had thrown 
themselves from the fire of the English, and moved them 
to surrender, with a promise of good quarter, " upon the 
word of a gentleman " (as he said) ; but, if they refused 
to consent to a surrender, he would roast them alive in 
the flames of their own garrison : and then suddenly 
jumped down the bank, out of the reach of the English's 
fire. But our men rejected the motion, and answered 
them with firing as well as they could on them. The 
enemy also continued their fire for some time, but finally 
drew off. Those in the garrison had intelligence that the 
Indians intended a second and more forcible attack on 
them; and, having but about 25 men there, they doubted of 
their strength to resist them : deserted the garrison ; after 
which the Indians came, and burned [it] to the ground. 

Here I am constrained, for the reason above mentioned, 
to look farther back, to the year 1675; when, on February 
10 of this year, about sunrise, there came a formidable 
company of Indians, and beset Lancaster. The report 
of their guns gave the people a quick and surprising 



382 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

alarm ; which was greatly augmented when they beheld 
many of their houses in flames, and the smoke ascending, 
and darkening the air. It was not long before they 
assaulted the house of the Rev. Mr. Rowlandson, garri- 
soned, — who was the worthy minister there. [He] was at 
this time at Boston, soliciting the Court to send soldiers 
for their defence ; but, at his return, found his house 
consumed by fire, his virtuous consort and his children 
carried into captivity, some of his neighbors slain, and 
others were led captive. Here he might say with Job, 
" The Lord gave, and the Lord hath taken away : blessed 
be the name of the Lord ! " Two men were out of the 
garrison : one they killed ; the other escaped. They also 
killed a mother and her child. Another was shot down 
as he was running : he begged mercy of them ; but they 
would not hearken to him, but knocked him on the head, 
and stripped him, and split open his bowels. Another was 
shot down adventuring to go to his barn, where he saw 
a company of Indians. There were three others killed 
belonging to the same garrison. Mrs. Rowlandson was 
wounded in her side ; and her child in her arms — about 
six years and a half — wounded at the same time, and 
probably with the same bullet, in her bowels and hand. 
Her sister's child (named William) had his leg broken ; 
which the Indians perceiving, knocked him on [the] head. 
When she was told that her son was dead and Mrs. Row- 
landson was wounded, [she] said, " Lord, let me die with 
them ! " — which she had no sooner uttered, but a bullet 
struck her, and she fell down dead. She was esteemed a 
very religious, godly woman, and greatly lamented by all 
that knew her. 

It was an affecting sight to behold. Some wallowed in 
their blood, others groaning under their grievous wounds ; 
children crying to their mothers not able to help them, 
when their tender-hearted, compassionate mothers were 
constrained, through fear, to turn a deafened ear to all 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. oK\ 

the moans and heart-relenting outcries of their pitiful 
children ; children and parent haled one from another, 
expecting death every moment from the barbarous and 
cruel hands of the heathen, especially as they saw their 
friends and relations killed, some shot, some stabbed with 
ypears, others knocked dead with hatchets : all which was 
awful to behold ; and the more so, as every one expecting 
in a moment to fall under the like fate. It was awful to 
see so many lying and bleeding out their hearts' blood, — 
some in one place, and some in another. Among the woful 
spectacles in this tragical massacre to behold, there was 
one man mortally wounded with a chop of a hatchet in 
his head, and stripped naked (as the rest were stripped 
of their clothes) ; yet was crawling on the ground in this 
doleful condition until he died. And another was slain at 
this time. Of thirty-seven persons in this garrison, twelve 
were killed, twenty-four led captive, and one only escaped 
to give the sorrowful tidings. 

But now the word of command from their Indian leaders 
was, " Come ! go along with us." Mrs. Eowlandson told 
them they would kill her. They answered, " if she were 
willing to go along with them, they would not hurt her." 
They had set the house on fire ; which was now in flames 
behind them, and was soon reduced to ashes. They 
set the wounded child (before spoken of) on horseback 
behind an Indian. With a mournful tone, as she was 
carried along, " I shall die, I shall die ! " — her mother 
following after on foot, with inconceivable sorrow and 
dejection under her own and her child's sinking condition, 
not knowing whither they were going. At length, she 
took her child off, and carried it in her arms until her 
strength failed, and she fell down with it. They then set 
her, with the child in her lap, on a horse without any 
furniture : and, in going down a steep hill, they both fell 
together over the horse's head ; where she expected to 
end her days, with her child (as she relates it). After this, 



384 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

it quickly began to snow ; and, it drawing towards night, 
here they proposed to lodge. Here she sat down in the 
snow, with her wounded child in her lap, with a small 
fire before her, and a few bushes placed behind her. In 
this condition they were on the cold, snowy ground all 
the night ; the poor child crying for water, — who was, by 
her wounds and hardships, fallen into a strong fever, — 
and her mother's wound growing so stiff and sore, she 
could very hardly sit down or rise up. They set her up, 
with her child in her lap, on horse, behind one of the 
Indians. They were then travelling to an Indian town ; 
in which travel, neither the gentlewoman herself, nor her 
poor, distressed, sick child, had any thing to refresh or 
comfort themselves with but water, from Wednesday 
night till Saturday night. After nine days' captivity, this 
poor, languishing child died of her wounds ; in which 
time, her mother, for the most part, had sat on her knees, 
holding her in her lap, until her knees were become raw, 
the skin being worn off them, and yet constrained (in 
this condition) to travel, and, after her child's death, with 
a burthen on her back, until her skin was worn off there 
also, without any pity from her relentless, cruel captors. 

But as my principal intent is to hand down an account 
of the many [invasions] of the English by the French and 
Indians in the succeeding long- continued wars with them 
in New England, as far as my best intelligence, admits, and 
leave what might further be related here with respect to 
this gentlewoman's captivity and her sorrowful sufferings 
therein, when I have remarked some few particulars 
relating to her travels and hardships, for the rest I refer 
my reader to her own printed and formerly published 
narrative.* 



* Mrs. Rowlandson's Narrative of her Captivity and Removes was first published in 
1682; and has passed through six editions, the last having been printed at Lancaster 
in 1828. — See also Willard's Topographical and Historical Sketches of the Town of 
Lancaster, pp. 38, 39; and his Centennial Address, pp. 92-94. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 385 

111 this her captivity, she had twenty removes, — seldom 
for the better, but mostly for the worse. One Joslin, a 
woman taken at the same time with Mrs. Rowlandson, — 
though then parted from her, with another company of 
Indians, — solicited them to let her go home. She insist- 
ing thereon, at length the Indians made a pile of wood, 
and set it on fire ; then stripped her naked, and knocked 
her on [the] head, and threw her into the fire, with her child 
she had in her arms ; where they both were consumed. 
Under all this, as was told by the captives then present, 
she shed not a tear, but continued in prayer all the time, 
and told them that were with them, if they attempted to 
go home, they would deal with them in like manner. 

In her travels, she was constrained, through pinching 
hunger, to eat horse-liver half roasted, the blood running 
about her mouth, for fear the Indians would snatch it 
from her ; and to drink the broth made of old dried 
horses' leg-bones, and sometimes such as had the maggots, 
that had eaten the marrow, got out first with warm water, 
and then the broth sometimes thickened with the bark of 
trees, pulverized and beat small, and sometimes without 
any thing in it, yet were sweet to her taste (as she ex- 
presses it). And herein was exemplified that saying, that 
to the hungry soul every bitter thing is sweet. She was 
often for want of food to support nature ; went from one 
wigwam to another. Some would appear to have pity on 
her, and give her such as they had ; and others would 
drive her from them with austerity, and sometimes with 
threats. Her support one day was only five grains of 
Indian corn : at another time she found five acorns and 
two chestnuts, which were her diet for another day or a 
longer time. Once she was at a wigwam where the In- 
dians were boiling horses' feet, where there were two 
English captive children. The squaw gave her a piece, 
and gave a piece also to one of the children. She soon 
ate hers up with a pleasing appetite : but, being hard and 

49 



386 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

gristly, the poor child could not eat it, but kept slobber- 
ing and sucking it, but could not swallow it ; which she 
observing, took and ate it with great pleasure and satisfac- 
tion. 

Once in her travels, she saw a man, killed by the In- 
dians, stripped, lying on the ground, naked. 

After she had been with the enemy eleven weeks and 
five days in this sorrowful condition, she was redeemed 
out of the Indians' hands for twenty pounds, — the price 
of her redemption. After manifold experience of divine 
protection and preservations under hardships of hunger, 
nakedness, and extreme wants of the comforts of life, 
[she] was restored to her husband and friends. 

After her return, she published to the world a very 
affecting narrative of her sufferings, at large ; some of 
which are still extant, though mostly much worn and 
defaced. 

For want of a more timely intelligence, I am constrained 
to look back, as before is instanced, and turn to the year 
1751; when, about the middle of June, seven Indians 
came to the house of one John Puttiman, a Dutchman 
living at Saratago,* — a settlement, chiefly of Dutch people, 
above Albany. They killed him, his wife, two sons, and 
two daughters, all grown to men and women's estate, with 
a servant-maid ; scalped them all. This Puttiman had 
practised selling guns and ammunition to the Indians, as 
well in times of war as peace. He had a negro man then 
present : him they carried captive, and sold him at Que- 
bec, and were wont to lock him up every night. After 
some time, they secured only his clothes. He took his op- 
portunity to escape in the month of January, and travelled 
night and day, five days and nights, without food, and 
without any covering for his feet, legs, or body, but a shirt 
and pair of thin drawers, until he met with some that 

* Saratoga. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 387 

ministered to his relief. He was afterward clothed by 
order of the General Court in Boston. 

In the beginning of September, 1747, about 60 French 
and Indians attacked the fort at Pemaquid, in the east- 
ward ; but were repulsed. However, they shot down 
and scalped two men that were at some distance from the 
fort. They were both carried into the fort. One of 
them was able to tell that he was scalped by a French- 
man, but soon after died. 

About this time, a party of the enemy appeared near 
George's Fort, in the eastward. Lieutenant Kilpatrick, 
with twenty-five men, went from the block-house there to 
scour the woods, and haul wood to the Landing Place. 
They were soon fired on by the Indians. Captain Brad- 
berry, hearing the report of the guns, issued from the fort 
with a party of his men, and engaged them ; fought them 
about two hours, in which time four were killed, — viz., 
John Kilpatrick, John Vose, Benjamin Harvey, Nathan 
Bradley ; and wounded three more. What slaughter they 
made on the enemy is uncertain. They found much 
blood, but recovered only two or three scalps. 

The French, in their crafty usurpation, have endea- 
vored, as far as they have been able, if possible to root 
out and destroy the English settlements in this North 
America : for which reason, they supplied the Indians 
with powder and other warlike stores, from Canada as far 
as Plymouth Government, in the war with King Philip, 
the great Indian sagamore in the south, as well as all the 
Indians in the east part of the country ; and in times of 
peace between the two crowns of England and France, 
from the year 1674 to this day; who, by means thereof, 
have been enabled to pursue their depredations on the 
English in the several parts of the country; which has 
also prevented the enlargement of our settlements within 
land. And, more effectually to accomplish their design (as 
above), they have more openly appeared from or about the 



388 Giles's history of the 

year 1726. Since this, upon view of the French making 
themselves [masters] of this whole country, [they] erected 
forts on the lakes, almost in a direct line from Crown Point 
to Niagara. Their design in commanding those great lakes 
was to engross the whole fur-trade to themselves ; by which 
they have also, and at the same time, made encroachments 
on the English rights. The building of Crown-Point Fort 
was doubtless to keep the Five Nations of Indians in awe, 
and bring them finally into the French interest ; and, for 
the like reasons, their engaging the eastern tribes and 
nations of Indians in their treaties with them, for erecting 
a province out of Nova Scotia by the name of Gaspessie, 
thereby to enlarge their territories on the seacoast, and 
extend and secure their fishery, — all this, and much more 
of the like nature, has been by the French projected, and 
mostly effected, without a due application of thought or 
endeavor to prevent it on the part of the English, either 
here or at home, till of late, when perhaps it may be too 
late to redress or prevent the consequence. Besides 
these encroachments of the French, who, in the time 
of the late peace, and not long after it was concluded 
between the two crowns, the French, with the Indians in 
their interest, proceeded in an hostile manner, and took 
some forts from the English, seated on their own lands, 
never before contested, in the southern parts of the 
country. These, with many other abuses and outrages, 
committed on the people, and the French king not com- 
ing up to, but violating, the articles of the peace, in too 
many instances here to be inserted. 

After many fruitless essays on the part of England to 
redress these grievances, the crown of Great Britain con- 
cluded it necessary to decide the controversy by force of 
arms, to restore the territories of the English in these 
North- American parts : therefore raised two regiments of 
soldiers in the year 1754, in Ireland, to be joined with a 
sufficient number on the Continent, under the command 



INDIAN AND FRENCH AVARS. 389 

of that worthy, experienced commander, General Brad- 
dock, whose exit is to this day greatly lamented in both 
Englands ; who, in the spring of the year 1755, landed his 
forces in Virginia. Of whom more may be said in the 
course of this narrative. 

In the beginning of May, 1755, the Indians burnt an 
h^use, and took two men prisoners, at Kennebec Eiver, in 
the eastward ; and [at] New Hopkinton, in the Province 
of New Hampshire, a man and a boy were taken prisoners, 
near about the same time, by rive Indians, but were soon 
rescued by nine Englishmen that were out on a scout, 
and the Indians driven off; and, on the 23 of May, one 
Mr. Ross, his two sons, an elderly man, and a lad, were 
taken and carried off by the Indians, at or near Sheepscot, 
at the eastward ; and at North Yarmouth, in Casco Bay, 
near the latter end of the same month, the Indians killed 
Mr. Stone, and took another man captive, who were out 
a-hunting together. Nine families destroyed by the In- 
dians about this time on the back parts of Virginia. On 
June 9, one man was killed, and another taken prisoner, 
at Broad Bay, in the eastward ; and, some time in July, four 
men were killed by the Indians, near Fort Dummer. 

November 24, 1755, two men killed by the Indians, and 
scalped, near George's Fort, at the eastward. July 4, 
one man was killed at Northfleld ; three women and 
eleven children carried captive. One man also killed, 
about the same time, near Fort Cumberland. 

Before I leave this year, 1755, I now return, as was 
proposed, to speak briefly of General Braddock's expedi- 
tion towards Ohio with his forces, as before is noted, in 
order to recover Fort du Quesne from the French ; which, 
among their other encroachments, they had erected and 
fortified on the English ground, in order to accomplish 
their purpose. This brave general marched with the main 
body of his force, according to his intrepid, martial, and 
heroic genius, with utmost despatch and expedition; leav- 



390 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

ing the rear of his army at or near Fort Cumberland, under 
the command of Colonel Dunbar, for a place of retreat, if 
necessity required. But, after a march of about six miles, 
they were encountered by a smart fire from a great body 
of French and Indians, which struck the vanguard of the 
army into such a panic fear, or rather cowardice, that they 
soon retreated with precipitancy to the main body in the 
utmost confusion, firing away their ammunition in the most 
disorderly manner, without any regard to their officers, 
either by command or entreaty ; which occasioned the 
lamentable and never-to-be-forgotten slaughter and defeat 
the whole army met with. On that fatal day, July 9, 
1755, was this brave General Braddock mortally wounded 
with a ball through his right arm and into his lungs, after 
(as was said) he had five horses killed under him. Thus 
this great commander fell in the field of battle. He died 
the 13th day. " Tell it not in Gath, publish it not in the 
streets of Askelon, lest " our Popish and Heathen adversa- 
ries triumph, as indeed they do. Nor should I have men- 
tioned it here, but to excite to a universal and perpetual 
condolence on this surprising frown of Divine Providence 
on our armaments against the common enemy of our na- 
tion, land, and religion ; and also to animate others with 
courage, resolution, and in the fear of God, to face the 
enemy, when called to it. When the ark of God was 
carried into the army of Israel, then engaged against the 
Philistines, it is noted of good old Eli, " that his heart 
trembled for fear of the ark ; " and, when he heard that 
the ark was taken, " he fell backward, and died." In like 
manner, an aged and eminently pious father and leader in 
our Commonwealth, in this Province, who had long filled 
his post with distinguishing fidelity and integrity,* when he 
first heard of the army's defeat, and that General Braddock 



* Secretary Willard, Author. Hon. Josiah Willard, Secretary of the Province of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay, died Dec. 6, 1756, oe. 76. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 391 

was slain, instantly (as is said) swooned and fainted away ; 
doubtless esteeming it as carrying an ominous aspect, por- 
tentous of the destruction and utter ruin of our land, and 
our most valuable and dearest privileges, civil and religious. 
Together with this great general, there fell at that time 26 
officers and 35. wounded: 21 came off unhurt. Colonel 
Washington behaved with great bravery and resolution. 
He had two horses shot under him, and his qlothes shot 
through in many places. According to the truest account 
we can yet obtain, there were nine hundred of the soldiers 
killed or wounded ; and, by the lowest computation, six 
hundred w 7 ere slain or mortally wounded in the engage- 
ment, besides pioneers, w T agoners, and servants. 

Early in the spring of this year, 1755, also two regi- 
ments of soldiers were raised in the Massachusetts Pro- 
vince, — one under the command of his excellency William 
Shirley, then Governor of the Massachusetts, and Major- 
General of the militia in North America, the second in 
power with General Braddock : the other regiment was 
raised by Sir William Pepperrell. These two regiments, 
with some regiments of regular troops from home, were 
under the immediate command of Major-General Shirley, 
whose intentional province it was to reduce Niagara, — a 
French fort standing on the Lake Erie, or south-eastern- 
most part of the Lake Ontario. But the motion of these 
troops was strangely delayed, and did not arrive at Oswego, 
an English fort on the other side of the lake, until the 
catastrophe of General Braddock, and defeat of his army 
(before mentioned). When General Braddock was slain, 
the whole command of the militia devolved on General 
Shirley, who, after this, reached Oswego with his troops, 
where they remained encamped the whole summer : but 
nothing remarkable was done, either this or the following 
summer (that we hear of), except the building and equip- 
ping seven vessels, with officers and men, appointed to 
scour the lake ; which are since, at the taking of Oswego, 



6\)Z NILES S HISTORY OF THE 

all fallen into the hands of the French. Near this fort, in 
the summer season, 1755, Mr. John Whiting, the eldest 
son of Colonel William Whiting of Norwich, [was] killed 
by the Indians, not far from the fort. He was the doctor's 
mate in the army ; and, as four men were sitting carelessly 
on a log, the Indians came behind them, and split out the 
brains of three of them with their hatchets : the fourth 
made his escape. Moreover, in the spring of this year, 
1755, several regiments of soldiers were raised in pro- 
portion in the Governments of the Massachusetts, New 
Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, and 
the Jerseys, who were put under the command in chief 
of General William Johnson, since knight-baronet, for the 
reduction of Crown Point, situated on the further side of 
Lake Champlain: but, in his march toward Crown-Point 
Fort, [he] was met and assaulted with an army of French 
and Indians, who slew (by the nearest computation) 200 
of his men ; and among them the brave Colonel Williams 
and Colonel Titcomb fell a sacrifice to the enemies' fury, 
and some other officers. 

Colonel Williams, Major Ashley, Captain Ingersol, Cap- 
tain Porter, Captain Ferral, Captain Stoddard, Captain 
McGin, Captain Stevens, Lieutenants Burt and Pomroy, 
— these officers all fell in the first engagement, in first 
meeting the enemy with 500 men, when many others [of] 
the soldiers were slain also. The rest retired to the camp 
upon a retreat. The French army followed, and soon ap- 
peared in sight of the camp. Then the second engage- 
ment ensued with great fury, though not with so much 
loss as before. Colonel Titcomb was killed in this en- 
gagement, — perhaps the hottest that ever was fought in 
this land, — which continued seven hours. 

The third engagement was occasioned thus. Colonel 
Blanchard, who was then chief in command at the Carry- 
ing Place, not knowing but that they might want help at 
the camp, detached between 2 and 300 men, mostly of 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 393 

New Hampshire, with some Yorkers, under the command 
of Captain McGinnis. About 4 or 5 o'clock, they reached 
the place where Colonel Williams was attacked by the 
French army in the morning ; and there they found about 
500 of the enemy (chiefly Indians), who had fled from the 
former battle, who were come thither to refresh themselves, 
and to scalp our dead men that lay scattered on the ground, 
to take their packs, and march off. Our men immediately 
fell on them with violence, took some prisoners, killed 
many of them, with but little loss on our side. They 
drove the enemy off, routed them, recovered their packs, 
loaded themselves, and left much of the spoil behind 
them ; and, by putting the Indians thus to flight, pre- 
vented their scalping our dead men as they intended. In 
this engagement, Captain McGinnis was mortally wound- 
ed, and soon after died of his wounds. It may be worthy 
of remark, that, in the three several engagements, one lead- 
ing officer was slain in each of them, — Colonel Williams 
at the first onset, as before is noted ; Colonel Titcomb at 
the camp, at the meeting of both armies in regular pitched 
battle ; and Captain McGinnis in the engagement above 
mentioned. General Johnson himself was wounded in 
the grand encounter, with a musket-ball, in his thigh ; 
Major Nichols was there also wounded: but both reco- 
vered. The general was sooner able than was expected to 
walk abroad, and direct his forces in the best manner. 

It was said, that one of our men, observing an Indian 
taking his aim at Colonel Williams, fired his piece at the 
Indian, and shot him dead upon the spot ; so that this 
worthy commander and his savage slaughterer fell at once, 
and probably at the same instant. 

This slaughter (I have been speaking of) was begun 
and finished September 8, 1755. So many of the army 
being killed and wounded, besides the sick, the general 
wisely concluded it impracticable then to proceed with 
his broken forces against Crown Point ; therefore sent 

50 



394 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

to the Governments for re-enforcements, still purposing to 
pursue his designs against the fort. The recruits were 
raised and sent with all possible expedition : but, the 
winter drawing on, the matter was delayed, and nothing 
further done as to Crown Point ; though Major-General 
Winslow went up the spring following, at the head 
of a great body of troops, for the same purpose. But, 
Lord Loudon coining over Generalissimo of the whole 
militia of North America, the design against Crown Point 
entirely dropped. 

However, the enemy was repulsed, and many of the 
arms and clothing of the slain were recovered by the Eng- 
lish ; and the French general, Disclau* (if I mistake not 
his name), was wounded, and taken prisoner, who is yet 
a captive, and never likely to be healed of his wounds, f 
This engagement was on September 8th, 1755 ; before 
which march, General Johnson erected a fort, by the name 
of Port Edward, a considerable distance above Albany, on 
Hudson's River so called, to receive their stores, and for 
a place of retreat if occasion required. In this encounter, 
General Johnson, who behaved with great courage and 
resolution, received a flesh-wound in his thigh, of which 
he was afterwards healed. After the fight, he built an- 
other fort, near to what is now called Lake George by the 
English ; but, by the French, Lake Sacrament. Notwith- 
standing his loss of men in this engagement, he purposed 
to pursue his design against Crown Point : therefore sent to 
the several Governments for a new detachment of soldiers ; 
which were accordingly raised and sent. The people 
in Connecticut distinguished themselves on this occa- 
sion, to their honor be it spoken and remembered, who 
with uncommon alacrity and cheerfulness offered them- 
selves willingly in the defence of their country ; so that, 



* Dieskau. 

t Baron Dieskau died at Surene in France, Sept. 8, 1767. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 395 

in a very short time, their proportion of men marched off 
towards the camp, and much sooner indeed than could 
be expected : whilst some other Governments so shame- 
fully neglected raising their men, that, before they could 
reach the army, the time of action was over for that sea- 
son, by reason of the near approach of the winter. In this 
time, there were many base and scurrilous reflections cast 
on General Johnson, which were handed about in the 
public prints ; and the reason pretended was, that he had 
not pushed forward (with his small and then weakened 
force) to the taking Crown Point ; which if he had at- 
tempted, as the case then stood, he must, in the reason 
of things, suppose to give his own life, and the lives of his 
men, a bloody and disgraceful sacrifice to the force from 
the fort in their front, and vast numbers of French and 
Indians from their several quarters falling on them in 
their rear. 

However, time and experience has sufficiently vindicated 
the general's character in that affair, when perhaps three 
times the number of his force lay encamped the whole 
following summer, esteeming it impracticable to attack that 
fort, from what information they had of its strength. 

I would not omit mentioning here, by way of remem- 
brance, Hendrick, the grand sagamore, or king, of the 
Mohawks, who appeared with great courage and resolu- 
tion against the enemy, in the engagement spoken of 
above ; where he behaved with uncommon bravery until 
he fell, and shed his blood in behalf of the English in the 
field of battle. 

General Johnson's army being lessened by the action 
above mentioned, and fresh re-enforcements coming so late 
(as was said) to the camp, no further motion was made 
this year toward Crown Point. 

In this same year, 1755, Major-General Winslow was 
commissioned by Governor Shirley, then General of all the 
military forces in North America. Major Winslow's com- 



396 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

mission led him to the eastward, to act in conjunction with 
General Moncton in dispossessing the neutral French in 
Nova Scotia. Major-General Winslow no sooner received 
his commission, but with utmost expedition he enlisted a 
sufficient number of volunteers for that purpose, and sailed 
from Boston with his transports May 22 ; and all safely ar- 
rived at Annapolis the 26 with about 2,530 men, including 
the regulars that had been stationed at Fort Lawrence, 
where Captain Hamilton was left to command the fort, with 
Captain Brintnal and about 86 of the New-England troops. 
The army advanced toward the French fort on June 4, the 
Prince of Wales's birthday. The army, in their march, 
came to a block-house at a carrying-place, where were 
some swivel-guns, which they tired on our forces, and 
killed a sergeant belonging to the fort, and wounded 11, 
whereof one soon died. The French were soon driven 
from the log-house, and in their way to the French fort 
set all their buildings on fire, to prevent, as was supposed, 
any shelter the English might have by them in their march 
toward the fort, — as their large new mass-house, the 
priest's house, hospital, barn, with almost all the adjacent 
houses ; so that by night, or before, 60 houses were burnt 
to the ground. In the fort, there were 150 regulars, and 
about the same number of the inhabitants : the remainder, 
with the women and children, were gone off to the forts 
at Bay Verte and Gaspereau, which were surrendered 
June 18. Colonel Winslow went, and took possession of 
them ; before which, a flag of truce was sent from the 
fort to Colonel Moncton. In about four days after, our 
troops began their fire upon the garrison, which was on the 
13th; and, on the 16th, they desired to capitulate. The 
terms being agreed on, Colonel Scot, who commanded 
in the trenches, marched in, and took possession of the 
fort, the 1 7th, — the same memorable day of the month 
that Louisburg was surrendered to the English. The 
French colors were immediately struck, and the English 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 397 

flag hoisted, and saluted by all the guns in the fort ; where 
was found 24 cannon, — the largest 12-pounders, — one 
10-inch mortar, plenty of ammunition, and provisions suffi- 
cient to have held out a long siege. But one New-England 
man [was] killed in opening the trenches, and a dozen 
wounded, who all recovered afterwards. Among others, 
Colonel Prebble received a slight wound in his thigh. The 
only New-England man killed was Joseph Pike, from 
Newbury ; although, by a moderate computation, it was 
supposed the French fired 500 shot and 60 or 80 shells 
in the time of the siege. There were eight officers and 
fifty-one private men killed of the French, besides three 
Indians, one of them a sachem of the Mickmac tribe, — a 
stout fellow, six feet and a half high, about 40 years old. 

This fort was called by the French Beausejour ; but by 
the English, when taken, Fort Cumberland. The regular 
forces, together with those raised in New England under 
Colonel Moncton and Colonel Winslow in conjunction, 
took and sent many hundreds of the neutral French, as 
they were called, into the English Governments in Ame- 
rica, where they were dispersed, and sufficiently provided 
for and supported at the charge of each Government where 
they were sent.* 

The reason of removing these French people from their 
settlements in Nova Scotia was this. At the recovery of 
Annapolis from the French, the inhabitants were tolerated 
to continue there by taking the oath of allegiance to the 
crown of Great Britain, and so long as they did not assist 
the French against the English ; but they soon violated 
and renounced their oath, and assisted the other French and 
Indians in their interest against the English in a treache- 
rous manner : therefore they were proceeded against in 
form as enemies, and dispossessed. This expedition against 



* See Gen. Winslow's MS. Journal and correspondence relating to this expedition, in 
the archives of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 



398 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

the neutral French was the more remarkable, as it was won- 
derfully succeeded in Providence with the loss of very few 
men ; and, indeed, [was all] that was done that summer 
against the enemy, although there were two large armies 
in the West, except the brave repulse (before spoken 
of) which General Johnson gave to the French and In- 
dians near Fort William Henry, and the spoil Captain 
Eogers made on them divers times with his small company 
of rangers. Some others also, in their excursions, did con- 
siderable spoil on the enemy. 

For want of more early authentic intelligence, I must 
turn back to the year 1745. In the beginning of this 
year, an expedition was formed against Cape Breton, 
in the several New-England Governments, so called; viz., 
the Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New 
Hampshire : the land-force under the command of Gene- 
ral Pepperrell, now knight-baronet, of the Massachusetts, 
and Major-General Wolcott of Connecticut, since Gover- 
nor there ; the naval force commanded by Admiral Warren, 
with whose squadron the American sea-forces were joined. 
And, on the latter end of April, the sea and land forces all 
arrived at Cabbarook* Bay; and soon landed their men, 
on the first of May, under the command of their cannon. 
There came, at the same time, about 80 or 90 men from 
the main fort to prevent our men landing ; but they were 
quickly beat off : six of them were killed, and five taken 
prisoners. And several houses were soon after burnt by 
our men ; which, together with the slain, and prisoners 
taken by the English, so surprised the soldiers, being about 
84 or 5, that they plugged up their guns in the Grand 
Battery, so called, and fled to the city: which the besiegers 
soon took possession of, and, when they had drilled their 
guns, improved them, with their own, in battering the 
city, or Grand Fort, to good success, — as it stood within 

* Cabarus. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 399 

the reach of the besiegers' cannon, — and by it fought the 
enemy with their own weapons. Thus they continued a 
smart fire at each other ; and, from the Island Battery, — 
which stands on a rock, on one side of the entrance at 
the harbor's mouth, which is but narrow, — the besieged 
continued, with their cannon and bombs, to fire as smart 
as possible at the Grand Battery. The English burnt 
St. Peter's and St. John's. Major William Hunt, since 
Colonel, had then the more immediate command of the 
Grand Battery; and, on May 6, sent a company of 90 
men to what was called the North-east Harbor ; and, on 
the 7th day, loaded a schooner with plunder, the French 
being fled from their dwellings. St. Peter's and St. John's 
were small French settlements, not far distant from Canso ; 
which were destroyed by the companies that were left 
there by the army to defend the fort that the army had 
erected there during its stay at Canso, — which was near 
a month, — waiting for the re-enforcements of the troops 
from Connecticut and Rhode Island and other parts. 
These plantations were destroyed by the two companies 
above, in conjunction with two privateer-vessels cruising 
near Canso, in the time of the siege of Louisburg by the 
army. 

The besiegers and besieged continued their fire at each 
other — the Grand Battery, which the English had gotten 
in possession, against the city, and Island Battery, and they 
against the Grand Battery with cannon and bombs — 
from May 3 to the 10, and so on. May 10, at the North- 
east Harbor, about an 140 French and Indians came on 
a small number of our men, and killed nineteen: five 
escaped ; two were wounded. May 11, a number of men 
went to the North-east Harbor, and buried our dead men, 
and burnt the town, and some vessels loaded with plunder : 
they burnt also the next town, called Spanish Town ; 
burnt the vessels, and brought off about four prisoners. 
May 13, a snow from France entered the harbor , laden 



400 NILEs's HISTORY OF THE 

with wine, brandy, and stores. A tiring continued on both 
sides. May 16, 50 odd guns and bombs into the city, and 
they returned about as many : the Island Battery slacked 
their firing. May 8, Captain Rhoads hurt by a guns 
splitting: two other guns split, May 16. Our men erected 
a new battery about five pole distant from the Light House, 
which was over against the Island Battery ; and carried 
four two-and-forty- pounders by land, May 17, in order 
to play against the Island Battery. From thence they 
fired smartly on our forces ; and a party of the French 
drew out of the city, about 100, with design to take our 
men at the Light House, but were beat off : three of 
their company were killed, one wounded, and one taken 
prisoner. At this time, Captain Rouse arrived from 
Boston with six transports under his convoy, with four 
months' provision for the army, and a considerable quantity 
of powder : he had been chased in his voyage by a 60-gun 
French man-of-war. About this time also, Captain Hall 
was hurt by the splitting of a gun. 

The fire with cannon and bombs continuing all the 
while by each party with utmost violence, — May 19, 
the gunner was killed, and seven men more, by the blow- 
ing-up of a considerable quantity of powder. The besiegers 
threw up a bank, mostly in a night, within musket-gun- 
shot of the city- walls, and killed several on their walls. 
Two French ships were taken, and sent into Cabbarook 
Bay. Seven of Captain Fletchers men were killed at the 
head of the bay, when getting wood and water; three 
made their escape : this mischief was done by the Indians 
lurking covertly in the woods. The French still continued 
their fire against our Machine [Fascine] and the Grand and 
Light-house batteries : our men made as smart a return, 
not without good effect. May 20, two hundred of our men 
went out to the North-east Harbor, and, the next day, 
brought in 10 captives from thence ; burnt and destroyed 
their fishing-boats. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 401 

On this 21 of May, Admiral Warren, with the squadron 
under his command, after a smart engagement, took a 
64-gun French man-of-war called the "Vigilant," and sent 
her into Cabbarook Bay, where the fleet of transports 
lay at anchor in the time of the siege ; as also a brig, 
laden with wine and brandy. At this time also, a 
scout of 200 of our men went in quest of 156 French 
and Indians they heard were coming on their camps : 
the scout brought in seven cows and two calves, with 
some goats, which was their only booty at this time ; 
the French and Indians being drawn off, — the fire 
from both sides still continuing as smartly as ever. 
However, it was not long ere the French desisted firing 
from the city, or Island Battery ; but our men continued 
their fire at both with great bravery, under raised hopes 
of a near-approaching conquest. Our men found 30 guns 
sunk, from 4 to 12 pounders ; which they weighed, and put 
into a condition for improvement against the enemy. 

The "Vigilant," French man-of-war before mentioned, 
was loaded with military stores, — 40 guns, 4 and 6 
pounders ; also rigging and store for a new 70-gun ship- 
of-war then building at Canada. She lost 63 men in 
the engagement; oars, none. May 22, the French kept 
firing all the day : ours returned the shot. An English 
50-gun ship joined our fleet this day ; and our forces 
killed several French on their walls by our small-arms, and 
some in burying their gunner, from our Machine [Fascine] 
Battery, who was shot off in the body : their colors were 
struck half-mast high from the Machine Battery. 

May 23, a number of hands came to fix our whale-boats, 
in order to make an assault on the Island Battery. 

About 12 o'clock at night, 300 of our men and 200 
marines embarked for that end : but the fog was so thick 
(though they were in the rut of the shore), they could not 
see the island, or where to land ; and, the day coming 
on, they were constrained to retire for that time ; though 

51 



402 NILES's HISTORY OF THE ■ 

there were then but 14 men in the battery, according to 
a Switzer's account, who had deserted from the French. 
May 24, some of our men went that evening on board a 
fire-ship, and laid her against the Kings Gate at the city, 
and set her on 'fire, and then retired. She burnt three 
vessels ; broke down the spire of the gate, and the roof 
of an house ; beside other damage. 

May 25, our Machine Battery broke down a considera- 
ble part of the wall at the Circular Battery: also, from 
Titcomb's Battery, several shot went through some houses. 

May 26, a scout of 154 men went from the Grand 
Battery to the west-north-west part of the island, about 
20 miles distant from the city ; where they found a 
pleasant neck of land seven miles long, two fine houses, 
and barns : they killed the stock, and burnt them in the 
barns. At the head of this neck was a fine salmon-pond, 
about four miles over : here they took eight prisoners. 
An 140 Indians and French had marched from the house 
our men came first to, about five hours before they arrived 
there, and were gone to the North-east Harbor. That 
day, they killed Sergeant Cockrins, whom they had taken 
prisoner some time before. They returned all in safety 
the 27 day, at night, from the scout they had been 
upon. 

This 27 day also, — our men having fitted their whale- 
boats, — about 12 o'clock at night, 200 men went to 
scale the walls of the Island Battery. The French were 
apprised of their intent, and, when they were landing, 
fired on them ; killed and wounded so many of them, that 
sixty of our men perished in this tragical attempt, and 
their boats stove in pieces, and 116 taken prisoners; so 
that but few escaped to bring to the army the unwelcome 
news of their defeat. 

A very remarkable instance in Providence happened 
in this skirmish with respect to Lieutenant Gerrish, who 
as he was landing, or soon after, was struck in his head 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 403 

with a langrel, or langrage, — something rolled up (as I 
take it), which, when discharged, flies out at its full length. 
Upon which, he fell down ; and, as Providence ordered it, 
a boat lay by the rock where they landed ; into which he 
tumbled as a dead man : and, as such, those in the boat 
trod on him, in their hurry to flee from the fire of the 
enemy ; nor did they perceive life in him until they came 
to the other side. He after recovered ; and probably is yet 
living, and ready to make the like encounter. 

May 28, a scout of 160 men went out to the North-east 
Harbor with Colonel Noble and Colonel Gorham, and 
to Scattaree. In this their scout, a body of French and 
Indians met them, with whom they had a smart engage- 
ment, and killed 36 of the enemy, and wounded 41 ; took 
their boats and provision, and drove them off the ground. 
They killed and wounded nine of our men ; among whom 
were Captain Demick, Allen, and several others. 

May 29, Colonel Noble and Colonel Gorham went 
with a scout of 418 men to North-east Harbor, Spanish 
Town, and Scattaree ; and brought in nine prisoners 
the next day. After, they burnt an house and a large 
quantity of wood at Scattaree, and feasted on goats' meat 
and fowls. 

Sergeant Cockrins, before spoken of, — before they 
killed him, [the enemy] cut off the ends of his fingers, 
then split them down, and flayed parts of his body, and 
made a prisoner eat it ; then cut his body in pieces, 
and cast it into the sea. 

May 30, 31, the fire from each party continued as 
before ; and, as the French were firing at the Machine 
Battery with their cannon, a ball flew over it, and cut 
off the thighs of two of our men as they were sitting 
near together, behind or on the descending part of the 
hill, where they supposed they were out of the reach 
of danger. Their blood gushed out with violence, and 
they both instantly died. 



404 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

Our army continued their fire at the city: and they, 
from the walls, did the like against the Machine Battery; 
where Captain Pierce, exposing himself too much to the 
enemies' fire, was shot with a cannon-ball, which tore out 
his bowels ; and he died instantly. 

Our forces raised a considerable battery near the Light 
House, June 2, at night. The French fired a bomb and 
several shot, without any hurt. 

The Machine Battery was so near to the city, that they 
could speak to one another. 

June 6, several hundred French captives shipped on 
board Captain Gayton for Boston. One man killed by 
a shot from the Island Battery against ours at the Light 
House, June 12, two ships from England joined our 
fleet off Cape Breton. A schooner was drawn out of the 
harbor, about 10 o'clock at night. Thus our men bravely, 
and with utmost dexterity and courage, carried on their 
siege to admiration ; God smiling on their motions, and 
wonderfully guarding them against the fierce fire of the 
besieged, and enabling them to return it from their seve- 
ral batteries with uncommon success. The enemy seemed 
to be under a gross infatuation, — when, without their 
knowledge, in one night's time, [our men] made a trench, 
about four feet deep and five feet wide, near or full out 
fifty rods long, with a mount cast up to screen them 
from the city's fire, and within less than the reach of 
musket-shot of the walls ; which doubtless was matter 
of astonishment to the French, when they beheld it in 
the morning. They proceeded, therefore, to fire with 
violence and fury on our men ; and killed four of them. 
However, they courageously stood their ground, and 
the night following, or as soon as possible in the night, 
drew some of their cannon from the Grand Battery, 
as it was called, — within the hearing of the French 
within the walls, as might be supposed, yet without 
discovery, — and placed them in the most advantageous 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 405 

manner against the city, and played upon it with hoped 
success. All which, with many other instances of the 
like kind, kept our men in high spirits, hoping soon to 
be masters of this (esteemed by the French) impregnable 
fortress. 

Still they maintained their fire from the city, and Island 
Battery : ours also, from their batteries, played their part 
with utmost dexterity and resolution. At length, on 
Friday, June 14, or the night before, they carried their 
large mortar to the Light-House Battery, to play it on 
the Island Battery, as they lay opposite to and not far 
distant from each other. This engine of war was so 
well placed and improved as to do remarkable execution, 
and according to purpose, in breaking down the houses 
or barracks in the Island Battery : so that the French 
there were constrained to jump out of their castle of 
defence, and shelter themselves behind the rocks, to save 
their lives ; which they had the advantage to do, as the 
Battery was built on a rock on one side of the entrance 
into the harbor, and the Light House on the other. The 
fire from the Light-House Battery was such, that the 
French, all to a man, fled to the city for refuge, and left 
their fort empty, in a naked and defenceless state ; which 
had our men known, they would have taken the speedy 
possession of, as they did of the Grand Battery, when 
deserted by the French, in the beginning of the siege, 
before noted. And it was said that these soldiers, who had 
made their escape, absolutely refused to return to their 
charge ; choosing rather to die (if they must die) by the 
authority in the city, than to return to the Island Battery, 
where nothing but death could be expected. 

Quickly upon this, a flag of truce was sent from the 
city to the general of our army, moving for a capitulation 
in order to a surrender: this was on June 15. The terms 
proposed by them were, that they should take their effects, 
and have transportation: this was engaged them, and what 



406 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

of their effects they could take off in three days. They 
after desired a longer time : this [was] also granted. By 
which means, the poor soldiers and under-officers lost all 
their hopes and just demerit of plunder promised them ; 
for the French took with [them] every thing valuable, 
and left nothing behind them that could be serviceable 
to them that had ventured their limbs and lives in this 
conquest. At the beginning of this treaty, all the English 
batteries were ordered to fire smartly on the city, and 
Island Battery, — which they did accordingly, — to in- 
timidate the French, and hasten their surrender ; but, 
when the conditions were concluded, they, according to 
order, ceased firing. In this time, all the men-of-war and 
transports were anchoring at the harbor's mouth. On 
June 17, that memorable day, a day not to be forgotten, 
our troops entered the gates of Louisburg, and took 
possession of the city; and the men-of-war and transports, 
in their order, entered into the harbor, and set up the 
standard of the crown of England in room of the French 
flag, which was immediately struck.* The French were, 
according to the agreement and stipulated conditions 
of the treaty, transported to the several French ports 
assigned them. But it is hard to demonstrate the cruel 
and barbarous treatment our men met with from the 
people in those ports, contrary to all known laws of arms 
and nations ; denying them the necessaries of life, and 
making it death for any of our men that came on shore 
to supply themselves, though they came with flags of 
truce to deliver up prisoners of their own nation taken 
in war. Our men were therefore constrained to make 
off from the French ports as soon as possible, for fear of 
further insults from such a cruel and inhuman people. 

" The works of God are wonderful : sought out they 
are by all them that take pleasure therein." They were 

* See Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. i., 1st ser., pp. 5-60; Parsons's Life of Pepperrell, pp. 41-110. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 407 

remarkable in this expedition against and taking Cape 
Breton ; for, the season of men's enlisting and to the time 
of our men's landing, and on, the heavens were serene, — 
no snow or rain, or violent storms of wind, to obstruct 
their motion. Thus the providence of God overruled 
and strangely facilitated the enterprise they were upon, 
and succeed[ed] them to a wonder. The commanders and 
soldiers were New-England men, by whom God wrought 
this victory, to whom alone the glory belongs. It was 
very unhappy for the poor soldiers and several under- 
officers that they were detained so long after the fort was 
taken, directly contrary to promise in the proclamation 
as an encouragement to list ; which, if I mistake not, 
ran in this tenor : viz., when the fort was taken, they 
should be dismissed, and others should be sent to keep 
and defend it. But it proved otherwise. For many, by 
reason of their detainure, sickened and died there; others, 
in coming home, were buried in the main ocean; and 
others after they returned, having contracted mortal 
maladies whilst they were detained there ; and many that 
came home remained under long bodily weakness ere 
they recovered : so that many more died by sickness than 
by the enemy in this expedition. So that the supersedure 
of the Province's act in this case, whoever were the 
instruments, — if so, — it appears to be a direct breach 
of the faith plighted by the Government, which ought 
ever to be kept inviolable by all, whether in civil or 
military contracts. This doubtless has occasioned many 
to decline listing in the service of their country in the 
late enlistments, and probably may have the like effect 
on many for the future. 

As our men had before discovered some great guns 
sunk, and got them up, so several men were employed, 
June 24 and 2o, in weighing up vessels [sunk] in the 
harbor by the French. About this time, Captain Eouse 
arrived from Annapolis [with] bombs and military stores. 



408 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

Before this, a small ship, on June 18, stood in toward the 
harbor's mouth ; but then stood off again in the evening, 
it being calm. In the morning, a 40-gun ship stood out 
after her, and [came] up with her ; fired two shot, at 
which she struck. She proved a fourteen-gun ship of 
about 300 ton; was loaded [with] wine, brandy, and 
stores. 

A French gentleman (after the city and fort were taken) 
said the English had fired in the siege 600 and odd bombs, 
and 9,000 shot of their cannon, before the surrender. 

Our men had no sooner in a manner taken this fortress 
in possession, repaired the walls and houses, and put 
them in a good posture of defence (which they immediately 
and with utmost activity engaged in), but [it] was resigned 
and delivered up to the French when the peace was 
(as it may be said) patched up between the two Crowns, 
at Aix-la-Chapelle in Germany. This fort (as is remarked 
above) [was taken] June 17, 1745 ; and was given back 
to the French, at that treaty, in the year [1748]. Upon 
which it may be said as here follows : — 

" This shining laurel George's crown upon, 
Great Britain's gem, New England's trophy, 's gone. 
The 'Mericans' garland with much blood was won ; 

But now 
All these are lost by losing Cape Breton." 

Soon after England's giving up Cape Breton, this 
author, on May 11, 1749, exhibited in the prints, as fol- 
lows, "A Short Hint, by Way of Lamentation, on the 
restoring Cape Breton to the French ; " which may not 
be improper here also to be published : — 

" What gloomy star beclouds this Western clime, 
From Orient realms, and counsels so sublime ? 
Daylight's to darkness turned ; our joys are gone : 
Sorrows succeed for loss of Cape Breton. 
That darling conquest, which demands renown 
Through distant lands, and ages yet to come ; 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 409 

A bulwark of defence ; a mart for trade, 
And wealth of seas, — are vanished as a shade. 
The crown and kingdoms of Great Britain were 
By it enlarged ; in triumph took their share : 
New England's glimpse of glory, trade's advance, 
Lament the change, that it's resigned to France. 

When tidings reached each loyal listening ear, 
That Louisburg was won, enlightened was the air : 
The British Empire, in its compass round, 
With gladdening acclamations did resound. 
All ranks unite with pleasure to declare 
New England's sons' success in feats of war ; 
Whilst Bourbon's race and 's vassals all deplore 
Their loss sustained on the Nov-Scotian shore. 

Shall the benign smiles of Heaven, smiling on 
The motions made, and conquering Cape Breton, 
Be now extinguished, and esteemed mere chance 
That shocked the pride and stunned the King of France ? 

Shall Loyalty profound, and victors great, 
Now hide their heads, ingloriously retreat, 
Vanquished by Peace, that, heroes like, withstood 
Loud-thundering cannons, mixed with streams of blood ? 
The Gallics triumph ; their recess so short, 
Joyful return to that late-conquered fort, 
Where monuments of English arms Avill shew, 
When time may serve, we shall our claims renew. 
New England's fate insult ! — the day is yours : 
Constrained, we yield the conquest that was ours. 

Lacrimarum flumine, sic piget Samuel Niles. 



In the beginning of the year 1745, the expedition 
against Cape Breton was formed and completed, as we 
have heard ; the war still continuing for some time, and 
some damage done by the Indians, but not so much as 
(I find) was done some time before, from the year 1747 
or 8 to 1755, wherein is before noted some of the warlike 
proceedings in that space of time, particularly that of the 
French and Indians taking two foits from the English 
in the southern parts of the country, in this [history] 
above mentioned, in time of peace. 

52 



410 NILES'-S HISTORY OF THE 

But to return to the year 1756. Colonel Palsh was 
killed at the southern part of the country, when one Mrs. 
English was taken prisoner by the Indians. She made 
her escape, and was 14 days in the woods, travelling home, 
all the time naked, and lived on chestnuts. 

Some time in February, Morgan Owens was killed, 
and a boy standing at the door was shot in the breast : 
he turned into the house; and, as he was loading his gun, 
fell down dead. Some time in February, the wife of one 
Balfar Neysong was killed ; and his child, of eight years 
old, taken prisoner. 

And, February 29, a small party of Indians came to 
David's Fort, in Cumberland County, and killed an old 
man by a shot fired at the fort ; and four were found 
dead at some distance, killed by the Indians. 

Some time in February this year, 1756, an ancient 
man, that had been a preacher at the east, was murdered 
by the Indians : his wife and daughter were taken captive. 
The mother's Indian master, not long after the murder 
of the husband, often solicited his wife to gratify his filthy 
lust on her (the only instance of this kind that I have 
met with, under all the other abuses that poor captivated 
women have found among the Indians when under their 
command). She still refusing the motion with abhorrence, 
at length her Indian master carried her away alone ; and 
her daughter, that related this tragical story, heard after- 
ward that he burnt her mother to death. 

It has been observed by the captives among the Indians, 
that when they had been upon an expedition, and brought 
prisoners with them, they were wont to single out one 
of them, strip him naked, and tie him fast to a post drove 
into the ground, — so that he could not stir hand or foot, — 
kindle a fire, roast his back parts, sing and dance round 
him, and bid him sing with them, — with sharp knives 
gash his body; and others take firebrands, and rub 
them in the wounds ; and others throw hot embers 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 411 

into them. And, the more they cry ont nnder these 
savage cruelties, so much the more these inhuman mon- 
sters of mankind triumph and rejoice. And after this 
miserable manner they torture them to death, and leave 
them consuming in the flames. 

In the year 1745, when Admiral Warren was on the 
Nova-Scotian shore and upon the expedition against 
Cape Breton, he sent some of his men on shore to get 
water : one of them straggling from the rest, the watch- 
ful Indians took him, and roasted him alive in a dreadful 
manner. This account was given by one that was a 
captive with the Indians, who was afterwards redeemed. 

In the last war, two deserters from the French — that 
were sent to Quebec from France as regulars, and from 
Quebec to Mount Royal, in their w r ay to Crown Point — 
gave an account, as shocking perhaps as any to be 
found in the course of these wars, of what they saw at 
Mount Royal whilst there. The Indians, it seems, had 
made their excursions to the westward, somewhere near 
Albany ; and, among others, had brought away a Dutch- 
man, whom they purposed to sacrifice to their monstrous 
rage. They- invited the governor and gentry of Mount 
Royal to see their dance. The poor Dutchman was 
stripped perfectly naked, and tied hand and foot to a post, 
not able to stir ; the Indians dancing round him while 
he was roasting, and stabbing him with their knives, as 
in the instance above mentioned. A foul Indian squaw, 
supposing they did not sufficiently torment him, made a 
wire red-hot, and thrust it into his private part, so up into 
his body ; which put the poor [man] into exquisite tor- 
ment, under which he cried out in a lamentable manner, 
— which was all he could do, — which was music to 
hardened creatures, destitute of all pity. The diabolical 
act of this monster of cruelty was such, that some of 
the regular soldiers would have pulled the squaw T away, 
and prevented the fact, which was so extremely horrid, and 



412 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

barbarous beyond compare ; pushed her away : but the 
French governor, or commander, angrily forbade them ; 
telling them, withal, they had nothing to do to hinder the 
Indians from doing with their captives as they pleased. 
Thus, with bitter roarings and outcries — not able to help 
himself — and unutterable anguish, his soul was separated. 
This [is] the spirit of Popery demonstrated ; and these are 
the subjects and allies of him who [is styled], though 
wrongfully, the most Christian King, and whom his people 
call Louis the Beloved. 

In the beginning of September, — if I mistake not, 
1755, — 200 of our men went in pursuit of the French 
neutrals, as before is shown. 70 of them landed, 
and burnt almost if not all the houses and barns in a 
French village. But, in attempting to burn the mass- 
house, the Indians, that had hid themselves among the 
bushes, fired on them, and killed and wounded 23: among 
the killed, Lieutenant March, and, with the lowest com- 
putation, 12 more. The French and Indians had their 
flag flying in open defiance of the English. 

About the middle of September, there was intelligence 
from Williamsburg in Virginia, that, about the latter end of 
August, 50 Indians — supposed to be of the Sha[wa]nese 
tribe, as they are called — appeared on Green-brier River 
in that county. They killed and captivated 15 people, 
burnt 11 houses, drove off 500 cattle and horses, and 
drove many people from their dwellings : the number 
killed were seven. And, near about the same time, six 
more [were] found scalped in Berks County, on the other 
side of [the] Susquehannah. 

Some time in [the] latter end of November, or [the] 
beginning of December, the Moravian settlement called 
Gnadenhutten, on Mahony Creek, was entirely cut off and 
destroyed by the French, and two men only escaped. 

On the latter end of March, or beginning of April, as 
a man and two boys were catching smelts at George's in 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 413 

the eastward, they were all shot down and scalped by the 
Indians ; bnt one of the boys recovered so as to reach 
the fort, which was a mile distant. 

Some time in April, Philip Swartwout's house and barn 
were burnt, and but two out of nine escaped. 

In the beginning of April, McCord's Fort, in Conoco- 
cheague in Cumberland County, was burnt, and 27 persons 
killed or missing. And, at the same place, a fort was 
surprised and taken; and all the persons in it were killed, 
except three that made their escape. After the taking of 
McCord's Fort, as above, a party of men went in quest 
of the Indians, and divided themselves into three com- 
panies ; two of which returned without making any 
discovery : but the third party met with them, and 
engaged them about two hours, at a place called Sidling 
Hill. Our men held out courageously, — so that the most 
of them fired 24 rounds, — and probably would have made 
themselves masters of the field ; but another party of 
Indians joined with the enemy (said to be commanded 
by one Singas) : being greatly overpowered by superior 
numbers, they were constrained to retreat, with the loss 
of half their number. Out of 50, but 25 returned, and 
some of them very sorely wounded. About the beginning 
of April, this year 1756, to the southward also, Captain 
Ashby's Fort at Pattison was attacked by about 100 
Indians : they killed six men ; and carried off two boys, 
children of Michael Theobolt ; and shot two horses of the 
captain's. 

Some time in April, two bateaux, six men in each ba- 
teau, went from Fort William Henry, near Lake George, 
on a scout. In their return, one of the bateaux went on 
shore at an island in the lake : but, not returning so soon 
as they expected, they sent to the island with a large 
body of men ; where they found three of the men killed, 
and the other three supposed to be carried off by the 
Indians. 



414 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

At the great Carrying Place, so called, the Indians took 
and destroyed a small garrison, where one Lieutenant Bull 
was. They cut off his head ; and, opening his breast, 
took out his heart, and put it into his mouth ; stuck his 
head upon a pole, and left it. There were six more 
killed, and two of Captain Cox's men killed as they were 
with others driving a wagon. Another man was killed, 
about a mile from the German Flats. Some time in 
April, Mr. John Beveridge's only son was found, killed 
by the Indians, at his house on the back side of North 
Yarmouth, in the eastward: he was found by a party of 
Captain Smith's company, in scouring the woods from 
Gloucester to New Boston. 

About May 10, the Indians at Flying Point killed one 
Thomas Mears and a child. 

Some time in April, a party of Indians appeared near 
Edward's Fort, on Cape Capon, in the southern parts. 
About 60 of our men went out after them, under the 
command of Captain Mercer ; and, about a mile from 
the fort, were attacked by a superior number of Indians, 
whom they fought for some time with good success : but, 
the enemy being re-enforced, they were obliged to retreat 
to the fort. Captain John Mercer and Lieutenant Thomas 
Carter, two brave Virginian young gentlemen volunteers, 
with 15 more, were left in the field in this engagement. 

Colonel Cresop's son was killed : whether in this en- 
gagement or not, I am uncertain. 

Advice from Williamsburg informed, that, some time 
in April, the Indians and French had committed great 
barbarities in those parts, in cutting off several families, 
not far from Winchester. Upon this information, his 
honor the Governor ordered out half of the militia from 
the counties of Albemarle, Caroline, Culpepper, Fairfax, 
Frederick, King George, Louisa, Orange, Prince William, 
Spotsylvania, and Stafford, for the relief of the back 
settlements. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 415 

One Meaks with his wife were hauled out of their bed, 
on the 9 of May, by five Indians that entered his chamber 
early in the morning, at Merecochegne Neck. They killed 
the man ; and shot and killed the child also, as its mother 
was suckling it, and with it carried away part of her 
breast ; and took another woman prisoner. A young man 
fired on them, and killed one : the other four hastened off, 
without scalping the dead. This in the eastward. Two 
more men, at Topsham, were killed by the Indians about 
the same time. 

On Pyson's Island, and another island adjoining, the 
Indians killed eight ; and a woman and girl were missing, 
supposed to be carried off. 

On May 3, in this year 1756, also a sergeant and ten 
men with him were killed, not very far from the fort at 
Chignecto, by the French and Indians, at a place called 
Gallop's Creek. About the same time, four of Captain 
Adams's men went ashore to get hay for some creatures 
they had on board. One was killed, and the other three 
supposed to be led away captive. He that was killed was 
cruelly mangled from head to foot. Some time in the 
beginning of May also, the Indians killed and carried 
off 12 ship-carpenters as they were hewing timber, not 
more than 300 yards from Oswego Fort : those that 
pursued them found one killed and scalped. About 
this time also, Lieutenant Blair, with 24 men, was met 
by the Indians about two miles from the fort : they killed 
the lieutenant and one of his men. One of our men 
brought an Indian scalp with him in his return ; and a 
Mohawk, attempting to take a French Indian alive, lost 
his own [life] ; but another, standing near, killed the 
Indian, and scalped him. 

About the latter end of May, a small scout of our men, 
being out about three miles from Fort Edward, were fired 
upon by about 200 French and Indians. Three of our 
men were killed and mangled very barbarously, after 



416 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

the manner of the Frenchified Indians, and the French 
their abettors : the rest made their escape. 

About this time also, in Sussex County in the Jerseys, 
in Hard wick Township, one Swartwout's wife was killed, 
shot in her back (doubtless [while] endeavoring to make 
her escape) ; and at a little distance three of his children 
were lying murdered, with their heads split open with 
an hatchet. Swartwout himself, and three more of his 
children, were carried off by the enemy. 

In the beginning of June, 1756, also eight men were 
killed, the others taken captive, about two miles above 
Fort Edward. About this time, one Lieutenant Brooks, 
a Connecticut gentleman, was cruelly massacred ; having 
his mouth cut open and his tongue cut out, his body 
ripped open, his entrails taken out, and crammed, as 
much as they could, into his mouth. Thus they gratify 
their cruel, blood-thirsty revenge, not on the living only, 
but on the dead also, that are so miserable as to fall into 
their Popish and Heathenish hands, — especially such as 
have exerted themselves with distinction in the defence 
of their country. 

About this time also, one Benjamin King of Palmer, 
and William Meeke, were killed about half a mile distant 
from Fort Massachusetts, at Hoosuck. 

Before this, on May 26, one John Wasson was killed, 
and mangled in a horrid manner, — in Peters's Township, 
so called, — and his wife carried captive. 

Near Fort Henry, in Berks County, a woman big with 
child was killed. Not far from Colonel Bigham's Fort, at 
Tuscerara, [a] woman was scalped. 

At some distance from Winchester, in Virginia, one 
Mr. Gist, with a small party, had an engagement with a 
large body of the enemy, wherein he lost three of his 
men ; and there was found a little boy about four year 
old murdered by the Indians, and one of eight was 
missing. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 417 

About the beginning of June, a party of men were 
appointed to cover some bateaux and wood-cutters, not 
far from Oswego. They were attacked by about 2 or 300 
French and Indians, who killed five of their men. 

In the latter end of June, a party of Indians came to 
Swatara, in Lancaster County, and killed four persons 
and scalped them, and went off. 

And, about the same time, three Indians came to Bethel, 
in Lancaster County, and killed one Martin Coppeler and 
his wife, and scalped them. They also knocked down a 
girl at the same time, and scalped her ; but she was not 
then actually killed : whether she after recovered or not is 
uncertain. 

On the 23 of July, two schooners and six whale-boats 
were sent out on the lake to reconnoitre the enemy. On 
the 24, they came to an island eight or nine miles long, 
and about half a mile over, where they observed a great 
number of them. The foremost whale-boat, commanded 
by Captain Bickers of Colonel Schuyler's regiment, rowing 
too near the shore, was fired upon by the enemy about 
three o'clock, p.m., and every man in the boat killed, 
save two : the- other boats hastened to the schooner. Mr. 
Lowe, a volunteer, and Captain Bickers, were killed. 

At the westward, Elisha Chapin — formerly captain 
of the fort at West Hoosuck — [and] a son of Sergeant 
Chidester were killed by a party of French and Indians 
firing on them ; and the Indians were seen binding the 
sergeant, and carrying him off. 

In the beginning of July this year, 1756, Colonel 
Bradstreet, coming from Oswego with 350 bateaux and 
1,000 bateau-men, was attacked, nine miles from Oswe- 
go, in Onondaga River, by the enemy, — consisting of 
450 Canadians, 180 regulars, and 100 Indians. The 
enemy let ten bateaux pass by their ambush, which was 
a mile in length ; then fired apon them, when our men 
quitted the bateaux, and got on shore. Colonel Bradstreet, 

53 



418 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

with six men, got on an island : which the enemy perceiy- 
ing, attacked them with twenty ; but, after receiving three 
volleys, retreated. Colonel Bradstreet was joined with 
six men more : the enemy attacked them again, with 40 
men, which were soon obliged to retreat. Mr. Bradstreet 
was quickly joined with 12 more, which made his number 
24 ; and then he was attacked by 60, which he occasioned 
to retreat with much loss. After which, he discovered 
above him a party of 300 men, fording the river : upon 
which he crossed the river, and got 200 men, and marched 
up and attacked them, — the dispute continued about 
three hours, — and finally routed them ; took two prison- 
ers, about 50 arms, and considerable baggage. The loss 
he sustained was 43 men, and 23 wounded. The loss on 
their side was judged at least to be 120 : 30 of them they 
scalped.* By the prisoners, they were informed that the 
French were 3,000 strong at Fort Frontenac ; also that 
they had an encampment within 28 miles of Oswego, and 
that they kept 100 men within 12 miles of Oswego Fort. 
If so, it appears strange, that in the time of two succeed- 
ing campaigns of several regiments under General Shirley's 
command, at Oswego, that such encampments of the ene- 
my should remain quiet at such a small distance, without 
endeavors to destroy them, or drive them further off. 
The French have four vessels of force on the Lake 
Ontario, and a large 20-gun ship ready to launch : they 
took from us, not long since, a schooner of 30 tons. 

In the latter end of June, as 14 of our men were going 
from the camp at the Half-moon to Fort Massachusetts, 
they were attacked by about 200 Indians ; and were all 
killed or taken prisoners, except one, that made his 
escape to the fort. 

About this time also, there was a man and woman 



* See Clark's "Onondaga," vol. ii. pp. 362, 363; Mass. Hist. Coll., vol vii., 1st series, 
pp. 154-156. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 419 

killed near Fort William Henry, and another man killed 
as he was fishing in a small creek. 

In the latter end of July, 13 carpenters being at w r ork 
in the woods near Lake George, within half a mile 
of the fort, under the guard of a captain with 60 men, 
the captain, discovering some Indians in the bushes hard 
by him, ran away, with his men ; and called to the 
carpenters to make the best of their way, as there were 
Indians. They attacked the carpenters, and killed eight 
of them: the other five, with much difficulty, reached 
the fort. 

Near the same time, two carters from Fort William 
Henry, going out without a guard or order, were killed 
by the Indians, and a third missing. They were Rhode- 
Island men, and both scalped. 

And about this time also, as a small party of our men 
were going from Fort Cumberland, in the back parts 
of Maryland, they were met by [a] party [of] Indians 
going from the remote settlements in Pennsylvania with 
plunder : they fired on our men, and killed five of them. 

On the middle of July, or thereabout, — within two 
miles of Fort Cumberland, on the parts [of] Virginia, — 
a lieutenant with 40 men went out, and was fired on 
by a party of Indians, [who] killed eight of the men. 
The lieutenant and the rest of his men made their escape 
to the fort. A number of men issued directly, in quest 
of the enemy; but had only the mortification to find their 
friends all scalped and miserably mangled, after the hea- 
thens' usual custom : they buried the dead, and returned. 
About this time also, a man was killed and scalped within 
300 yards from the fort, who went to the spring to get 
water ; and two soldiers that went to guard some reapers, 
— who were a small distance from them, — one was killed 
and scalped, and the other was carried off. Another, that 
went to guard two girls to the spring to fetch water, was 
killed : the girls made their escape. 



420 Giles's history of the 

Not far distant from this time also, about 100 of our 
men went out from Fort William Henry with some 
carpenters to cut timber. 30 of the men laid their arms 
down to carry the timber to the water-side. About 15 
French and Indians came upon them, killed four, and 
carried off two prisoners, and carried away 15 of their 
arms. The rest fled to the fort : and, the captain having 
had intelligence by one of his men that he discovered 
some Indians, the captain ran to see if he could make 
a discovery of them himself; and, running down to [the] 
bank, he saw them, and clapped up his gun to fire upon 
them ; but, before he had power to fire, he received a 
shot from them, which took off the hammer of his gun, 
and carried his thumb with it ; and a charge of swan-shot 
entered his side. He had now but six men with him : 
four were killed, as above is noted, and two taken. The 
captain's name is Waterbury. He then ran hastily to 
muster his men to engage the enemy : but, behold! they 
were all fled to [the] fort, and had left him alone in the 
encounter ; which constrained him to make off also to 
the fort. 

About this time also, a Dutchman and his wife were 
killed on the borders of Maryland. Near the same time, 
about 100 Indians beset a fort on Houston's Kiver, in 
Augusta County, where was one Vaux and his family, 
with others. They bravely defended themselves all the 
day : but, in the evening, the Indians found means to set 
fire to the fort, and burnt it to the ground ; in which 
20 persons perished. 

In the beginning of August, — this year also, 1756, — 
there was a skirmish with the French and Indians, 
between Fort William Henry and Fort Edward ; in which 
engagement, Captain Shepherd of New Hampshire was 
killed. 

Before this, on the 30th of July, Captain Ward went 
from the Fort Granville, where he was stationed, in 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 421 

Cumberland County, with his ensign, and all the men 
belonging to it, except 24 under the command of Lieuten- 
ant Armstrong, to guard some reapers in a place called 
Sherman's Valley. Soon after he left the fort, it was 
attacked by about an hundred French and Indians, who 
were bravely repulsed that day, and till the next morning, 
when the Indians and French took the advantage of a 
small creek leading into Juniata Creek, within 30 or 40 
foot of the fort, and crept up under the bank, that they in 
the fort could not reach them with their fire-arms ; and 
throwing pine-knots and other combustible matter against 
the walls, and then setting the pile they had raised on fire, 
it burnt a great hole in the logs of the stockade, through 
which the lieutenant and a soldier were killed, and three 
more wounded, in endeavoring to extinguish the flames. 
They were finally constrained to surrender, upon the pro- 
mise of good quarter, — 22 men, soldiers, 3 women, 5 or 6 
children. They after sent back one Captain Jacobs of 
their company to burn the fort ; which he did accordingly. 
One of the wounded soldiers, after they had travelled some 
time, grew feeble, not able to keep up with the rest : the 
Indians killed and scalped [him], and left him on the top 
of an hill, and then went on. One Barrhold, a soldier that 
was wounded in his arm, therefore not tied, in the night 
made his escape, after his being six days with them. 

On the 5 of August, two soldiers were killed, and one 
wounded, within two miles of McDowell's Fort; and, on 
[the] 7th, one Dinwiddie was killed, and another taken 
prisoner, but made his escape ; and, on the 8th, one 
Casper Walter was killed, and four of his children and a 
girl carried off. All this mischief [was] done in so short 
a time in Cumberland County, that the inhabitants were in 
the utmost consternation ; so that Juniata and Sherman's 
Valley, so called, were entirely deserted. 

A lad was killed between A ] bany and Kinderhook; and 
then [the enemy] went off. This was in the latter end of 



422 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

August, — this in the west parts ; and in the beginning 
of August, this year also, at the southward, some murders 
[were] committed by the Indians near the mouth of Cono- 
cocheague. As a number of men, women, and children, 
were going to a funeral near Salisbury Plain, they were 
fired upon by about 30 Indians. They killed and scalped 
15 persons, old and young: the rest escaped, though 
several of them [were] much wounded. The same day, 
six men went from one Isaac Baker's on a scout: one 
returned wounded ; four were killed on the spot ; and 
the other, it's uncertain whether killed or not. At the 
same time, they murdered two families at Salisbury Plain, 
consisting of nine persons. Six men going to one Ermin's 
in the same settlement, they saw a party of Indians 
advancing toward them. One of the company clapped 
up his gun to fire at them, and was shot in the palm 
of his hand, which shattered his wrist also. He and 
one more made their escape : the other four were killed 
on the spot. The same day, four men went from one 
Shilby's Port, but returned not again. Near about the 
same time, as one Captain Emmet and a scouting-party were 
crossing the South Mountain, as it is called, when they had 
got on the other side, [they] were fired upon by a party 
of Indians : three of the company were killed, and two 
wounded. Not long after this, one William Morrison went 
to his place in Conococheague settlement, where he saw 
five Indians looking at him, and being so near them, that 
by running he could not escape. He then put himself 
into an active posture ; beckoning and making signals, — 
first on one side, and then on the other, — as if a party of 
our people had been near at hand, trying to surround the 
Indians. They, perceiving it, retreated into the woods ; 
and he came off safe. In the latter end of August, 
or beginning of September, the Widow Pamsay and two 
children, and two of the same name, of Gluston, were 
murdered by the Indians in or near Cumberland County, 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 423 

at the foot of the South Mountain, as they were flying for 
their safety to York County : the woman's head was cut 
off, and her body cruelly mangled. The Indians murdering 
some, and carrying others captive, [laid] the country waste 
for many, miles ; so that in the back parts of Virginia — 
the inhabitants from Carlisle to Swearingham's Ferry — the 
country is made desolate, except a few people that remain 
in Shippensburg. 

The Fort Oswego was taken by the French and Indians 
in the beginning of August, 1756 ; who first attacked Fort 
Ontario, on the east side of the river, then commanded 
by Captain Paget. There were 3,000 French, with a 
number of Indians, in their army. Captain Paget, sup- 
posing himself not able to resist their force, sunk his 
powder in the well, and spiked up his guns, and went 
over the river to the old fort, on the west side of the river. 
The enemy soon began to play their cannon on the old fort; 
in which there was, at that time, about 15 or 1600 men. 
The engagement continued from Thursday to Saturday 
noon, being the 14 of the month. Colonel Mercer being 
killed, the garrison beat a parley. Lieutenant Middlemore 
went over to the French camp to treat of a surrender; 
and returned with a French officer, who was blindfold. 
Just before the parley, the French forces were preparing 
to attack the lines about the fort, where Colonel Schuyler 
was posted ; which probably intimidated the soldiers, so 
that a surrender of the fort was soon concluded. In the 
time of the fight, according to the best account, but 13 
besides Colonel Mercer were killed. The men were made 
prisoners, and the fort utterly demolished and destroyed ; 
six or seven vessels of force taken, that were in the lake 
on or near to which the fort stood. The building such a 
number of vessels on the lake, which must necessarily [be] 
altogether useless upon a peace concluded between the 
two Crowns, was matter [of] amusement to some persons 
of penetration in that day, and of lamentation since, as 



424 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

they are all fallen into the French's hands, with all the 
bateaux and whale-boats that were there, — not a few in 
number. 

Thus the most important garrison within-land upon the 
continent was lost. Oswego rendered us capable to com- 
mand the lakes ; it secured to us a part in the fur-trade ; 
it cut off the French and Indians' communications between 
Canada and Louisiana, and prevented our being confined 
within the narrow limits along the seashore; it embar- 
rassed the French in their easy and quick passage to the 
Ohio, — it obstructed their irruptions into the Southern 
Colonies ; it covered the western frontiers of the Province 
of New York ; it was our best help to secure the friend- 
ship of the Six Nations of Indians. Under these and many 
more the like advantages of this important fortress, and 
when such vast sums were remitted us from the Crown 
for its support and defence, and finally all thrown into 
the enemies' hands to strengthen them against us, — " tell 
it not in Gath ! " It has given the enemy opportunity to 
insult and triumph over us in such an easy conquest. 
Some among us are ready to allege, that the garrison was 
not in a condition (as to strength) to endure a long siege. 
To which it is insinuated, that when General Shirley was 
posted there, — upon whom the command of all the militia 
in North America was devolved after the death of the very 
honorable General Braddock, and having a great number 
of regulars, together with his own and General Pepperrells 
regiment, and as many others as he pleased if need had 
required, as the whole command was in his own hands, — 
and when the forces above mentioned remained stationed 
there, [we] continued two successive campaigns — viz., in 
the year 1755 and 1756 — without any progress made 
against the enemy, as was projected ; [which] is talked of 
as matter of amazement to many. But, as to the third cam- 
paign intended, General Shirley's command was superseded 
by the Earl of Loudon's coming over into America, and 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 425 

taking the power that General Shirley had before sustained. 
It also appeared unintelligent perhaps to as many, that 
Major-General Webb delayed his going to Oswego so 
long after his arrival in the country, when, according to 
common report, Oswego was his stationed charge. And 
General Shirley's command being superseded, as was said, 
— there being no superior officer when Colonel Mercer 
was slain, and died in the defence of the grand cause of 
his trust, — the garrison doubtless, under these unhappy, 
sorrowful circumstances, were the more readily induced 
to yield to so quick, (not to say) ignoble, a surrender, and 
by it not only injure the crown and country, in giving up 
such an important fortress, with themselves, into the hand 
of their enemies. The fort was surrendered to the enemy, 
September 14, 1756, with two sloops and two hoys, two 
schooners, and a brig lately built* 

But to turn from this unwelcome theme to what is here 
principally intended. 

About the middle of September, one man near the fort at 
Thomachin, at the southern parts, was shot, tomahawked, 
and scalped by a party of the Indians. 

On the latter end of August, or beginning of September, 
Colonel Armstrong of Cumberland County marched from 
Fort Shirley, with about 300 of the provincial forces, on 
an expedition against Kittanning, — a town of our Indian 
enemies, on the Ohio, about 25 miles above Du Quesne Fort. 
On the 7th of September, in the evening, being about six 
miles from Kittanning, his scouts discovered a fire in [the] 
road, where, as they apprehended, there were not above 
three or four Indians; where Lieutenant Hogg, with 12 
men, was left to watch them and their motions, with orders 
not to fall on them till daybreak, lest, if any one of them 
should escape, the town would be alarmed. Our forces 



* See Clark's " Onondaga," vol. ii. pp. 368-374; Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. vii., 1st series, 
pp. 157, 158. 

54 



426 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

turned out of the path, and passed by their fire without 
giving them any disturbance. About three in the morning, 
being guided by the whooping of the Indian warriors at 
a dance in the town, they reached the river, about 100 
perches below the body of the town, near a cornfield, in 
which a number of the Indians lodged out of their cabins, 
it being a very warm night. As soon as they could discover 
the town, they charged the enemy in the cornfield, and 
killed several of them, and entered the town. Captain 
Jacobs, the chief of the Indians, gave the war-whoop, 
and bravely defended his house through loop-holes in the 
logs ; and the Indians generally refusing quarters when 
offered them, — declaring they were men, therefore would 
not be prisoners. Colonel Armstrong, receiving a wound 
in his shoulder by a musket-ball, ordered their houses to 
be set on fire; which was immediately done by the officers 
and soldiers with great activity. When they were told 
that they would be burnt if they did not surrender, one 
of them replied that he did not care, if he might kill four 
or five before he died ; and, as the heat began to approach 
them, some began to sing. Some, however, burst out 
of their houses, and attempted to reach the river; but 
were instantly shot down. Their great Captain Jacobs, 
in getting out of a window, was shot and scalped, as 
also his squaw, and a lad said to be the king's son. The 
Indians had a number of spare arms in their houses, 
loaded, which went off in quick succession as the fire 
approached them ; and quantities of gunpowder, which 
had been stored up in their houses, took fire, blew up in 
succession, and blew some of them a considerable height 
into the air. Several of the enemy were also killed in the 
river as they attempted to ford it. It was computed that 
our men destroyed 30 or 40 of the Indians, though they 
brought off but 12 scalps : they released and brought 
away eleven English prisoners. Lieutenant Hogg, meeting 
with a greater number at the ford before mentioned than 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 427 

was expected, was overpowered, and wounded in three 
places, of which wounds he soon after died ; and three of 
his twelve men were killed. The number killed were 1 7, 
and 13 wounded; 19 then missing, who after returned to 
Fort Littleton with Captain Mercer* and Ensign Scott, 
with four of their recovered English captives.f 

On Monday, September the 20th, five fishing-schooners 
being in Tennent's Harbor, — to the eastward of Pleasant 
Point, so called, — 17 of the men went on shore to get 
bait. The Indians fell upon them, and killed three, and 
four [were] supposed to be carried off; so that but 10 of 
the company returned in safety. Captain Freeman, of the 
scouting company, went after them with a party of his men, 
and found the three dead men, and buried them. One 
of the four then missing, afterward got to the fort. 

On September 18, three scouts were detached from Fort 
William Henry, near Lake George, — one under Major 
Miller ; another under Captain Morse ; and a third under 
Captain Hodges, of Colonel Gridley's regiment ; which last 
consisted of 50 men. They were fired upon by a party 
of Indians that lay in ambush, and 10 were killed, and 
their bodies stripped naked, and miserably mangled: 
three had their heads cut off, and stuck on poles. Among 
the slain was Captain Hodges. They were after brought 
in a bateau, and buried. A lad also, named John Emory, 
belonging to Colonel Plaisted's regiment, being in the 
swamp from whence Colonel Titcomb was killed the year 
before, was seized by five Indians, who with tomahawks 
killed him, giving him many wounds. This action and 
loss of Captain Hodges and men was greatly lamented, 
as he was a worthy commander. It was about the 19th 
of September. And, on [the] 20th, Lieutenant Kennedy of 



* Gen. Hugh Mercer of the U.S. Revolutionary Army; who died Jan. 12, 1777, of 
wounds received in the battle of Princeton. 

f See Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 23, 1756- Collections of the New- York Hist. Soc, 
vol. iii. pp. 387, 398-400. 



428 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

the regulars, who had been out on a scout about 40 days 
with some of the Mohawks and Highlanders, went into 
several of the enemy's settlements ; and, after making 
what discovery they could of the situation and strength of 
the country, burnt some houses, and a great quantity 
of boards, and some storehouses, — one especially, that 
contained a very large quantity of cordage, canvas, and 
other naval and warlike stores, — and other damage, to 
the amount, as he supposed, of 8 or 10,000 £ sterling. 
He brought one scalp, and two prisoners, who were the 
tavern-keeper and his wife ; whose house, with others, they 
also burnt. They went out with 60 at first ; but reduced 
them to eight when he was out, to prevent discovery. They 
all returned but three ; viz., Captain Grant of Connecticut, 
and a cadet of the regulars, and one of the Highlanders, — 
a poor drunken fellow, not able to travel, they left behind 
to surrender himself to the enemy. 

About the latter end of September,* 1756, Colonel Arm- 
strong of Cumberland County marched to Fort Shirley, 
with 300 men, upon an expedition against Kittanning, — 
a large town of the Indian enemy, on the Ohio River, 
about 25 miles above Fort Du Quesne. About the 3d 
of October, he joined the advanced party at a place called 
the Beaver Dams, near Franks Town ; and on the 7th, 
in the evening, being about six miles from Kittanning, the 
scout discovered a fire in the road, and reported that there 
were but three or four Indians at it. It was not thought 
proper to attempt surprising them at that time, lest, if one 
should escape, the town might be alarmed. Upon which, 
Lieutenant Hogg, with 12 men, was left to watch their 
motion, with orders not to fall on them till break of day. 
Our forces turned out of the path, and passed by at 



* The following account is substantially a repetition of the narrative of the attack on 
Kittanning, which is given on pp. 425-427, with differences of dates and circumstances. 
The dates given above are incorrect, as the destruction of the town took place on the 8th 
of September, 1756.— See references, p. 427. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 429 

a distance, without disturbing them. At three in the 
morning, being guided by whooping of the Indian war- 
riors at a dance in the town, they reached the river, a 
hundred perches below the body of the town, near a corn- 
field, in which a number of the enemy lodged, as it was a 
warm night. As soon as the day appeared, and the town 
could be seen, the attack began in the cornfield ; through 
which our people charged, killing several of the enemy, 
and entered the town. Captain Jacobs, the chief of 
the Indians, gave the war-whoop, and defended his house 
bravely through loop-holes in the logs : and the Indians 
generally refusing quarters, which was offered them, — 
saying they were men, and would not be prisoners, — 
Colonel Armstrong, who had received a wound in his 
shoulder, ordered their houses to be set [on] fire ; which 
was immediately done. When the Indians were told they 
w T ould be burnt if they did not surrender, one of them 
replied, he did not care, if he might but kill four or five 
before he died ; and, as the heat approached and came 
nearer to them, some began to sing. But some burst out 
of the houses, and attempted to reach the river, but were 
shot down. Captain Jacobs, in getting out [at] a window, 
was shot and scalped, and also his squaw, and a lad called 
the king's son. The Indians had a number of spare 
arms in their houses, loaded, which went off as the fire 
approached to them ; and quantities of gunpowder, which 
had been stored up in almost every house, blew up succes- 
sively, throwing some of their bodies a great height into 
the air. A body of the enemy, on the other side of the 
river, fired on our people ; and being seen to cross the river 
at a distance, as if their design was to surround our men, 
they collected some Indian horses that were near the town, 
to carry off the wounded, and then retreated, without going 
back to the cornfield to pick up the scalps of them that 
were killed there in the beginning of the action. Several 
of the enemy were killed also in the river, as they were 



430 GILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

attempting to escape ; and it was computed that 30 or 40 
were destroyed, though our men brought off but 12 scalps. 
Eleven English prisoners were released, and brought 
away; who informed the colonel, that, besides the powder 
(of which the Indians boasted they had enough for 10 
years' war with the English), there was a great quantity of 
goods burnt, which the French had made them a present 
of but about 10 days before. The prisoners also informed, 
that, that very day, two bateaux of Frenchmen, with a 
large party of Delaware Indians, with other Frenchmen, 
were to join Captain Jacobs, to march against Fort Shirley; 
and that 24 of their warriors were set out but the evening 
before on that purpose, — which were the party that 
kindled the fire in the way the evening before. In our 
people's return, they found Lieutenant Hogg wounded in 
three places, of which he soon after died. They learnt 
that he had attacked the supposed three or four — as before 
is noted — at the fire, according to the orders given him, 
but found them too numerous for him : however, he killed 
three [at] the first fire, and fought them an hour ; when, 
having lost three of his best men, the rest abandoned 
and left him as he lay wounded, making their escape, the 
enemy pursuing them. Captain Mercer, being wounded 
in the action, was carried off by his ensign and 11 men 
another way; who after returned, with four of the prisoners 
they recovered, and some of the scalps. 

Upon the whole, it was accounted the greatest blow 
the enemy had met with since the war; and Colonel 
Armstrong's conduct was admired in leading his men 
so far in the wilderness, and in an enemy's country, 
undiscovered. In the whole action, they had 17 men 
killed and 13 wounded. 

The above-mentioned Captain Mercer was 14 days in 
his return to Fort Littleton, attended with great difficulty 
and hardship in his travels; living 10 days on two dried 
clams and a rattlesnake, with the help of a few berries, 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 431 

he found in his way. The snake kept sweet several days : 
and, coming near Fort Shirley, he found a piece of dried 
beef which our people had lost ; and upon trial rejected 
it, because the snake was tenderer. His broken arm, 
but poorly dressed by the way, was in a hopeful, healing 
condition. 

In the latter end of September, at the eastward in Nova 
Scotia, as some of our men were threshing corn and baking 
bread, at some distance from the fort, for the use of the 
garrison, with a guard consisting of a sergeant and 12 
men, four of the French neutrals, so called, discovered 
themselves at a small distance ; upon which the sergeant 
and his party pursued them till they came to a hollow, 
where they were immediately surrounded with about 
100 French, who took the sergeant and six of his men 
prisoners : the other six, by firing and retreating in the 
best manner they could, got safe to the fort, with only 
one man wounded. 

Some time before this, — August 30, 1756, — -his majes- 
ty's ships the " Norwich" and " Success" returned from a 
cruise, being bound through the Gut of Canso ; and, 
meeting but with little wind, came to anchor at the 
mouth of the Gut. The next day, they sent their boats 
ashore, on a small island not far distant from them, for 
wood ; who returned without meeting with any damage. 
Early the next morning, they espied a small shallop 
standing along-shore ; upon which they manned out their 
boats, and went in quest of her; which they in the shallop 
perceiving, immediately ran her ashore, quitted her, and 
ran into the woods ; upon which Captain Rous sent two 
men in his barge to get off the shallop ; [upon] which 
they on the shore discharged four muskets at them, but 
did them no damage. They returned the fire from the 
barge toward the place where they Gaw the smoke arise 
behind the bushes ; upon which the French and Indians, 
to the amount of about 100, rushed out from the bushes, 



432 NILEs's HISTORY OF THE 

and fired upon them, and killed Lieutenant Jacobs of the 
" Success," and [the] cockswain, and three more ; and, re- 
peating their fire, they killed the other five of the barge's 
crew ; which were all that were left in her, after the two 
had landed to assist in getting off the shallop : which they 
perceiving, took to the water, and swam to the " Norwich's" 
boat, and held by her till she had towed them out of 
danger, and then were taken in ; being both wounded, — 
one in his side, and the other in his wrist. Four of the 
crew belonging to the " Norwich's " barge were also 
wounded : one of them soon after died. Upon which 
the other three boats returned to the ships, leaving the 
" Success's " barge in the enemy's possession. 

Some time in the latter end of September, at or near 
Augusta County in Virginia, the Indians [had] killed and 
taken prisoners above 50 of the inhabitants in four days' 
time. They were supposed to be a large body, and had 
defeated a party of our men, though they had the advan- 
tage of the ground. Major Lewis marched against them 
400 of the Cherokees, — an Indian tribe engaged with 
the English. 

Near about this time also, at or near the south branch 
of [the] Potomac, as one Ensign Smith was coming from 
a mill, called Sibley's Mill, with 12 men, they were fired 
upon by a party of Indians, [but,] after a smart fire for 
10 or 15 minutes, put the Indians to flight, and brought 
off 16 match-coats, 12 or 14 pair of moccasons or Indian 
shoes, several scalping-knives, and four very neat French 
fusees, half-mounted with silver. 

It is said by some later accounts from the southward, 
concerning the worthy Colonel Armstrong, that, upon his 
return from the expedition against Kittanning, he, with 
his under-offlcers, generously gave to their privates their 
part of the money for the scalps they took, and for 
the released prisoners, and what plunder they got of the 
enemy, as a reward for their brave behavior in the ex- 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 433 

pedition, and to animate them to further action of the 
like kind when called to it, — an instance of generosity 
too rarely found, among officers, of clemency and good 
temper towards their soldiers, who bear the brunt and 
hardships of war. May the example be cogent, and more 
frequently followed! — that our campaigns are pursued, 
not for mercenary views, but from a regard for the service 
of their king, and relief of their bleeding, distressed 
country. 

Some time in the beginning of October this year, our 
people at Fort Laurence, hearing of a large body of French 
and Indians advancing that way, demolished the fort, and 
went to Fort Cumberland. 

As three schooners lay in George's River at the east- 
ward, about eight miles below the fort, five men being on 
shore, they were fired upon and killed by a dozen Indians : 
they afterward w 7 ent on board one of the schooners, 
where they found two other men, and killed them also. 
Upon this, the men belonging to the other schooners, 
13 or 14 in number, took to a boat, and got safe to the 
fort, and from thence to Pemaquid. One of the schooners 
being aground, the Indians immediately set her on fire. 
Alarm-guns were fired at George's Fort, at Pemaquid, 
and Arowsick, about the same time. 

About the middle of December, 1756, at the southward, 
— near to Fort Babel, so called, — a boy was killed and 
scalped by a couple of Indians whose faces were painted ; 
as another boy related, that had the small-pox. Him they 
dangerously wounded, but did not scalp him, — as it was 
supposed, for fear of taking the infection. 

On January 15th, 1757, Major Rogers marched from 
Fort Edward with a party of about 50 men, and staid 
at Fort "William Henry until the 17th; where, being 
joined by Captain Spikeman, Lieutenant Kennedy, Ensign 
Brewer, and 14 of Captain Spikeman's company, together 
with Ensign Rogers and 14 of Captain Hobb's company, 



434 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

and Mr. Baker, a volunteer in his majesty's 44th regi- 
ment, — the 50 men above mentioned were partly of the 
majors company, with Lieutenant Staple,* and Ensign 
Pape*(" of Captain Richard Rogers's company, — they set 
out on the 17th, and at night encamped at the first narrows 
on the east side of the lake. Some of the detachment hurt 
themselves on the ice : and, not being able to proceed, 
the party was reduced to 74 men, officers included ; with 
which they continued their scout to Lake Champlain. 
And, coming to the lake, they discovered a sleigh going 
from Ticonderoga to Crown Point ; on which the major 
despatched Lieutenant Stark J with a party of 20 men 
towards Crown Point to head the sleigh : at the same 
time, he set out with another party toward Ticonderoga, 
leaving Captain Spikeman in the centre with a party. 
Lieutenant Stark's orders were to march as far down as 
he could whilst the sleigh came against the centre party, 
and then to push on to the ice to head them ; whilst he 
with his party designed to do the same on the lake, to 
prevent their sleigh's returning to Ticonderoga. Soon 
after, he discovered about 10 sleighs more coming down 
the lake ; and immediately sent two men to tell Lieutenant 
Stark not to discover himself, but let the first sleigh pass: 
but, before the men could overtake him, he had got on 
the lake, and was seen by the people in the sleighs, 
who turned, and fled for Ticonderoga. They pursued 
them, and took three sleighs, seven prisoners, six horses : 
the others made their escape to Ticonderoga. Our men 
immediately examined the prisoners separately : upon 
which, orders were given (as the day was wet) to return 
to their fires at their last encampment, with all possible 
speed, to dry their guns ; and then marched, keeping a 
good rear-guard. The major himself and Lieutenant 
Kennedy took the front, Captain Spikeman the centre, 

* Stark, f Page. \ Major- General John Stark of the Continental Army. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 435 

and Lieutenant Stark brought up the rear : Ensigns 
Page and Rogers were between the front and centre, 
and Ensign Brewer between the centre and rear ; the 
rear-guard being under the command of Sergeant Walker. 
In this manner they proceeded : and in crossing a valley 
between two very steep hills, — about 15 rods wide, — 
when a number of 10 or 12 men had [reached] the summit 
on the western side, a volley of about 200 shot was fired on 
them from the enemy, who had formed themselves into an 
half-moon to surround our men ; which killed Lieutenant 
Kennedy, and Mr. Gardiner a volunteer, wounded several, 
and the major himself slightly in the head. This fire was 
returned ; and the whole were ordered to retreat to the 
opposite side, where Lieutenant Stark and Ensign Brewer 
had made a stand with about 40 men. The enemy 
pursued so close as to take some prisoners, and killed 
Captain Spikeman and several others; but were beaten 
back by the bush-fire of Lieutenant Stark and his party, 
that covered and secured our retreat. The enemy sent 
out a flanking-party on our right ; which Lieutenant 
Stark discovered, and called out, and acquainted the major 
thereof, who immediately ordered Sergeant Phillips with 
a party to prevent them ; which he did accordingly, by 
having the fire at and killing several of them : the rest 
retreated to their main body. They soon after made an 
attempt to push up to our men ; but having the advantage 
of the ground, and good shelter from trees, our men 
obliged them a second time to retreat, not being able to 
stand our smart and continual fire upon them. They 
then sent out another party to flank our men ; which the 
major perceiving, sent Ensign Rogers with 12 men, who 
repulsed them, and drove them back to their own ground, 
and then ordered the said party into the rear to prevent 
any further design of the like kind from the enemy : then 
formed themselves for a formal battle ; the major taking 
his station on the right, Ensign Brewer on the left, 



436 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

Lieutenant Stark and Mr. Baker in the centre, the latter 
of which the major desired to go into the rear to assist 
Ensign Rogers ; but he did not incline to leave his post, 
and was soon after shot down. They continued a smart 
fire on both sides until sunset. The French often called 
to our men, and desiring them to accept of quarters, 
promising to treat them kindly ; and called the major by 
name, and threatened, — if they did not embrace the 
offer, — as soon as they were re-enforced from the fort, 
which they expected every moment, they would cut them 
to pieces : but they absolutely rejected the offer, and told 
them they had men enough to repel all the force they 
could bring against them, and that they should have it 
in their power to cut them off and scalp them. About 
sunset, the major received a slanting wound in his wrist, 
which disabled him from loading his gun : upon which 
he sent a message to his officers, desiring them not to be 
discouraged, but to maintain their ground; which they did 
gallantly till it was dark, when both sides left off firing. 
Upon which the major consulted his officers, who were 
unanimously of opinion that it was most prudent to carry 
off their wounded men, and take the advantage of the 
night to retreat ; which they accordingly prosecuted, — 
travelling all night ; and two days after, in the evening, 
got into Fort William Henry, with 45 effective men and 
9 wounded : 14 killed, 4 missing, 2 taken prisoners. It 
was apprehended, that the enemy, French and Indians, 
consisted of about 250 ; and it was supposed, that about 
40 of them might [have] fallen in the action. 

Before this, a party of Indians came with bows and 
arrows, not far from Fort Edward, and killed some men. 
These were the weapons of war they used against each 
other, before the English and French furnished them with 
guns, now so prejudicial to both. It is supposed they 
used this stratagem to prevent being discovered. The 
Indians were of the tribe called the Cold Country, who 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 437 

have lately come over to the French ; whose customs, as 
the prisoners taken by them relate, are to suck the blood 
out of the bodies of those they kill, when they have 
opportunity. Our men followed them, and had a smart 
skirmish firing on both sides about 15 minutes. The 
number killed of the enemy is not known ; for it is the 
constant custom of the Indians to hazard their own lives 
to a great degree, rather than leave their dead behind 
them. Our men pursued them, and found much blood, 
not only where they engaged, but Captain Putnam,* that 
was after sent out, followed the track of blood as far as 
Fort Ann, about 16 miles from Fort Edward. Our men 
behaved gallantly, officers and soldiers : they pursued the 
enemy so warmly, that they recovered several guns and 
some packs ; and Captain Waldo drew six arrows out 
of the body of one of his men that was killed. 

On the latter end of July, 350 of our men went from 
the camp near Lake George on a scout, and were decoyed 
by a large body of the enemy. They killed 220 of our 
men : the rest escaped. 

Before this, in 1756, a scout of rangers went out 
against the enemy on the back parts of Virginia, under 
Captain John Smith : two of his men were killed, two 
were wounded. After they had defended themselves the 
best part of a day, [they] were constrained to surrender, 
the house they were in being set on fire by the enemy. This 
was on the 25th of June (one Peter Lewney, who gives this 
relation, was among them). They were then carried off; 
and, after travelling some time, the Indians, belonging 
to four different tribes, parted, and divided the prisoners. 
That, before they came to the Lower Shawana Town 
(where he supposes there were about 300 Indians), 
the Shawanese made a sacrifice of one Cole, whom they 
roasted alive, and tormented a whole night before he 

* Major-General Israel Putnam of the American Revolutionary Army. 



438 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

expired; cutting pieces of flesh off of his body, and eating 
it. This they did in sight of the French people that were 
among them, who seemed to be unconcerned at their 
barbarity and horrid cruelty, and did not endeavor to 
restrain them, notwithstanding the bitter complaints and 
moving entreaties of the poor man in his agony. They 
also killed and scalped another man on the road, being 
old, and [un]able to travel. That this (Lewney) was 
the only prisoner they carried to Detroit, where there are 
about 300 French families settled, — and in what they 
called the town there was about 100 houses, — where 
they have plenty of fish ; the land rich, and yields good 
crops of wheat and pease. The Indians are of two or 
three different tribes, or nations, and very numerous. 
While he was there, an Indian king adopted him for his 
brother ; on which account he was very kindly used, and 
was often with them at their councils with the French, 
being dressed and painted as the Indians were. That, 
about the middle of June, he left Detroit with a small 
party of Indians, who were going to Niagara with furs 
to purchase Indian goods. From Detroit to Niagara was 
280 miles, or thereabout. At the Falls of Niagara the 
French have a small fort, in which they keep 30 men ; 
and at Niagara there is a fort of 24 guns, — 6, 9, and 12 
pounders, — and in it about 300 men. That, while he 
was there, he met with one "William Philips of New 
York, who was taken at Oswego : they agreed to make 
their escape together. The night before they attempt- 
ed their escape, there came 280 Frenchmen destined for 
Fort Du Quesne ; but he and Philips set out before 
them, and travelled about 200 miles to Oswego, — the 
land mostly rough or drowned. They, came to Oswego 
without seeing an Indian ; which place and Fort Ontario 
they found entirely destroyed : after which they came 
to the Mohawk River, where the Indians entertained 
them kindly, and gave them victuals, which they very 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 439 

much wanted. They arrived at Albany, July 12, 1757. 
He says Captain Smith was given to the French, and, in 
the spring, sent to Canada. 

Captain Putnam, with 60 men, marched from Fort 
Edward on a scouting design against the enemy ; and 
came to a place called the East Bay, where he with his 
party waited some time. At length, on the 7th of July, 
1757, in the evening, near 11 o'clock, — the moon shining 
very bright, — his advanced sentries discovered a large 
number of bateaux, or canoes, paddling up the creek about 
seven rods wide : whereof the captain was immediately 
informed ; upon which he with his men crawled as near 
to the water-side as they could. Some in the foremost 
canoes, hearing the crackling of the bushes on the shore, 
came to a stop, till those that were behind came up ; as 
was supposed by our men, to consult what steps to take. 
Their coming -together gave Captain Putnam and his 
party a fair opportunity of an advantageous shot upon 
them, which they improved accordingly ; for they saw 
numbers of the enemy fall out of their canoes into the 
water. The enemy consisted of 300 at least ; endeavored 
by their detachments to cross the creek twice, but 
were prevented by the prudent precautions of our men. 
Towards day, some of them found means to get over ; 
and our party — being weakened by sending 12 men to 
carry off three that were wounded, and their stock of am- 
munition being much spent, as they had fired 24 rounds 
a man — were constrained to retreat ; and all got safe to 
Fort Edward, except the three wounded men they had hid 
in the best manner they could under the hot pursuit of 
the enemy. However, the Indians afterwards found them, 
killed and scalped one, and carried off the other two alive. 

Upon the return of Captain Putnam and his party to 
Fort Edward, Colonel Lyman, with a large party, went in 
pursuit of the enemy as far as South Bay ; but, making 
no discovery of them, he returned. 



440 JSILEs's HISTORY OF THE 

July 19, Lieutenant Dorman went out on a scouting 
design against the enemy, from the camp near Fort 
Edward, with a party of 40 men : he belonged to the Bay 
forces. They went toward the South Bay, so called, and, 
discovering a party of French and Indians just ready to 
attack him, immediately got ready to engage them ; but, 
before he had opportunity to fire, was shot in the head, 
and dropped down dead in the spot. His men, upon it, 
hastened their retreat, and got safe to the fort. 

And, on the 22d, Captain McGinnis of the New-York 
regiment, who was out with 120 men, fell in with a party 
of French and Indians, beat them off, and recovered 
four scalps, without the loss of one man, and only two 
wounded. 

On the 13th of July, a party of Indians made an attempt 
to [take] Fort Johnson, in this manner: As they were 
lurking not far distant from the garrison, observing some 
Negro women milking their cows, [they] purposed, when 
the gate was opened to let them in, to rush suddenly in 
with them, and make themselves masters of the garrison. 
But Providence defeated them: for, when the Negroes 
were let in, the sergeant immediately shut the gate ; which 
he no sooner had done, but nine or ten of the enemy 
came up to it; upon which the sentries fired on them, 
which they returned for some time, without any execution 
on either side. At last, they fired the cannon in the fort, 
to alarm the country, and call for assistance ; upon which 
the people within reach of the report soon got under 
arms : the enemy, perceiving it, retreated. Quickly after 
this affair happened, three persons were killed, and nine 
carried off from the Mohawk River. 

On [the] 21st of July, Colonel John Parker, with three 
of his captains and six subalterns, with Captain Robert 
McGinnis, Captain Ogden, Lieutenant Campbell, and 
Coles, of the New-York regiment, [and] about 350 men, 
went out, in order to attack, the advanced guard at 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 441 

Ticonderoga, by water, in whale-boats and others. They 
landed that night on an island, and sent before break 
of day, to the main land, three bateaux, which the enemy 
waylaid and took. These bateaux were ordered to land 
two miles on this side ; but, being taken, [the crews] were 
constrained to give the enemy an account of the scheme 
laid by our men, and point where they designed to land. 
Upon which the French sent three bateaux as a decoy to 
draw our men to said point ; which our people imagining 
were the three they had sent out the evening before, 
eagerly put [for] the land, where about 300 men lay in 
ambush : and from behind the point came out 40 or 50 
canoes, whale or bay boats, which surrounded them 
entirely, and cut off every one within the circle. Colonel 
Parker and Captain Ogden [were] the only two officers 
that escaped ; and Captain Ogden was badly wounded 
in his head. They escaped with 70 of their men : and 
a sergeant and six or seven men, under the advantage 
of the smoke and fog, pushed their bateau through the 
hottest part of the enemy's fire, and saved their lives; 
and 65 more after came into the fort, that escaped the 
fury of the enemy. 

About the 20th of July, 30 rangers, under the com- 
mand of Lieutenant Dixon, went from Fort Cumberland 
(Chignecto) in quest of the enemy. They not returning in 
the time expected, 200 were sent out to make discovery, 
who found one man killed, and nine bullets in his body, 
and both ears cut off, and his head split and miserably 
mangled ; the others supposed to be carried off. 

About this time also, eleven men were killed, four 
carried off, and four are missing, on the frontiers of 
Philadelphia [Pennsylvania]. 

On August 3d, 1757, Fort William Henry, at Lake 
George, was invested by about 11 or 12,000 French and 
Indians. The garrison consisted at that time of 3,500 
men, and was commanded by General Monro and General 

56 



442 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

Young ; this latter having thrown himself in there the day 
before with 1,300 men. The French had 36 pieces of can- 
non and some mortars. They soon opened their trenches, 
and began to play their artillery against the fort : and our 
men as bravely as possible defended themselves for six 
days ; their officers still encouraging them that they should 
have assistance from the forces below, that were then 
raising in the several Governments of New York [and] 
Connecticut, — being nearest, — and in the Massachusetts, 
though at a greater distance. And General Johnson 
signalized himself, on this occasion, in raising His troops 
in the Mohawks' country. But all was too late : the 
forces raised and appearing that were nearest, and ready 
to march for the relief of the besieged in Fort William 
Henry, were (for what reason I am not able to say) all 
stopped at Fort Edward until the garrison was surrendered 
to the enemy. The general of the French Army was 
Montcalm, who (it is said) was an officer in the rebellion 
raised in Scotland — still in remembrance — by the High- 
landers in that kingdom under the Pretender. He, on 
their defeat, fled into France ; and now has given vent to 
his rage against the English, and the Protestant religion, 
mostly professed among them. After some of the garri- 
son's cannon were split, their ammunition much spent, 
and no assistance appearing, our men were constrained to 
surrender themselves prisoners of war ; and, by agreement, 
were to march out of the fort with their baggage and 
arms — their colors flying, drums beating — and one 
brass piece, and to be guarded out of danger of the 
Indians in their way to Fort Edward, and to make an 
honorable retreat. But contrary to all this, according to 
the wonted perfidious falsehood, treachery, and barbari- 
ty, both of French and Indians, they no sooner entered 
the garrison, but they began to kill and scalp all the 
sick and wounded ; and doubtless had the bounty from 
the governor promised for scalps. They killed also the 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 443 

women and children, as they had done at the taking 
of Oswego ; and, as so many ravenous beasts of prey, 
proceeded to the slaughter of all the Indians and Negroes 
that belonged to* the fort ; stripping both officers and 
soldiers, as many as they could lay hands on : so that 
Colonel Monro, that had the chief command in the fort, 
came, as well as many others, in a manner naked to 
Fort Edward. Moreover, the Indians waylaid this poor, 
naked, defenceless company ; killing and scalping some, 
stripping others, and carrying others captive : so that 
the number of the slain were many; yet it is uncertain 
how many. 

Near the beginning of this action, Captain Saltonstall 
was sent with a party of men into the woods ; but were 
soon driven back by the Indians, with the loss of Ensign 
George Williams of Taunton, and 17 more. 

The enemy endeavoring to cut off the fort's communi- 
cation by water, Captain Waldo was sent with a number 
of hands to prevent it ; but, probably venturing too near, 
was shot through the body. He was carried into the 
fort, but soon after died. 

Seven men were killed in the fort by the bursting of a 
bomb : an officer among them was carried a great height 
into the air ; and the first sight they had of him was one 
of his legs falling from him upon the platform. 

Thus our strongholds are demolished, — that of Oswego 
in 1756, and this of William Henry in 1757, — which 
the French, after they had taken out all the cannon and 
other plunder, laid level with the ground ; and went off, 
triumphing in the inhuman, execrable barbarities they 
had committed, contrary to the articles agreed on in 
their capitulation before mentioned : which will stand 
as a monument in after -time, and show what may be 
expected, by poor people besieged in forts and garrisons, 
in capitulations with the heathenish French, in their 
savage combinations with their endeared brethren the 



444 NILEs's HISTORY OF THE 

Indians, of the like complexion and make with each 
other in falsehood and unparalleled cruelty, as is proved 
in the astonishing instance of the barbarous massacre 
above related ; so that for a garrison t© surrender to the 
French or Indians, under the most plausible pretences 
whatsoever of good quarter, it is only, on their part, 
designed to gain the time and opportunity, without opposi- 
tion, to gratify their blood-thirsty cruelty on the defenceless 
and innocent. May the blood of these poor innocents, 
which doubtless cries loudly for vengeance, in God's time 
turn upon the heads of their murderers ! But a short 
time before the siege, about 60 fat cattle were sent up for 
the fort's supply; and though they were enclosed, as is 
said, in a yard joining to [the] walls of the fort, the French 
and Indians, by some stratagem, carried them off in the 
time of the siege. After the fort was surrendered, among 
their other acts of inhumanity they dug up Captain Waldo, 
before spoken of, and others, and scalped them. About 600 
of our men, discovering the cruelty of the Indians, made 
their escape, and got safe to Fort Edward ; and about 300 
surrendered to the French for protection from the fury 
of the Indians, and [were] rescued from them five days, and 
then dismissed. About 120 were killed in the siege; and as 
many wounded, who were, the most of them, killed and 
scalped : these, with the women and children slain, at the 
lowest computation were two hundred and fifty persons.* 

In this year 1757, there was sent from England into 
America a large fleet of ships of the line, — consisting of 
about 20 or upwards, with frigates and a great number 
of transports, with ammunition and numerous forces, — 
under the command of Vice -Admiral Holbourne, who was 
joined with a small squadron from New York under the 
command of Admiral Hardy, which made up the number 



* See Smith's Hist, of New York, vol. ii. ch. vi.; Wynne's General Hist, of the British 
Empire in America, vol. ii. pp. 71-74; Minot's Hist, of Mass., vol. ii. pp. 20-22. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 445 

above. Their destination or design was not publicly 
known ; but [it was] conjectured that their purpose was 
the reduction of Louisburg, Cape Breton. They arrived 
at Halifax, in Nova Scotia, about the beginning of August, 
where they lay, as on their oars, for about a month or 
upwards ; in which time there arrived at Louisburg a fleet 
of about 17 ships (some say, not so many) from France. 
Our fleet went, after their stay at Halifax, to Cape Breton. 
On Saturday evening, September 24, as our fleet were 
about 10 leagues south of Louisburg Harbor, there arose 
a violent wind, or rather hurricane, at east, and so to 
south-east, by which the whole fleet was reduced to utmost 
distress. The " Grafton," of 70 guns ; " Devonshire," 
of 66; "Nassau," of 70; "Prince Frederick," of 70; 
" Sunderland," of 60 ; " Nottingham," of 60 ; " Tilbury," 
of 60 ; " Invincible," of 74; " Captain," of 70; « Eagle," of 
60 ; " and the " Centurion," of 50, — lost their masts, and 
were left to the mercy of the wind and sea, right on the 
shore. The Admiral, and "Windsor" of 60, were forced 
to throw several of their upper-deck guns overboard : the 
" Orford," of 70 guns, her tiller broke short off; and 
the ship had nine foot of water in the hold. The 
"Grafton," "Devonshire," "Nassau," "Prince Frederick," 
" Sunderland," and " Nottingham " were drove close upon 
the rocks, and amongst the breakers dropped their anchors. 
The " Tilbury," having 450 men on board, foundered ; 
and, had not the providence of God ordered that the 
wind shifted to the west of the south about noon [on the] 
25th day, the whole fleet must have perished: but this gave 
them opportunity to claw off. They then separated, — 
some to England, and [some to] Halifax. 275 of the 
men of the " Tilbury " man-of-war, that was lost, got 
ashore, and saved their lives.* 



* See Wynne's Hist, of the British Empire in America, vol. ii. pp. 70, 71 ; Beatson's 
Naval and Military Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 155. 



446 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

In the beginning of August this year, in Bethel Town- 
ship, two lads were killed, and one of them scalped,- — the 
other fled to the house, but presently after died ; they 
were the sons of John Winklepleigh, — and one Joseph 
Fishbaugh, a soldier in the pay of the Province, was 
wounded in the hand, as they were fetching in cows, 
early in the morning. The same day, as Leonard Long's 
son was ploughing on one side of the fence, and Leonard 
Miller's on the other, the former was killed and scalped, 
and the latter was carried off, by the Indians. About 
the same time, one Isaac Williams's wife was killed and 
scalped, — she ran some way after three balls went 
through her body ; and one George Mouren was killed 
and scalped, near the same time, as he was cutting oats. 

[In] Lancaster County, about the middle of August, one 
Beatty was killed in Paxton, and James Mackey in Hano- 
ver; William and Joseph Barnet wounded, and six persons 
carried captive ; and 94 in a company were escaping to 
save their lives. 

On August the 30th, two young men in Cumberland 
County, as they [were] lying in wait for deer, were fired 
upon by the Indians. One of them was killed and 
scalped : the other made his escape. 

Not long after this, one James Tidd was killed and 
scalped in the Minisinks, as it is termed. About this 
time also, one James Watson with James Mullen went 
out on some business, and were fired upon by a party 
of Indians. Watson was found killed and scalped ; and 
Mullen carried off, as was concluded, not being found or 
heard of. 

In the beginning of September, three persons were 
killed about six miles from Carlisle ; and two others about 
two miles from- Silver's old place, near to which place 
about 18 Indians had been seen. 

On September 19, three men were killed and scalped, 
of the name of McClure, in Lancaster County; and one 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 447 

John Campbell, who was with them when they were 
attacked by about 30 Indians, was dangerously wounded : 
William Campbell made his escape, and brought the 
tidings. About the same time, 34 persons were killed or 
carried captive within 13 miles of Lord Fairfax's house 
(which I take to be in Virginia) ; and, on the 19th of the 
month, one Johnson of Paxton was killed, or carried off, 
by the Indians ; and the wife of one Samuel Wilson 
was killed, a little before, at a place, or near to it, 
called McClure's Gap ; and, near about the same time, 
one Patrick Kar was killed and scalped at a place called 
Minisink Bridge. About this time also, four persons were 
killed, and four carried off, in Berks County; and, in 
Lancaster County, one William Martin was killed and 
scalped. 

Some time in the first part of October, in Ulster 
County, the Indians fired into the furthermost house from 
Eochester, and killed two women, but were repulsed 
by two men. Just before the other Indians came up, 
one of their company that was foremost seized a young 
woman as she was washing at the door ; upon which she 
screamed out : another woman rescued her, beat off the 
Indian, and shut the door. 

About the middle of October, or a little before, one 
Hogan and two more were killed by the Indians, as they 
were going in a boat, or gondola, a little above the Narrows 
at Halifax, to fetch some [ ] and timber to mend a boat : 
one of the company was wounded ; and one escaped, and 
brought the news. The same day, Mr. Haiselup of the 
town, with another man and his servant-boy, went up 
with his boat into the basin for a load of spruce ; and, as 
several guns were heard at the place where they landed, it 
was supposed they were all killed. 

On the 17th of October, to the southward, in Lancaster 
County, four men were fired on by a party of Indians as 
they were gathering corn. Two of them were killed — 



448 



NILES S HISTORY OF THE 



viz., Alexander Watt, John McKennet — and scalped 
near Hunter's Fort: the other two escaped. The killed 
had their heads cut off. 

About the middle of November, about 300 Indians and 
100 Frenchmen made an assault on a place called the 
German Flats, — near or full out 60 miles above Albany, 
— and fell upon that part situate on the north side of 
Mohawk River, and killed 10 or 12, and scalped them ; 
and carried captive men, women, and children, — 110 or 
more. They continued three days burning the houses 
and barns, and destroyed near 30 settlements, without 
any molestation that we hear of. 

On the 24th and 25th of November, one Thomas 
Robinson and a son of Thomas Bell were killed and 
scalped in Hanover Township, in Lancaster County. 

And about the same time, as one Cox and another 
man were hunting for deer on the Virginia side of [the] 
Potomac, a little above the mouth of Conococheague, they 
espied three Indians sitting on a log, and agreed each to 
fire at his man ; and did so, and killed two of them : the 
third made his escape, but soon returned with six or seven 
more Indians. Upon which a smart skirmish ensued ; in 
which Cox and his companion discharged their pieces 
on the Indians, one four and the other five times, and 
mortally wounded one of the Indians, but were soon after 
separated. One escaped : the other was taken prisoner. 
The Indians burnt the bodies of their countrymen that 
were killed, and carried off their wounded man and 
prisoner. The wounded Indian died the second night 
after, and they buried him. The prisoner made his 
escape the same way that they went. He dug up the 
body of the dead Indian, so as to take off the scalp — 
and bring it with him — with a sharp stone, as he had 
not a knife or any other instrument to answer his pur- 
pose. 

Major Rogers, in an excursion from Fort Edward with 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 449 

about a hundred of his rangers, went as far as the enemy's 
post at Ticonderoga: and, on the 17th of December, 
he set fire to and destroyed several of their piles [and] 
out-houses ; and would have destroyed their bateaux, had 
they not secured them in such places as was improper for 
the major to attempt. 

This account came to the author s hand long after he 
had engaged in writing this history of the wars in New 
England ; for which reason it is that it stands thus much 
out of the order of time with respect to what is before 
related, as some others are for the same reason. 

Here follows a brief extract of Captain John Gyles, Esq., 
his narrative of his captivity, with some of the difficulties 
and deliverances he passed under in that time. 

On the 2d day of August, 1689, in the morning, he 
went with his father, Thomas Gyles, with some laborers 
and two of his brothers, to a farm of his father s upon 
the river, about three miles above Eort Charles, adjoin- 
ing to Pemaquid Falls, to gather in his English harvest 
and hay. They all labored quietly till noon : and, after 
they had dined, they went again to their work ; except 
his father, the youngest of his brothers, and himself, 
tarried near to the farm-house until about one o'clock, 
when they heard the report of several great guns at the 
fort. But on a sudden, to their great surprise, about 30 
or 40 Indians discharged a volley of shot upon them from 
some rising ground near their barn. The yelling of the 
Indians (which is common with them on such occasions), 
and the whistling of their shot, so terrified him, that he 
endeavored to make his escape. He ran one way, and 
his brother another; and, looking over his shoulder, 
he saw a stout fellow pursuing him with his gun and 
cutlass, which he expected every moment in his brains. 
He presently fell down ; and the Indian took him by the 
hand, and raised him up, but offered no abuse, — only 
seized his arms, and pointed to go where the laborers were 

57 



450 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

at work. As they passed along, he saw his father, that 
was wounded at their first shot : [he] appeared very pale 
by the loss of blood, and walked but slowly. When they 
came to the place, he saw two men shot down on the flats, 
and one or two more knocked on the head with hatchets, 
crying out, " O Lord ! " &c. There the Indians brought 
two captives ; his brother James, that ran from the 
house when he did ; then pointed to us to go eastward. 
We marched about a quarter of a mile, and then halted. 
There they brought his father. There was old Moxus, 
one of the chiefs among the Indians, before spoken of: 
he pretended that he was sorry the Indians had shot him, 
and that some strange Indians had done it. Mr. Gyles 
replied, that he was a dying man, and wanted no favor 
from them but to pray with his children; which was 
granted. He recommended them to the protection and 
blessing of God, and gave them some good Christian, 
religious advice ; and then took his final farewell of them. 
He parted with them with a cheerful voice, and seeming 
composedness of mind ; but appeared very pale by reason 
of the loss of blood, which at the same [time] bubbled 
out of his shoes. Soon after, the Indians led him aside :. 
though the blows of [the] hatchet were heard by the 
prisoners at a distance, yet nothing of cries or groans 
were perceived by them. The Indians gave him a burial 
by casting some loose boughs over him. The Indians 
then led their captives nearer the fort, where [they saw] 
mighty firings ; and then led them into a great swamp. 
There the relater of this tragedy saw his mother and two 
of his sisters among many other prisoners. She inquired 
after his father : he told her he was killed. They went 
from thence to a place called New Harbor, and continued 
there some time ; sending out their spies to discover in 
what situation the people were, and how employed. And, 
finding them very careless about their business in the 
field, — leaving only women and children in their houses, 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 451 

and generally at work in their fields, in the day-time, — 
therefore the Indians divided themselves into small parties, 
alarming the most distant parts first, laying ambushes in 
the way ; by which means, but a few escaped to get either 
to their houses or to the fort. Mr. Pateshall was killed 
as he lay with his sloop at the Barbican, so called, — a 
small harbor frequented by fishermen. Captain Weems, 
with great courage and resolution, defended the old fort, 
that was weak, and much gone to decay, till he was 
wounded, and the ablest of his men killed ; [and he] 
was constrained to surrender on terms as agreeable as 
he could. This New Harbor is about two miles east 
of Pemaquid: there were about 12 houses there before 
the war ; but the inhabitants had forsaken them, for fear 
of the enemy. Here again he saw and spake with his 
mother, condoling her own and children's condition. The 
Indians, with their captives, came near to Penobscot Fort, 
where a Jesuit offered to buy him ; but his Indian master 
declined to make any sale of him. Here he again saw his 
mother and sisters, and his brother taken with him. 
His mother and sisters afterwards were redeemed ; but 
his brother was, after several years' captivity, barbarously 
murdered by the Indians. It is a custom among the 
Indians, that he that takes a captive is his master till he 
gives or sells him to another, and the captive is until then 
esteemed his property ; but, at their triumphal dances, 
the masters are constrained oftentimes to give something 
to redeem their captives from the fury of the squaws 
or others. According to this custom, when his master 
had carried him to a village called Madawamkee, near 
Penobscot Eiver, he presently saw a number of squaws 
in a circle, dancing ; and quickly there came a shrivelled 
old squaw, and took him by one hand and the hair 
of his head, and led him into the ring, where the other 
squaws immediately seized him by the hair of his head, 
and by his hands and feet, as so many furies, in order, 



452 ISILES's HISTORY OF THE 

as was supposed, to make him a sacrifice to their cruel, 
blood-thirsty designs. But his master came and paid his 
ransom, and so he was released for that dance ; which 
may be done by the captive's master or a near relation. 
After this they came to Medoctack Fort, that stood on 
the bank of St. John's River. When they came in sight 
of the fort, two or three squaws met them, took off his 
pack, and led him to a large wigwam, where 30 or 40 
Indians were dancing round ^ve or six captives, who 
had been taken some months before, — at the same time 
when Major Walden [Waldron] was barbarously butchered 
by them, — in the beginning of April, when there was a 
truce, or cessation of arms, agreed upon. The Indians 
sent two squaws to his fort as spies, under a friendly 
pretence to lodge there, and, when the people were 
asleep, to make a whistling, and at the same time to 
open the gate, that they might enter without opposition. 
Accordingly they came, and desired the liberty to lodge 
there ; withal, told the major that there were a great 
number of Indians not far off, that came with beaver, 
designing to trade with him in the morning. Some of 
the people manifested their mislike of the motion; but the 
major said, " Let the poor creatures lie by the fire." They 
viewed all the apartments, and in the night pursued their 
purpose ; opened the gate, which was easily done, — for 
it had no lock, but was fastened with a wooden pin, — 
then whistled. The Indians immediately entered, and 
slew the major, and killed and took captive all that were 
in the fort ; and upbraided him, — ordering him to bring 
his books and cancel their debts, for he had long traded 
with them ; and after they had tortured him to death in 
a cruel manner, whilst he was crying, "O Lord! O Lord!" 
they burnt the garrison, and drew off.* 



* Gyles'g Memoirs, pp. 6, 7, Note ; Belknap's Hist, of N. Hampshire, vol. i. pp. 246-250. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 45 >> 

But to return to this narrative. When he came near 
the fort whither they designed to carry him, there met 
him three squaws, and took off his pack, and led him 
into a large wigwam, as before is noted ; and, when he 
came in, the Indians, four of them, took up one of those 
poor captives, each by [his] hands and feet, — swinging 
and tossing him as high as they could, — and then let 
him fall on the hard ground and pebble-stones with force. 
Sometimes they take [him] by the hair, and make [him] 
stoop forward ; and then unreasonably beat him on his 
back and shoulders, until they almost beat his breath out 
of his body : and sometimes an old squaw, to vent her 
malicious and barbarous cruelty, will take up a shovelful 
of hot embers, and throw them into a captive's bosom ; at 
which the other Indians will laugh and shout. Thus, in 
these and many the like cruelties, these savages torture 
the poor captives that fall into their barbarous hands. 
There are many things in this narrative worthy of par- 
ticular remark ; but as it was not my purpose to run into 
a large detail of circumstances, either of the hardships 
he and others w T ith him underwent, or the remarkable 
deliverances they- met with, I shall only give one instance 
more here of the sorrowful exit of two poor captives. 
One, the author's brother before spoken of, after three 
years' captivity, deserted with another man, taken from 
Casco Bay ; and were retaken by the Indians, and carried 
back to Penobscot Fort, where they were both tortured 
to death in the following manner: They were tied to a 
stake, and scorched with fire for some time ; then their 
noses and ears were cut off, and they made to eat them ; 
and afterward they [were] both burned at the stake. 

This John Gyles, that gives this account, was six years 
in captivity among the Indians, and almost three with the 
French, and, by his last French master, was released and 
sent home ; and was after sent and improved by Governor 
Dudley, and also by Lieutenant-Governor Dummer, as 



454 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

an interpreter, in their treating with the Indians ; and 
sustained civil, and, if I mistake not, military offices under 
them, as a gentleman of note and esteem ; and, as I heard, 
married here, and died at Roxbury.* 

There was little or no certain intelligence, to be de- 
pended on, of mischief done by the French or Indians, in 
the eastern or southern frontiers, in the latter part of the 
year 1757, or in the first part of 1758 — to which year we 
are now come — until April 30, when about 40 of the 
neutral French, as they Were called, came to some vessels 
as they lay in the river, not far from the fort at Chignecto, 
and called to the men on board to surrender, promising- 
good quarters ; which they refused. Upon which, about 
25 of them boarded Captain Woodward ; struck the mate 
— one Nichols — with a tomahawk, stabbed him, and 
threw him overboard, — as they did also another young- 
man, named Audibert ; and carried Captain Woodward, 
with the rest of his men, bound, ashore. At the same 
time, some of them entered Captain Thompson's vessel, 
who defended themselves gallantly, and fired two guns to 
alarm Captain Gov's vessel, who was likewise engaged 
with a party of them ; and they alarmed the fort, who 
sent out a party to their assistance : upon which the 
enemy took to their boats, having first killed Captain 
Woodward. The party from the fort came up just as 
they had put off, and fired on them, and concluded they 
had killed some of them. The other two of Captain 
Woodward's men got safe back. The enemy took above 
700 dollars out of the vessel, and destroyed several things 
which were in the hold. The next day, Lieutenant 
Walker of the ranging party, having been out on a scout, 
brought in two families, women and children. It was 



* The Memoirs of Odd Adventures and Signal Deliverances in the Captivity of John 
Gyles, Esq., Commander of the Garrison on St. George's River, Maine, written by himself, 
was originally published at Boston, 1736; and was reprinted in Drake's Indian Captivities, 

isao. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 455 

supposed that the men were of this enemy's party, as 
they said they were friends to Beaubiere, who was the 
head of the party that did the above mischief. 

About this time, one Robert Buck was killed and 
scalped at the southward ; and a woman was killed near 
one Sherman's, — she was also scalped; and, at Swatara, 
two young men, brothers, a prisoner, and three other 
men, killed ; a woman carried off. At Tulpehocken, one 
Livergood and his wife killed. At a place called North 
Kill, the wife of Nicolas Pieges, and two children, and 
the wife of Michael Tilleset, all killed and scalped. 

About this time also, as four men were going from 
Saratoga to Fort Edward, they were beset by a number 
of Indians — about 30, as was supposed — a little above 
Fort Miller, and all killed and scalped. One of them was 
a gentleman going to see his son, that he w r as informed 
was sick at Fort Edward. 

On the 9th of April, 1758, a very melancholy and 
unhappy piece of conduct happened at the southward. 
One David Miller was fired on by two men from behind 
a rock, or rocks, near one Aaron Jenkins's house, about 
18 miles from Winchester. Some of the country-people, 
going out afterwards, saw two men, painted and in Indian 
habit ; at which they were greatly surprised, and, upon 
it, went to Pattison's Fort to acquaint the commanding 
officer thereof. Upon which, Ensign Colebey Chew was 
ordered out with a party of men ; who soon fell upon 
the tracks, and followed them till they had crossed the 
North Mountain, where they found a beef with part of 
the hind-quarters taken off, and tongue cut out, after the 
Indian manner. About a mile from thence, they saw 
two men sitting [by] a fire. They advanced within a few 
yards of them, and purposed to make them prisoners ; but 
one of the soldiers unhappily fired on them. The men 
immediately endeavored to recover their guns ; and, as 
the ensign and his men had by this means been discovered, 



456 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

they all unanimously discharged on them, and killed one 
on the spot, known by the name of the famous Jack Lane, 
and mortally wounded the other, named James Cox, — 
but not so mortally [but] that he was able to tell the 
soldiers that they had done their duty, and that Lane and 
himself had deserved what they had met with. They 
both were so painted, and put so exactly into the Indian 
dress, even to the cut of their hair, that their most inti- 
mate acquaintance could not distinguish them. It was 
not easy to assign the reasons for which they were induced 
to act in this manner, when it was said that they had 
acquired great reputation for their signal services. It 
might probably be from an odd humor to surprise and 
alarm the people, or put them upon a stricter guard. 
Whatever were their designs, in the conclusion it evidently 
appears that God had left them in this manner to seek 
and pursue their own ruin ; which may be a caution to 
all others. 

On the 16th of May, 1758, about two o'clock in the 
afternoon, about 13 Indians rushed into the house of one 
Nicolas Cole, — on the frontiers of the Jerseys, if I mis- 
take not. Cole not being at home, they immediately 
pinioned his wife, and tomahawked their son-in-law, about 
18 year old, and dragged her out of doors, where her 
eldest daughter, about thirteen years old, lay murdered, 
and a boy aged eight, and her youngest daughter, aged 
about four. This last — the poor, helpless old woman saw 
the cruel savages thrust their spears into the body of her 
gasping infant. They rifled the house, and then carried 
her and her son off, after they had scalped the slain above 
mentioned. Soon after, they were joined by two Indians, 
with two German captives they had taken that day, and 
killed and scalped another, in one Anthony Westbrook's 
field, near Minisink, so called, — in Susquehanna County, 
if I mistake not. Not long after, Cole returned home ; 
where, to his great surprise, he found his four children 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 457 

murdered, and his wife and other son missing. Upon 
which he went to Nominack Fort, and got a few soldiers 
to assist him in burying his children and the German. 
The soldiers joined with some of the neighbors that 
evening to cross Delaware River at daylight, and waylay 
the road to Wyoming ; and as four of them were going 
to one Chambers's, about two o'clock at night, they 
heard the Indians coming down the hill, — to cross [the] 
Delaware, as was supposed ; when one of the four fired 
on them. They immediately fled ; giving a yell, after their 
manner. The woman they led with a string about her 
neck, and the boy by the hand ; who, finding themselves 
loose, made their escape along the road, and happily met 
at James McCarty's, — the boy first, and afterward the 
woman. And the' four white men escaped thither. The 
woman said they could speak English and Dutch. 

The Indians upon their flight, supposing they were 
pursued, killed and scalped the two Dutchmen, and cut 
off one of their heads, and set [it] on his breast. They 
were afterward found by some of our men. 

The daughter of one Widow Walling, living near Fort 
Gardiner, — between Goshen and Minisink, — going out 
to pick up some chips for the fire, was shot at by three 
Indians. Her shrieks alarmed the people. Her brother, 
looking out at a garret -window, and seeing a fellow 
despatching and scalping his sister, fired at them ; and 
was pretty certain he wounded one of them. The old 
woman, during this, with her other daughter and her son, 
made off, and escaped. 

The 22d of May, one Barnabas Tolon was killed and 
scalped by the Indians in Hanover Township, in Lancaster 
County, at the southward. 

Before this, some time about the 30th of April, 33 per- 
sons were killed, at a place called the German Flats, by 80 
Indians and 4 Frenchmen ; and [the enemy] destroyed 
most if not all the settlements on the north side of the river. 

58 



458 GILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

On the beginning of June, to the southward, some 
men were sent out, at some distance from a place called 
the Union Iron Works, upon a night scout from the block- 
house along the river ; [who] were waylaid, as they re- 
turned home, by nine Indians, about three-quarters of a 
mile from Lieutenant Westbrook's. Our men discovered 
the Indians in ambush, took aim, and made so quick a 
tire, that the guns of both parties went off at once. Two 
Westbrooks were killed on the spot ; one Gilbert Vangor- 
don was wounded in the arm, who with his son, and one 
Jacob Helin, retreated. Another scouting-party, being 
out at the same time, hearing the report of their guns, 
made what speed they could toward the place, and found 
the two Westbrooks scalped. 

About this time also, a sergeant went from Waassing 
to Minisink with a party of men, but returned not at the 
time they were expected. Upon which a larger party 
went out in search of them ; and, at their arrival at 
Minisink, they found seven of them killed and scalped, 
three wounded, and a woman and four children carried off. 

Near about the same time, in the frontiers of the Jerseys, 
a house was beset by a party of Indians, where were 17 
persons, who were killed, as I remember the account. 

A man and boy, travelling on the road with their 
muskets, were fired on by some Indians in ambush. The 
man was killed ; but the boy escaped, having first killed 
one of the Indians. 

In the account above of the German Flats, it should 
have been noted, that the people had had timely and 
sufficient repeated warning of the Indians' designs against 
them ; but they made light of it, — though some did repair 
to the fort, — when on a sudden, about four o'clock, the 
Indians beset the houses, as there were four families — 
that had fled in the spring, from a place called Henderson's 
Purchase, for fear of the enemy — that could not get into 
the fort; where [were] two Indian traders, and six wagon- 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 459 

ers that were carrying Captain Gage's baggage to the fort. 
The wagoners were surprised, and immediately ran up the 
stairs into the chamber to shelter themselves from danger. 
The Indians killed and scalped all the people that were 
below, and then some of them attempted the stairs ; but 
the wagoners knocked them down, and bravely defended 
themselves. The Indians fired into the loft, or chamber, 
and soon were joined by other Indians, who fired many 
shot through the house, and proposed, as was concluded, 
to set [it] on fire ; which intimidated one John Ekel, a 
wagoner, to such a degree, that he leaped out at a win- 
dow, hoping by that means to escape. But the Indians 
presently killed him. 

In the latter end of June, or beginning of July, an 
account came from Berks County, at the southward, that 
the wife of one John Frantz, and three children, were 
carried off by the Indians : the woman — being weak, 
and unable to travel — they killed not far from her own 
house. And the son of one Jacob Smalley was killed and 
scalped [at] the same time. 

And about this time also, from Swatara in Lancaster 
County, a Dutchman was killed and scalped by the In- 
dians. And, the next day, one Samuel Robinson was 
shot at, and mortally wounded : however, he got into an 
house, but soon after died. 

Near this time, in Northampton County, two men in 
a field were fired at by the enemy ; one of which was 
wounded. They both took into the river. The well 
man escaped ; but the wounded man they tomahawked 
to death in the river. 

Upon Samuel Robinson being murdered as above, a 
sergeant with 15 men went out in quest of the murderers ; 
and, not long after, came upon their track. The sergeant, 
in order to animate his men, addressed them to this pur- 
pose ; namely, to be brisk in pursuit, and vigorous in 
the attack, of the enemy : and, while he was speaking 



460 NILEs's HISTORY OF THE 

to them, a number of Indians lying in ambush fired on 
them ; killed one, and wounded eight more, whereof three 
died in a few hours. The remaining wounded made their 
escape while they were pursuing the other six. 

Not far from this time, — whether before or after, I am 
not certain, — the Indians killed seven New-York soldiers. 
To revenge this, a sergeant with nine men went out in 
pursuit of the enemy. This slaughter was committed at 
a place called West Falls, in the frontiers of the Jerseys. 
About four o'clock in the afternoon, they espied an Indian; 
being then about four miles in the Pennsylvania side of 
Delaware Biver. The sergeant then consulted his men, 
and concluded that the Indians were by the river ; upon 
which they w T ent forward, and saw 10 Indians on an island 
in the river, on the Jersey side, making a raft. They then 
laid down their packs and hats, and crawled up till they 
came opposite to the island, expecting them over. In this 
posture they lay all night. In the morning, they saw 
three Indians lay their arms and packs on the raft, in 
order, as they supposed, to cross the river ; but, contrary 
to their expectation, they towed the raft about 200 yards 
up the river. Our men still creeping up as the Indians 
towed their raft, about sunrise they espied an Indian on 
the same side with them, coming toward them ; but seeing 
them, as they supposed, [he] turned leisurely back, and 
took up his gun, and gave the war-whoop usual with In- 
dians in the like case : upon which, 14 more rose up, and 
immediately a sharp engagement ensued. Some of our 
men fired on the raft, and saw one Indian tumble off into 
the river. They immediately treed for shelter, on both 
sides ; and five rounds were exchanged. One man of ours 
was shot through the leg ; but they killed three of them 
on the land, besides he that fell into the water. The 
Indians on the island kept a constant fire at them, but 
were at too great a distance to hurt them. As the 
engagement was near the river, they dragged their dead, 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 461 

and threw them into it ; and soon upon it fled, and left 
behind them, as plunder for our men, four good guns, four 
tomahawks, three spears, 18 pair of moccasons or Indian 
shoes, 16 pair of Indian stockings, five shirts, 12 blankets, 
three hats, one laced coat, five silver buckles, 10 belts, three 
strings of wampum, five scalping-knives, four scalps just 
taken off, with some other trifling ware. 

In the beginning of July, at the eastward, one Chapels, 
that lived on Cape Newagen Island, at the mouth of Sheep- 
scot River, being a-fishing, with two men and a boy, in 
a schooner, — off Mohegan Island, so called, and near 
George's River, — were killed, and their schooner burnt. 

Not far from the Blue Mountains, so called, in the 
eastward parts of the country, there were three families 
settled near together; and some time in July, 1758, one 
of the men and his wife not being at home at that time, 
at their return they found three of their children killed 
and scalped, with all their neighbors cruelly mortified 
[put to death], fourteen in number, — men, women, and 
children. The sight was so surprisingly shocking, that 
the man was immediately struck deaf, and remained so 
when this narrative was given to the author, near a year 
after, by the woman herself; her husband, being then 
present, not hearing a word, — though he could speak, 
but brokenly. They were Irish families. 

There were orders sent forth early this year from his 
majesty King George to the several Governments in 
North America, each of them to raise a proportionable 
number of men to carry on an expedition formed against 
Canada and the other French settlements here, to prevent 
their further encroachments and depredations committed 
by them, and the Indians in their interest, in a great part 
of the land, — which was readily complied with ; and, in 
order to pursue this design, a fleet was sent over under 
the command of Admiral Boscawen, with Admiral Hardy 
in conjunction, in lower order, with troops under the 



462 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

command of General Amherst, with Major-General Wolfe 
[and] other officers. 7,000 men were raised this year 1758 
in the Massachusetts, with a proportionable number in the 
other Governments ; and were sent up to Fort Edward, 
with a purpose to go over the lakes, and by land through 
the French settlements, to meet Admiral Boscawen at 
Quebec, provided he could timely complete his conquest 
at Louisburg then designed. The admiral's fleet consisted 
of 29 ships of the line ; and was afterward augmented, as 
was said, to about 43 in the whole number, from New 
York and other parts. The admiral landed at Halifax 
with his forces some time in April : the land-forces 
consisted mostly of the regulars and Highlanders. He 
soon sailed for Louisburg, and anchored in Cabarus Bay. 
The surf running high on the shore where they purposed 
to land, delayed them four or five days. However, on 
the 8th day of May, early in the morning, the signal was 
given for landing ; which was accordingly pursued with 
all possible speed, the regulars and Highlanders seeming 
to vie with each other who of them should first reach the 
shore. But, as they drew nigh, the cannon of the French, 
from their breastwork, played upon them. However, as 
fearless of life and limbs, they undauntedly pushed on to 
the shore, at the very mouths of their cannon ; and many 
of them jumped out of their boats, up to their middle 
or higher in water. 30 were killed in the attempt: 
the rest rushed forward, and soon drove them [from] 
their breastworks ; and they were quickly constrained to 
take their flight. Our men pursued them, but could not 
overtake them, till they got into the fort. Our men found 
considerable of stores and plunder, at the place of their 
landing, the French had left in their haste. Thus they 
made a quick conquest of the country, excepting the 
shipping in the harbor, and the castle and those within 
its walls ; for a number of them, that had fled into the 
woods, came, and surrendered themselves prisoners. In 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 463 

the pursuit of their purpose, our men directly put them- 
selves into a condition to lay a formal siege against the city, 
in raising batteries, and planting their cannon in the most 
advantageous manner, to annoy the enemy, and bring 
them to surrender. They soon made themselves masters 
of the Light-house Battery, which was erected by our 
people at the former taking [of] Louisburg, but perhaps 
now much stronger: here, by their bombs, they greatly 
annoyed the Island Battery, which stands opposite to that 
of the Light House. It should have been remarked, 
that, at their landing, 20 men were drowned by the 
oversetting of their boat. 

In this time, while our forces were besieging Louisburg, 
an expedition was formed against Ticonderoga — a French 
fort, situate about 35 miles from the place where Fort 
William Henry stood, but on the other side of the lake — 
by General Abercrombie, who succeeded the noble Lord 
Loudon, called home for higher dignities and trust in the 
nation ; General Abercrombie having then the command of 
the militia in North America, as Lord Loudon had before. 
This expedition was formed at Fort Edward, the place 
of the general's chief residence, and where the forces in 
that part of the country were encamped. Upon this 
motion, Sir William Johnson took up arms, in order to 
join the army, with a party of Mohawks, who were more 
immediately under his direction and influence, about 300 
in number; who were increased, as was said, to about 800. 
About 30 of the Tuscaroras followed to Albany, in order 
to join General Johnson. 

It was said, that, before General Johnson marched, 
he sent out 11 Mohawks, to make discovery, toward Mont 
Real ; who in their march, not far from that place, took 
one that pretended to be the Lieutenant-Governor's son, 
of Mont Real, and brought him to Gir William ; who, 
after he had examined him, gave him back to the Indians, 
who intended to kill him ; but an old Mohawk begged him 



464 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

off. They then took him, and beat him in an unmerciful 
manner, as the custom of the heathen is in such cases. 

In this time of motion toward Ticonderoga, there came 
a flag of truce to Lake George, from Canada, to make a 
demand of Colonel Schuyler, that had been taken, as 
I remember, at the surrender of Oswego Fort ; who 
had had liberty, on a parole of honor, to come home, 
and had returned at the appointed time. This was said 
to be [the] second flag sent on this occasion. But to 
proceed : the army being put into a condition for motion, 
they marched from Fort Edward to the lake with 15,000 
or 16,000 men, with General Abercrombie at the head. 

They set off on the 5th of July, 1758. As all went by 
water, they were all embarked about sunrise, — their tents 
being all struck, [and] made up, — and were in their 
bateaux in about a quarter of an hour, in greatest order, 
and free from the least confusion. 

They formed themselves into three grand divisions, 
composed of the following regiments : viz., as an ad- 
vance-guard went 300 whale-boats, nine men in each, 
commanded by Colonel Gage on the right, and Major 
Rogers on the left. The van was of bateaux, 22 men 
in each : on the right, the regiments of Babcock, Fitch, 
Wooster, and Johnson ; on the left, Woolsey of New Jer- 
sey, Prebble, Glasier, and William Williams. The third 
division : Doty, Ruggles, &c, on the right ; on the left, 
Lyman, Whiting, and Bagley ; in the centre, the first 
and fourth battalions of Royal Americans, Highlanders, 
with the rest of the regulars, commanded by Lord Howe. 
Here was, as it were, two floating castles on the lake, and 
a fleet made up of bateaux and whale-boats, with two 
pieces of cannon mounted. Here also went the flag of 
truce, with the French gentry that came with it ; who, 
according to their usual gasconade, on the embarking 
said they were glad to see so many brave men, but sorry 
they were not there to receive them. In the rear were 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 465 

the artillery-stores, with the general, — brought up by 
Lieutenant-Colonel Partridge. In this order they pro- 
ceeded down the lake, consisting of 300 whale-boats and 
1,000 bateaux as above. They covered the lake from side 
to side, which is a mile and a half over at the upper end ; 
and, in the narrower places, they were obliged to form 
into subdivisions to give themselves room to row. They 
extended, from front to rear, full seven miles ; and, by 
the time the rear had left the shore three miles, there was 
not any of the lake to be seen, except that part which 
was left behind. Thus they sailed, all in high spirits, 
having five days' provisions ready-dressed, besides raw; 
and had orders to land that evening at the advance-guard 
of the French. By ten o'clock, the army, or fleet, were 
got 15 miles down the lake ; and the place appointed for 
landing is about 35 miles from the edge of the lake where 
they embarked. 

By the way, it may be observed, that though this Fort 
Ticonderoga was no further distant from Fort William 
Henry, — where our army lay encamped two successive 
summers, in which time this Ticonderoga was built and 
fortified, — and, when the forces were raised in the several 
Governments, it was pretended that this great armament 
was designed against Crown-Point Fort, yet neither was 
that expedition pursued, nor any means used, we know of, 
to prevent the French building that fort ; which, as it is 
apprehended, might easily have been effected at that time, 
if the chief commanding officer had had courage to have 
rallied his forces for that purpose : which defect, as we 
take it, has since cost the crown and country a mass 
of blood and wealth, as in the issue of this expedition 
will appear ; notwithstanding the gallantry of our army's 
offset, as noted above. 

Before I dismiss this head I am now upon, it seems but 
an act of justice to vindicate f he character of General, 

59 



466 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

now Sir William Johnson, who passed under almost an 
universal censure through the country, when he with his 
officers and men, in their motion against Crown Point, 
so gallantly withstood and defeated the army of French 
and Indians, - — far superior perhaps, in number, than his 
then were, — killed many, and took their general captive, 
and many others of the enemy. The mighty cry against 
him at that time was, for that he had not pushed on his 
purpose against Crown Point; when some, though but few 
indeed, commended his conduct : for when some of his 
principal officers were slain in battle, — as well as his men, 
many of them, were some slain, others wounded, — his 
army [was] greatly weakened ; which rendered his proceed- 
ing in that case impracticable under such circumstances. 
But what shall we say or conceive, on the other hand, 
what should be the reason given or alleged, when two 
campaigns were spent successively in the two following 
seasons for action, — the force of either of them doubtless 
consisted, near or full out, four times the number of 
General Johnson's, — lying at Fort Edward and at the 
lake, when no motions were made toward Crown Point in 
all this time, but to sit still, and see Fort William Henry 
given up to the enemy, very tamely, with the loss of 
many lives, and many others carried into a miserable 
captivity (some of whom have never been heard of since) 
by the perfidious falsehood of the French general, con- 
trary to the sworn articles of capitulation, and conditions 
upon which Fort William Henry was surrendered, as 
appeared from all accounts then had ] 

As for Sir William Johnson, the dignities, and posts 
of trust as well as of profit, conferred on him by the 
Crown, together with his good services since, contribute 
much more to his renown, in points of loyalty and warlike 
prowess, than any thing I can pretend to. It was also 
proved at the time, that, if he and some other leading 
officers had been permitted by General Abercrombie,> 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 467 

Fort William Henry had been rescued and saved from 
the hand of the enemy. 

To return to Ticonderoga. General Abercrombie, at 
the head of his army, the morning after their embarkation, 
landed without any opposition from the enemy. Lord 
Howe, immediately upon landing, went out at the head 
of a detachment to make discovery, but soon, and very 
unhappily, fell into an ambushment the enemy had laid ; 
on which a smart engagement ensued, in which, it was 
said, this excellent lord fell a victim to the fury of his 
adversaries, — a shocking providence to the whole army. 
And after, when the tidings of his downfall reached their 
ears, it equally affected the whole country ; nor will it be 
soon forgotten in the annals of New England : of whom 
it may be said, as David of Abner, "A great man is fallen 
in our Israel." The ambush consisted of three or four 
hundred. However, the forces that followed manfully 
pushed on their fire, and drove the .enemy from their 
station; killing some, and putting the rest to flight. 
One upon it said, " The losing Lord Howe is to pay too 
dear for the advantages we have yet gained ; for nothing 
can compensate for so dear a sacrifice but the total 
reduction of Canada." It was said that he was shot by a 
French officer ; and, it was also said, whom Captain 
Money Piney [Moneypenny] immediately shot and killed. 
His lordship was a very honorable, worthy commander. His 
death was lamented by the whole army, and all others that 
knew his worth : the whole land, indeed, bewailed his loss ; 
and those of penetration especially esteeming it a dark 
omen of the army's so sudden (and, by what we yet can 
learn), shameful defeat. Our lamentations are renewed 
over and for him, as a second in succession to that famous, 
renowned General Braddock, who, together with him, 
doubtless had the honor and glory of the British crown 
and nation, as well as the good of this land and country, 
at heart. 



468 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

The body of the Eight Honorable Lord George Viscount 
Howe was soon after brought to Albany, and honorably 
interred.* 

However, our troops constrained the French troops to 
retire toward the fort ; which when [the] Indians among 
them perceived, they withdrew, and went off. Our men 
killed, and took prisoners, about 400 ; and more were 
successively brought in : and our troops marched on 
toward the fort ; and, as it's said, gained an advantageous 
post on the 7th day, and intended to invest it directly. 
They were doubtless greatly intimidated in the fort at the 
approach of our army, as is evident by a letter, as 'tis 
said, intercepted by Major Rogers, going to Crown Point ; 
the purport whereof was, that, unless they had speedy 
re-enforcements, the fort would be able to hold out but 
a short time. 

Colonel Bradstreet, with 1,200 regulars and a body of 
provincials and rangers, was sent to take possession of the 
post at the Sawmills, which the enemy had abandoned ; 
which service was accordingly executed, and the whole 
army encamped there that night. 

Early the next morning, the 8th day, some officers 
were sent out to reconnoitre, or make discovery. They 
gave information, that the enemy were assiduously em- 
ployed in forming intrenchments from side to side of 
the neck, in front of the fort, and that, at present, the 
intrenchments might easily be forced ; but, if it was 
delayed, 'twould become impossible. 

At the same time, by an intercepted letter, the general 
had undoubted intelligence, that Mons. de Levi, who had 
been ordered out with 3,000 men to attack the Mohawk 
River, was recalled, and ordered to re-enforce Mons. Mont- 
calm at Ticonderoga Fort, and was expected every hour. 



* See Minot's History of Massachusetts, vol. ii. p. 39 and Note; Holmes's Annals, 
vol. ii. p. 82 and Note; Bancroft's History of the United States, vol. iv. pp. 299-308. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 4G9 

If so, possibly the intimidation before spoken of might 
take a different turn, and wheel about to the contrary 
side. To prevent the enemy completing their works 
made an immediate attack necessary, and. the intelligence 
they had of the incompleteness of the works made it 
appear practicable ; and it was accordingly unanimously 
resolved by the general and field officers, to make the 
attack immediately. The pickets were ordered out, led 
and commanded by Major Proby : these were supported 
by the grenadiers, and they by the battalions. The rest 
of the provincials kept possession of some high ground in 
the rear. Some cannon, on floating batteries, were sent 
down the river to flank the enemy's intrenchments ; but 
the enemy's heavy fire prevented and silenced their use 
or improvement. 

Our troops attacked the lines of the enemy with 
great bravery, but were repulsed ; and returned to the 
charge several times. But the intelligence they had 
of the incompleteness of their lines, and that they might 
with ease [be] forced, was an unhappy mistake, which 
cost many poor men their lives in venturing too near 
their breastwork and intrenchments ; as their orders were 
to march up and force the intrenchments, and that no 
man discharge his piece till he was ordered by his officers, 
and not until he was close to the breastwork, upon pain 
of being shot by their officers. These orders were exactly 
obeyed: by means whereof, 100 men were shot down 
before they could reach the trenches, as the ground was 
greatly clogged with trees the French had cut down for 
that purpose, and brush that lay strewed in their way, 
besides the dead and wounded men falling before them ; 
all which mightily obstructed their motion, and were, all 
the while, a fair mark for the enemy. The slaughter 
lasted from twelve o'clock till after two ; when the enemy 
struck their colors, and hoist°d an English flag. Our 
troops, supposing the enemy would give up the fort, 



470 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

marched close to the intrenchments. The enemy then 
gave them a smart volley, and threw a great number [of] 
granado - shells among our men, which destroyed great 
numbers of the regulars. Another stratagem of deceit 
they used was by raising their hats above the trenches ; 
which our men fired briskly at, supposing they were their 
heads, and so wounded their hats, but not the men that 
owned them. About four o'clock, our forces retreated ; 
carrying off all the wounded they could come at without 
exposing themselves too much to the fire of the enemy, 
and bringing off their cannon : but left behind 300 
barrels of pork and flour, which they themselves destroyed ; 
which is indeed very strange, as well as several other 
particulars in this sorrowful expedition. 

In the first engagement, soon after our forces landed, 
as before is noted, — where Lord Howe was slain, — 28 
were killed, including his lordship ; and in their after- 
encounters, by the best information we can obtain, of the 
provincials were killed 86 : they were in the rear, and 
came not up until the heat of the battle was over. The 
loss of New-England, New-Jersey, and New-York forces 
amounted to 86, 206 wounded, and 8 missing: and of 
the regulars killed in this engagement, inclusive of their 
officers, 436; the wounded, 1,128; missing, 27. 

The army set off upon the lake, July 5, 1758, as be- 
fore is remarked ; landed and took possession [the] 6th, 
engaged the enemy [the] 7th, and drew off the 8th ; 
leaving about 550 of their men dead behind them, and 
their wounded 1,128, and missing 35. Thus ended this 
expedition : which is the best and truest account of 
this affair we have received ; admitting mistakes in some 
of the particulars in this narrative, for want of better 
intelligence. 

It was supposed, that, if our men rallied the second 
time, the enemy would have quitted the fort ; for, in their 
retreat from the advance-guard, they cut their wagons to 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 471 

pieces, and had their chests and baggage ready in bateaux 
soon to set off. 

Or, had our men but had orders to play their artillery 
(with which they were but poorly provided, by the account 
we have), — in that case, as an officer of the regulars was 
free to say, they should not have lost ten men, or but a 
small number. 

One William Smith, — a soldier of Captain John 
Whiting's company, in the Rhode -Island regiment, — 
when the attack was made at Ticonderoga, concealed 
himself close under the enemy's breastwork, and improved 
every opportunity that presented by discharging his piece ; 
by which he killed and wounded several. So soon as 
he was discovered, a Frenchman stepped on the parapet, 
and, turning the muzzle of his gun, fired on him, — as 
was supposed, with a brace of balls ; which penetrated his 
shoulder, and entered his body. This greatly exasperated 
him : but, when he had a little recovered the shock it 
gave him, he was resolved to destroy as many more 
of the enemy as possible ; loaded his gun, and with 
great difficulty ranged himself upon the lines, and killed 
another ; also another, aiming to despatch him with his 
tomahawk, which he prevented with his hatchet, and 
struck it into his head so deep as it was hard to recover 
it, and killed him also. A regular officer, observing 
his bravery, sent two of his men to fetch him off; said, 
" Tis a pity so brave a fellow should be made a sacrifice." 
He is under hopeful signs of recovery. 

It is to be remembered that we left Louisburg, on Cape 
Breton, closely invested by Admiral Boscawen with a fleet 
of 43 men-of-war by sea, and General Amherst with a 
large body of troops by land ; who proceeded directly, 
with utmost assiduity and resolution, as before is noted, 
in raising their batteries, and placing their cannon and 
mortars in the most advantageous manner to play upon 
the town, and shipping in the harbor ; which did great 



472 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

execution. The French kept a constant fire from their 
ships-of-war and from the fort ; which, with their sallying 
out, somewhat hindered our men in their work, and killed 
fifteen men from our men's landing to July 1, and no more, 
according to the account from thence, notwithstanding 
their smart fire and frequent sallies out of the fort, under 
which they were as oft repulsed with considerable loss. 

Upon the Island Battery being deserted by the French, 
by reason of the fire of the cannon and bombs from the 
Light-house Battery, which our forces had made them- 
selves masters of soon after landing; which is about 
half a mile distant from the Island Battery, on the other 
side of the harbor's mouth ; where, to prevent our fleet's 
entering the harbor, the French sunk the " Apollo," as 
she was called, — a ship of 50 guns, — and five store-ships. 
They had five ships, of the line and a frigate in the harbor, 
and stationed in such a manner as gave our forces some 
molestation in their work. However, they proceeded 
courageously, and erected a battery on an eminence that 
overlooked the city, where they planted about 60 pieces 
of brass cannon. They also planted their cannon on 
several other batteries that they raised against the town. 
And, with utmost activity, they carried on the siege ; lost 
no time, [and] spared no pains, in the redaction of this 
strong and well-fortified fortress ; still with high spirits, 
and raised hopes to make themselves masters of it: in 
which glorious undertaking, they were, by the good hand 
of God's providence, wonderfully succeeded, as will after 
appear. Two officers belonging to the British troops were 
killed by the enemy's shells — viz., Captain Abercrombie 
and Lieutenant Howe — in the time of the siege; and Mr. 
Stephen Child of Roxbury, a very deserving gentleman, 
— had his education at Harvard College, — was killed 
by a shell falling into his tent. Our forces continued 
warmly to attack the fort in several quarters, with their 
mortars and cannon, from the batteries they had advan- 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 473 

tageously formed for that purpose ; and on the 25th, 
at night, 56 boats belonging to the fleet, manned and 
armed, went into Louisburg Harbor, and, about one 
o'clock, boarded and took two men-of-war lying there. 
One they burnt, being aground ; and the other they 
hauled under the command of one of their batteries. 
In this very bold and daring action they lost but four 
or five men, though the ships had in each of them 
120 or more men at the same time: they went under 
the command of two captains, whose names are worthy to 
be recorded; viz., Captain Laforey and Captain Balfour. 
It is easy to conclude what a consternation the people 
were in, in the morning, to see so many boats in their 
harbor, and one of their capital ships burnt, — when they 
had before but two out of five left, — and the other taken 
and commanded by the English. This exploit probably 
hastened them to move for a capitulation : accordingly, 
about 10 o'clock, they beat a chamade, or for a parley; 
upon which the firing on both sides ceased, and an officer 
was sent from the fort, craving leave to capitulate. They 
had but three-quarters of an hour to consider of the terms 
on which the general demanded a surrender, and are as 
follows : — 

" The Articles of Capitulation 

" Between his Excellency Admiral Boscawen and his Excellency Major- 
General Amherst, on the one part; and his Excellency Monsieur le 
Chevalier de Drucour, Governor of the Island Royal of Louisburg and 
Island of St. John's, and the Dependencies, on the other part. 

"1. The garrison of Louisburg shall be prisoners of war, and shall 
be transported to England in his Britannic majesty's ships. 

"2. The whole artillery, warlike stores, and provisions, as well 
as arms of all kind, which are at present in the town of Louisburg, 
Isle Royal, St. John's, and their dependencies, shall be delivered, 
without the least waste, to the commissaries which shall be appointed 
to receive them, for the use of his Britannic majesty. 

"3. The governor shall give orders, that the troops which are on 
the Island of St. John's and its dependencies shall repair on board 
such ships-of-war as the admiral shall send to receive them. 

60 



474 



NILES S HISTORY OF THE 



" 4. The Port Dauphin shall be delivered to his Britannic majesty's 
troops at eight o'clock to-morrow morning ; and the garrison, compre- 
hending all those that have carried arms, shall be drawn up at noon 
upon the esplanade, and lay down their arms, colors, implements and 
ornaments of war ; and the garrison shall be embarked, to be sent 
to England in a convenient time. 

"5. The same care shall be taken of the sick and wounded which 
are in the hospitals as those of his Britannic majesty. 

" 6. The merchants and their clerks who have not borne arms shall 
be sent to France, in such manner as the admiral shall judge proper. 

" Chev. de Drucouk. 

" Louisbueg, July 26, 1758." 



In consequence of the above articles of capitulation, 
our grenadiers went and took possession of the town, and 
the garrison laid down their arms. 

Here follows a list of the killed and wounded men, in 
the siege against Louisburg, of the English : — 





Killed. 


Wounded. 




Killed. 


Wounded. 


Captains . .. 


. 2 


. . 2 


Sergeants . . 


. . 3 


. . 4 


Lieutenants . 


. 8 


. . 16 


Corporals 


. . 7 


. . 3 


Ensigns . 


. 2 


. . 3 


Privates . 
Drummers . 


. . 146 


. . 315 

. . 2 



Killed of the enemy, in this siege, between 1,500 and 
2,000, — men, women, and children. 

Prisoners of war taken at the surrender of Louisburg, and sent 

for England 5,390 

The inhabitants sent to France 1,800 

The pieces of cannon in the fort, and shipping 800 

With a considerable number of great and small mortars, and 
more ammunition than was brought for the siege. 

A 64-gun ship escaped out of the harbor, the morning 
before Admiral Boscawen arrived with his fleet; and a 
smaller, of 36 guns, in the time of the siege. 

The forces, according to the admiral's order, brought 
off the people from St. John's, to the number of 3 or 400, 
to be also transported according to the terms of the 
capitulation. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 475 

This Island of Cape Breton, with the Fort or Citadel [of] 
Lonisbnrg, with all the adjoining batteries and append- 
encies thereto belonging, [were] taken, and subjected to 
the crown of Great Britain, in the year 1745, by Admiral 
Warren, with a small squadron under his command, and 
Sir William Pepperrell, General of the New-England land- 
forces ; and resigned up to the French, at the conclusion 
of the peace, in 1748 ; and now, in 1758, recovered again 
to the English, which occasioned great rejoicings through 
all the English Governments in North America. 

A summary account of the artillery, ammunition, and 
provisions, taken at Louisburg: 11 stands of colors, 220 
drums, 222 cannon, 6 mortars, 200 spare carriages, 15,000 
stands of arms, 4,000 shells, 14,000 shot, 200 boxes 
of small shot, 5,000 barrels of powder, 10,000 barrels of 
flour, 50,000 barrels of pork and beef.* 

Some time near the middle of August, at the westward, 
— or toward the latter end, — one Samuel Webb and 
the wife of Isaac Cooley were killed and scalped by the 
Indians at Goshen ; Jacobus Meddah and his son killed 
near Cole's Fort; and a woman killed, and two others 
carried off, within a few rods of Garner's Fort. 

Not long after our repulsed troops returned from 
Ticonderoga, as is noted before, a secret expedition was 
formed against Frontenac, a French fort lying at a con- 
siderable distance from Oswego, under the command of 
Lieutenant-Colonel Bradstreet, — a detachment of 3,000 
men, from the army of 4,500 then at the Great Carrying 
Place, — in the following manner ; viz., — 



Regulars . . 155 
Yorkers . . 1,112 



Boston, Col. Williams's . 432 
„ Col. Doty's ... 243 



New- Jersey . . 412 
Rhode-Island .318 
300 bateau-men, 8 pieces of cannon, 3 mortars, with carriages 
and provisions, with 100 Indians ; — 



* See Beatson's Naval and Military Memo'rs, vol. ii. pp. 218-230, and Appendix to the 
same, Notes 121 to 123 inclusive, for official returns. 



476 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

and began the march, August 14th, 1758. They landed 
on the 25th, on the point of land on which the Fort 
Frontenac stands, about a mile from the fort, where they 
were sheltered from the cannon of the enemy by rising 
ground between them and the fort. Next morning, they 
brought their cannon within 500 yards of the fort ; but, 
finding their cannon at that distance made but little 
impression on their wall, wherefore they resolved to 
advance nearer the fort. Colonel Bradstreet directed 
to take possession of an old intrenchment, made formerly 
as a breastwork before the fort, but was then partly 
demolished : accordingly, a party of their men were 
appointed to that purpose. They went silently in the 
night into the trench, and .made another piece of intrench- 
ment. that very well answered their design. When the 
enemy perceived they were at work in the night, they 
kept a constant fire on them with their cannon and small 
arms, but did not kill a man in the whole of this action ; 
and but five were wounded. The intrenchment being 
finished, about sunrise they began to throw in their shells 
and fire their cannon on the fort; and, being so near, 
every shell did execution : which soon silenced the guns 
in the fort, and made them strike their colors in order to 
capitulate. There was a large brig they took from us at 
Oswego, and a French-built schooner, that had fur, deer- 
skins, with coarse bale-goods, on board, which they brought 
to Oswego ; and, after they had unladed, they burnt there. 
These, as soon as they saw the fort strike their colors, set 
sail for Niagara : but our cannon, firing on them, killed 
some of their men ; upon which they escaped in their 
boats, and turned their vessels adrift, that ran aground 
not far distant from the fort ; which our men took 
possession of, with their loading. 

The terms on which the Fort Frontenac surrendered 
are, that they were to have their money and clothing, 
and be made prisoners of war ; Colonel Schuyler to be 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 477 

exchanged for the Governor of Frontenac. The Indians 
ran off, and many of their men, when they struck their 
colors for a capitulation ; so that there were but about 
120 men when the fort was given up, for whom we are 
to have an exchange of prisoners sent to the lake. 

The fort was square ; the walls built of stone and 
lime, about 10, or, as some say, 18 or 19 feet high, with 
a strong platform all round, covered with plank, upon 
which their cannon were mounted. There [were] many 
other buildings with stone and lime, both within and 
without the fort ; and it was well stored with every thing 
necessary. 

There were about 100 pieces of cannon; many of 
them probably taken from Oswego, when that fort was 
demolished by the French. It was the store of provision 
and warlike stores that were to be sent from thence to the 
other forts south-westward of it. It had a vast quantity 
of provisions stored up, as is reported, though almost 
incredible, — viz, 8,000 barrels of pork and beef; and, 
as some say, their storehouse was 300 feet in length, 
and other ways proportionable, and mightily stored with 
small arms. This expedition was carried on with great 
secrecy, and attended with much difficulty ; for most 
of the whale-boats were at the lake when this enterprise 
was first concerted. The distance from the lake, where 
the undertaking was first, to Cataragui* or Frontenac Fort, 
is computed to be about 430 miles, 84 of which is land- 
carriage, besides the greater and less carrying-places on 
the Mohawk River: besides, it is very swift and rapid 
in its motion in many places, and shoals also in some 
parts, that renders it more difficult passing up the stream. 
Notwithstanding these and many other difficulties that 
attended their march, in carrying their bateaux and 
whale-boats, artillery, ammunition, and provisions, — to 

* Candaragui. 



478 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

carry this distance and through these difficulties, — yet it 
was not quite six weeks before they got the possession 
of the fort. It is said this fort had been built 71 years; 
and a great part of the stores there were designed for an 
expedition the French and Indians had plotted against 
the German Flats, and for another party to re-enforce 
Du Quesne Fort. But, by the taking this Fort Frontenac, 
it's probable their designs in both parts were frustrated, 
as they made no attempt against the German Flats, nor 
supplied them with help at Du Quesne ; the stores they 
depended on at Frontenac, as before is noted, being 
destroyed by our men: which was supposed to be the 
reason the French so shamefully demolished their fort, 
and then fled for fear of General Forbes and his men, 
then marching against them. If by this they were 
prevented [from] prosecuting their purposes against us, it 
must be acknowledged a remarkable smile of Providence, 
in giving such success to our forces in taking Frontenac. 
This expedition against Frontenac was so secreted, that 
but few in the camp knew to what fort of the French the 
force under Colonel Bradstreet were then moving : some 
supposed it was against Oswegatchie, or Fort La Gallette, 
— about 35 miles below Frontenac, on St. Lawrence 
River, and about 100 miles from Mont Beal. By this 
account, we find the French have made a business in 
searching out the country up St. Lawrence River, and other 
rivers and lakes, the distance of them each from other, with 
the convenience of carrying-places, from Canada to the 
Mississippi ; while the English have lain quiet and secure 
under all their encroachments, — till of late their eyes 
seem to be open, — when they have built and strengthened 
their forts round about us, to the great annoyance of the 
country, without any molestation or obstruction on our 
part: witness Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and others, 
in the east, west, north, and south; and some taken 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 479 

from us in the time of peace, to the southward, as before 
is remarked in this history.* 

In this year 1758, there was an expedition formed 
also, in the several Governments to the southward, — 
Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina, — against 
Fort Du Quesne, under the command of General Forbes. 
Here was a general, indeed ; but, for some time, no men 
to command. However, after some further motions made 
in the affair, a sufficient number was raised in the above 
Governments ; and accordingly marched, some time about 
the latter end of July. In their march — and not long 
after their setting-out — between Fort Littleton and Fort 
Juniata, a party of skulking Indians took one John Smith 
prisoner, of Yorktown, — a sutler, — killed and scalped 
his driver, and shot several of their horses ; and, about the 
same time, a wagoner was killed, and three others carried 
off, as they were going down a place called Sidling Hill ; 
and, not far from Culberton's Fort, the Indians killed one 
Stewart, and carried off his wife ; and, at Shippensburg, 
six of our light-horse were fired upon, and one Gallagher 
was killed, one was missing, and a sergeant's horse was 
shot under him, but he escaped. After this, the army 
marched on pretty secure — though with caution, as they 
were in an enemy's country — to Loyal Hanning, supposed 
to be about 40 miles from Du Quesne Fort. Major Grant, 
of the Highland regiment, marched from Loyal Hanning 
with about 800 men : he came within about eight miles 
of the fort ; then made an halt, and sent an officer, with 
some Indians, to view the fort. The officer lay on an hill 
all night, and saw the Indians going over the Ohio River 
in canoes. Before the officer returned, Major Grant 
proceeded on his march. The officer met him, and 
informed him [of] the discoveries he had made : notwith- 



* See Holmes's Annals, vol. ii. p. 83, and Note to the same; Wynne's General History 
of the British Empire in America, vol. ii. pp. 86-88. 



480 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

standing, the major proceeded within two miles of the 
fort, where he halted, and left his baggage under a 
guard. Major Lewis went back about a mile and a half, 
with 150 men, to lie in ambuscade where it was supposed 
the enemy would pass. Major Grant prepared to attack 
an encampment in the night, — as he supposed they lay 
without the walls of the fort, — and to attack them sword 
in hand ; but, when they came there, they found none out 
of the fort. However, they burst open their block-houses, 
and burnt the buildings without the fort, and then lay 
under a guard until the morning ; and then Major Grant 
sent a party of Highlanders down to the gate of the fort, 
with orders to storm it. Upon which they threw open 
their gates, and rushed on them, — about 1,000 French, 
Canadians, and Indians, — and drove them back, and 
killed many of them, as they did also of the enemy ; 
upon which a very hot and violent engagement ensued. 
Part of them went to surround our men, and the main 
body engaged the Highlanders in the front. 

Major Lewis, hearing the fire, and seeing no retreat 
as he expected, left Captain Bullet with 100 men to guard 
the baggage, and posted forward to the place of action, 
where he found our people almost defeated : however, he 
with his party engaged with great resolution for some 
time. But the officers fell, and the men were forced to 
retreat till they passed Captain Bullet, who drew up his 
men on an advantageous piece of ground, and fought 
bravely till he was surrounded and drove into the river. 
He escaped ; but many of his men were drowned. The 
enemy pursued them near six miles, and killed the 
wounded, and all that were not able to escape out of 
their way. The soldiers that came in brought their arms 
with them, but left Major Grant alive in the field. 

Here follows a list of the killed and missing — officers 
and soldiers — at the action near Du Quesne Fort, Sep- 
tember 14, 1758. Royal Americans : Lieutenants Billings 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 481 

and Rider; Ensigns Rober and Jenkins; privates, 35. 
Highlanders : Major Grant ; Captains H. McKinsey, Mc- 
Donald, and Marrow ; Lieutenants Alexander McKinsey, 
Colin Campbell, William McKinsey, L. McKinsey, and 
Alexander McDonald ; Ensign John McDonald ; privates, 
131. Virginians: Major Lewis; Lieutenants Baker and 
Campbell ; Ensigns Allen, Chew, and Guest ; privates, 61. 
Carolinas : privates, 4. Maryland : Lieutenant McCrea ; 
privates, 27. Lower counties : privates, 2. Pennsylvania: 
Ensign Noller; privates, 18. The loss of men in this 
engagement was computed to be 270 : about 540 returned. 
The force that went to view the fort, and the way 
leading to it, under the command of Major Grant and 
Major Lewis, were to be sustained by Lieutenant-Colonel 
Dagworthy of the Maryland provincials. According to 
this, the loss and overthrow of these forces was owing, 
under the permission of Providence, to Major Grant's too 
hasty and unguarded conduct ; which should move all 
others in like cases to use [the] utmost caution and 
circumspection in advancing against an enemy or storm- 
ing their strongholds, without knowing their strength, and 
power to resist.* 

While the army lay at Loyal Hanning, parties of Indians 
were hovering about the encampment. One party attacked 
the grass-guard, or that watched the horses, and killed 
two of them, but had not time to scalp them : however, 
they carried off five or six of the camp-horses, and 
killed as many. After some stay the army made at 
Loyal Hanning, the general decamped from thence, and 
marched toward Du Quesne ; but, while they were at 
some distance from the fort, an Indian that had been 
ranging in the woods met the general, and informed him 
that he saw a mighty smoke arise at or near the place 
where the fort stood. Immediately upon this intelligence, 

* See Pennsylvania Gazette, Sept. 28, 1758; Boston Gazette, Oct. 9, 1758. 

61 



482 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

the general ordered a party of horse to move forward, 
and make discovery. When they came there, they found 
the fort consumed by the flames, and the fire not wholly 
extinguished, and the French and Indians all fled. So this 
fort, that had been a terror to the Southern Governments 
from the time of General Braddock's defeat, as before is 
shown, is now entered without the least opposition. 

By some later intelligence relating to this action, it [is] 
said that Major Grant and Major Lewis, with Captain 
Hugh McKinsey and Ensign Noller, with about 30 others, 
were taken prisoners in this engagement, and carried into 
Fort Du Quesne ; and some of them after sent to Canada, 
— viz., the majors, and Captain [Mc]Kinsey : so that 
the loss on our side was not quite so great as at first 
was reported. However, the killed, upon the whole, 
are computed to be 236. 

On the latter end of September, 1758, one Walter Bell 
and his son were killed and scalped by the Indians in 
Hanover Township, in Lancaster County, at the south- 
ward. 

An extract of the Captivity of Robert Eastburn, of 
Philadelphia, who was taken by the Indians at the west- 
ward, — near Captain Williams's Fort, at the Carrying 
Place, — in his way to Oswego, March 26, 1756 ; but not 
published till the year 1758: He was going with about 
30 tradesmen more. They came there the evening before ; 
but, as there was not room in the fort, they took their 
lodging in an Indian house near by. About 10 o'clock 
next day, a negro man came running along the road, 
and reported that their sleigh-men were all taken by the 
enemy. Captain Williams, upon hearing this, sent a 
sergeant and 12 men to know the truth of it. Eastburn, 
thinking himself not safe at the Indian house in- case 
of an attack, asked the captain if he would take company : 
he replied, with all his heart. He fell into the rear 
with his arms, and marched after them. When they 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 4$S 

had advanced about a quarter of a mile, he heard a shot, 
followed with the doleful cries of a dying man ; which 
moved him to advance forward, and discover the enemy, 
who, he soon perceived, were prepared to receive them. 
In this difficult situation, seeing a large pine-tree near, he 
repaired to it for shelter. While the enemy were viewing 
his party, supposing he had fair shot for killing two at 
once, [he] quickly discharged at them ; but did not know 
till afterwards what execution he had done. His company 
also discharged, and retreated. Seeing himself in danger 
to be surrounded, he was obliged to make his retreat a 
different way ; and, to his great surprise, fell into a deep 
mire. The enemy, by following his track in a light snow, 
soon found him, and constrained him to surrender: they 
stood ready to drive their darts through his body, in case 
he refused to deliver up his arms. Presently after he was 
taken, a great number gathered round him, and stripped 
him of his clothing [and] hat, so that he had nothing left 
but a flannel vest without sleeves ; put [a rope] about his 
neck ; bound his arms fast behind him ; put a long band 
about his body, and a heavy pack on his back ; and struck 
him a severe blow on his head, and drove him through the 
woods before them. Such a condition must be concluded 
very distressing. In this sorrowful condition (as he relates 
it), he looked up to God for help. Soon after, 17 or 18 
prisoners were added to their number, one of which told 
him that the Indians had told to some of their chiefs that 
he had killed one and wounded another of them ; and he 
feared they would kill him. Hereupon he considered 
that the hearts of all are in God's hand, and they could 
do nothing to him without His permission. 

The enemy inquired of him the strength of Captain 
Williams's fort. He gave them such an account, as, he 
apprehended, was a means of discouragement to them. 

In this time they drew up a conclusion to destroy 
Bull's Fort, at the head of Wood Creek : which they soon 



484 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

effected, putting all the people [to] the sword, except five 
persons ; burnt the fort, provisions, and powder, except 
a little of the last for their own use. They then retired 
into the woods to join their main body, which consisted 
of about 400 French and 300 Indians, commanded by 
one of principal note in Quebec. When they were got 
together, having a priest with them, they fell on their 
knees, and, after their manner, gave thanks for the victory 
obtained. Though this act of devotion, we may conclude, 
was performed, in answer to the Romish superstitions, 
yet, as the author observes, it may fill profane, pretended 
Protestants with shame, who, instead of acknowledging 
God and his providence in their military undertakings, are 
so frequently reproaching him with oaths and curses. 

The enemy had several wounded among both French 
and Indians : these they carried on their backs. They 
had about 15 killed; and we, 40. It being near night, 
and some of the Indians drunk, they marched about four 
miles, and then encamped. The Indians untied his arms ; 
cut hemlock-boughs, and strewed round the fire ; tied his 
band to two trees, with his back on the green boughs by 
the fire ; covered him with an old blanket ; and lay down 
across his band, on each side, to prevent his escape while 
they slept. In this time they consulted the taking and 
destroying Oswego ; which they afterwards effected, to 
the shame of some, whose province it was to have been 
there long before to defend it ; and the great and incon- 
ceivable loss to the country, as an important fortress for 
our defence against the enemy, and trade with the Indians 
in the English interest. When they were encamped in 
the evening, the commanding officer ordered the Indians 
to bring him to his tent ; and asked him, by an interpreter, 
whether he thought General Johnson would follow them. 
He replied, he thought not, but that he would go to 
Oswego. This he said upon prior information, — as he 
relates it, — and also to prevent them from putting their 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 485 

purpose in execution. He took this opportunity to ac- 
quaint the general that the Indians had stripped him 
of his clothes, and desired he might be relieved in that 
case. He replied, he should have clothes when he came 
to Canada ; but cold comfort for one ready to freeze with 
the cold. A strong guard was set over [the] prisoners 
every night, lest they should make their escape. The 
prisoners were so divided among the Indians, that but 
few could converse together : and, what was still more 
disagreeable, an Indian, who had a large bunch of green 
scalps taken off the heads of his company, marched 
before him, and another, with a sharp spear, behind him, 
to drive him forward ; by which means, the scalps came 
near to his nose and face very often. 

After seven days' march, they arrived at Lake Ontario, 
and fed on horse-flesh ; which had a very sweet and 
pleasant relish, as he said. He was almost naked all this 
time ; travelling through deep snow, and passing through 
rivers, as the waters, at such times, were exceeding cold. 
One of his company, weakened with his wounds, and loss 
of blood, became unable to travel, and keep pace with 
them: they killed and scalped him in the road. This 
added to the bunch of scalps, and to his affliction. 
Here, and in many other parts of his narrative, he makes 
very religious and instructive reflections on the all-wise 
dealings of Providence in this his distressed condition, 
with becoming acknowledgments of the goodness of God, 
appearing for him in every instance and article of his 
miserable state. He, being in a manner naked, and the 
season very cold, applied to a French trader among the 
Indians for some clothing to keep him [from] perishing ; 
but to no purpose. 

It was observed, that, after seven days' march, they 
arrived at Lake Ontario. Here, after some time, they had 
a good supply of provisions ; which occasioned much 
joy, for they had been in great want. At this lake 



486 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

(according to his account) the River St. Lawrence takes 
its rise, through several islands ; by which means, they 
that pass it are under no necessity of coming in sight 
of Frontenac. In passing down the river, it is slack or 
smooth water from thence to Oswegatchie ; or, as called 
by the French, La Gallette. But from thence to Mont Real 
it is more rapid, with a number of swift streams ; though 
not dangerous for bateaux or birch canoes, provided the 
steersmen are skilful and acquainted, as there are some 
places shallow, and others where the water is swift in its 
motion. The French, in carry [ing] up their provision 
and stores, are constrained very often to unlade their 
bateaux, and carry their loading by land, and haul 
their boats up by the river's side till they come to slack 
water ; and then load their bateaux again. There are 
several of these carrying-places, but mostly short. The 
land on both sides the [river] appears fertile, the greatest 
part of the way from the lake ; but, the nearer to Mont 
Real, more miry and stony. The timber is white-pine, 
ash, maple, hickory, beech, hemlock, spruce: from the 
lake about 150 miles down, plenty of white-oak ; but, at 
Mont Real, none of that kind. But to return. 

Still passing through great difficulties, under hunger, 
nakedness, and cold, thus wet also and weary, in their 
travels he came to a French house, where he met with the 
Indian he had wounded ; who, as he supposed, told 
the Frenchman the story of his wounding him at the first 
onset. They presently set on him, and stripped off his 
flannel vest, which was his all, — the Frenchman assisting 
with as great violence as the Indian, — and then command- 
ed [him] to dance and sing, as their custom is with poor 
prisoners ; which he declined ; — then ordered him to be 
shaven ; as they hate to see long beards, the Indians 
having none ordinarily. He was then a little pacified ; 
" the woman of the house pitying me under my cruel and 
hard usage." Now eight prisoners were added to their 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 487 

number. The Indians ordered them all to be painted, 
and go with their heads uncovered, that the paint might 
not wear off or be hid : his great antagonist painted him, 
and put a belt of wampum about his neck, instead of the 
rope he had worn 400 miles. They then set out for 
Conasadauga, - — this town lies about 30 miles north-west 
from Mont Real, — where [they] were no sooner landed but 
a large number of Indians encompassed them, and ordered 
the prisoners to dance, and sing the prisoners' song ; which 
he still declined, as at the first. At the conclusion, the 
Indians gave a shout, and then opened the ring to let 
the prisoners run ; and then fell on them with their fists, 
and knocked some of them down as they ran. In the 
mean time, one ran before to an Indian house which was 
open ; and then they beat them no more at that time. 
Here the squaws gave them boiled corn and beans to eat, 
and the privilege of a fire to warm them. He after was 
sent to a place called Cohnewago, with some Indians to 
guard him ; who, when they came near the place, made 
their usual shout, signifying they had a prisoner: upon 
which the whole town arose to welcome him, as then 
he had no prisoner with him in company. When they 
came near the shore, a stout Indian took hold of him, 
and hauled him into the water about knee-deep, which 
was very cold. He was soon encompassed with about 
500 Indians, as he thought, dancing and singing : [they] 
gave a shout, and then opened the ring to let him run. 
About 150 young fellows stood ready to pelt him, as 
he ran, with dirt and gravel-stones. An Indian, seeing 
him run, met and held him, to give them further oppor- 
tunity to pelt him as before. This was more affecting 
than the former : for a small stone in the mud and dirt 
hit him in his eye, that he could hardly see the way 
as he ran ; and it was also very painful. However, he 
discovered an Indian house with the door open : he ran 
into it for shelter. This seemed not a sufficient retreat ; 



488 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

for the Indians attempted to haul him out, and renew 
their insults and cruel treatment on him : but the Indian 
women had pity on him, and interceded, so that it was 
prevented ; and gave him water to wash off the mud and 
dirt from his face, and gave him some corn and beans 
to eat. After this, he was sent, under the care of some 
Indians, 200 miles up the stream of St. Lawrence River, 
to be adopted by an old Indian and his squaw ; but, not 
willing to go to mass, they discarded him. He returned 
to Mont Real, where he was when the prisoners were 
brought from Oswego, among whom was his son, taken 
there ; who, seeing his father, was greatly surprised, 
supposing he had been killed at the first onset with the 
Indians, when so many of the company were killed. He 
after, with much difficulty, got with his son to Quebec, 
and from thence to England, after to Boston, and from 
thence home to Philadelphia. He was taken March 27, 
1756; and returned home, November 26, 1757. Those 
that want a more particular account of his hardships and 
travels in the time of his captivity, I refer to his own 
narrative, published in the year 1758.* 

To return to the slaughters committed by our French 
and Indian enemies. 

At the westward, in Ulster County, on the 2d of 
November, two families were attacked by the Indians. 
Though in a thick-settled part of the country, they mur- 
dered them all, except one person that escaped ; the 
number uncertain. 

About 100 Indians appeared at the Oneidan Station. 
They killed only one man, and went off. 

About the beginning of October, this year 1758, the 
grand king, or sachem, of the Oneidas, — a tribe of Indians 



* This narrative was first published at Philadelphia in 1758, with a Preface by Rev. 
Gilbert Tenncnt; and reprinted in Boston . the same "year. It may be found entire in 
Dodsley's Annual Register for 1758, pp. 301-306; and also in Drake's Indian Antiquities, 
pp. 26. : )-2*3. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 489 

so called, — who was with our forces at the taking [of] 
Frontenac Fort, and being at the Oneida Carrying-place, 
he appeared to be a serious and religious person, as he 
seemed to have a pious disposition, and turn of mind, 
and was much in prayer, — talking much of heaven and a 
future state; manifesting regard to the English cause, — 
saying, if we went on praying, the land would be ours ; 
giving all tokens of friendship ; promising his utmost 
endeavors to help us against our enemies ; and said, 
if he heard of any thing tending to our injury, he would 
let us know it. About one o'clock, he took leave of the 
gentlemen at the encampment; but, before he had got 
half a mile from them, he was shot down dead. He went 
away with three others in company with him. One was 
taken, and carried off: the other two escaped safe to 
the camp, which was alarmed, and a party sent out in 
quest of the enemy ; but they could not overtake them. 
However, they found the great king, or sagamore, scalped, 
and brought him into the fort. • The general ordered a 
coffin to be made for him, and gave his wife fine linen 
to lay him out in. He took leave of them on Friday; 
and, Saturday afternoon, was decently buried, with the 
discharge of three cannon by the general's order, the In- 
dians performing their ceremonies after their manner. 
The Oneidas were enraged, and determined to have 
satisfaction for so great a loss. 

The same afternoon, an Indian who belonged to Major 
Ingersol gave relation, that he was taken at Lake George 
in 1747, and now made his escape from the party that 
killed the king ; and, when he was taken, they carried him 
to Canada, and that [he] had lived with the Indians ever 
since. That the above party consisted of 100, and but five 
Frenchmen with them : and that they could have killed 
several of our men; but they did not want to do that, 
having got the scalp of him they aimed at, — probably on 
account of his strong attachment to the English. 

62 



490 Giles's history of the 

In the beginning of October, the Indians burnt an 
house in Swatara, and killed one man, and three were 
missing. The people, in searching for the enemy, 
found two boys tied to a tree, — it's likely, with design 
that they should there starve to death ; but [they] were 
released. 

We come now to the year 1759. Near the latter end 
of January, Captain Josiah Beale, in a schooner from 
Louisburg, some time after he came out, put into [a] 
cove near the Bay of Fundy, where lay a small schooner, 
in order to get some water ; which they procured with 
safety. The next day, the mate, with a boy belonging to 
the schooner, went on shore a-gunning. Soon after, they 
heard the firing of some guns ; and 13 Indians, with 
the boy their prisoner, appeared (the mate being killed), 
coming down to the water-side, and demanded one of the 
vessels, but were denied. Nine Indians then came off in 
two canoes and a boat, and attacked the vessels. The 
boat in which the boy was with three Indians came under 
Captain Beale's stern ; who, with small arms and ballast- 
stones, killed two of them, and then hauled the boat 
alongside of the schooner, and wounded the other Indian ; 
who first struck his hatchet into the boy's head, and then 
jumped into the water ; and a large dog on board Captain 
Beale's immediately jumped after him, seized him by his 
neck, and soon despatched him. The boy was taken out 
of the boat alive, but soon after died. 

Commodore Keppel, with a small squadron under his 
command, attacked the fortifications on the island Goree, 
on the 29th of December, 1758; and, after a smart can- 
nonading [of] about two hours, the island was surrendered. 
This place, before this, has been of great importance to the 
French. It is situated near the African coast, and is said 
to be but about two leagues west of Cape Verd. 

It may be remembered, that we left Guadaloupe under 
the successful acquisitions of Commodore Moore and 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 491 

Major-General Hopson ; to which I now return. A part 
of their force (as was said) were sent round on the back 
parts of the island, in order to subdue them, and prevent 
their communication or supplies from other parts, and 
bring the governor out of Doudon [Dieudon] his strong- 
hold in the mountain, or high eminence, and in a sort 
inaccessible, as the French apprehended. Here they also, 
under much fatigue, and opposition of the enemy, were, 
in Providence, made successful. About the middle of 
February, the cannonading began at Fort Lewis, at ten 
in the morning ; and, at five in the afternoon, the French 
ceased firing, and hoisted the English colors in order 
to a surrender : and [the fort] was accordingly given into 
the possession of our forces, with the town, and all the 
batteries in the neighborhood of Point Petre. The town, 
but small, was reduced to ashes, and the country ravaged 
and destroyed by the privateers. The loss on our side, 
in recovering this fort, was but about 10 or 12 men: 
the loss of the enemy was not known. They took 50 
prisoners ; and the rest, as was supposed, escaped into the 
inland part of the island. They had 40 cannon mounted 
in the fort. In order to reduce this people to the obe- 
dience of the English crown, and prevent the effusion 
of more blood, the general and commodore wrote to the 
governor and inhabitants, that, if they would surrender, 
they should be protected in the free enjoyment of their 
houses, lands, moneys, and effects, as before : this was 
done at their first landing ; which the governor secreted ; 
which occasioned them to publish the like declaration 
both to the governor and inhabitants, and to free negroes 
and mulattoes, that behaved according to the conditions 
above ; but, if they refused the privileges offered them, 
they might depend on military execution : and gave 
them 12 days' time to resolve them. 

From Basseterre all along to a place called Englishman's 
Head, the privateers burnt, plundered, and destroyed all 



492 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

before them ; and the whole coast of Guadaloupe [was] 
laid open, so that all the traders in North America and 
elsewhere might have free resort thither, without danger 
of the inhabitants. 

About the beginning of March, Major-General Hopson, 
who had the command of the land-forces at Guadaloupe, 
died there, and was succeeded in the like command by 
Major-General Barrington. The corpse of General Hopson 
was carried to Antigua, and interred. 

The whole Island of Guadaloupe was subjected to the 
English crown. The people there were to enjoy their 
rights and privileges as before ; such as quietly surren- 
dered themselves paying to the crown of England as they 
were wont to that of France. The governor, with many 
others, swore allegiance to our king, and laid down their 
arms ; as all did, but a few desperate fellows that betook 
themselves to the woods, — three of which they took, and 
hanged for an example to others : and transports were 
provided for such as chose rather to go to Martinico. The 
French governor — in his stronghold at Dieudon, before 
mentioned — having sent to Martinico for assistance of men 
and provisions, which was denied, therefore consented to 
come into terms of capitulation ; and, as an engagement 
to the faithful performance of the conditions when come 
into, sent hostages to General Barrington, as a proof 
of his good intentions. And it was very remarkable in 
Providence, for the prevention of the shedding much 
blood ; for the articles of the capitulation, and terms 
therein contained, had not been completed above five 
hours, before 500 men were brought from Martinico by 
the privateers, and landed on Guadaloupe. 

Upon which, General Barrington sent immediate notice 
to the French governor, that, unless these men directly 
re-embarked, he would put, not only his hostages, but 
every Frenchman that was his prisoner, to death. This 
message had its desired effect. They immediately re- 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 493 

embarked, and gave to our forces the quiet and peaceable 
possession of this fine island. 

The articles of capitulation were as follows : — 

" The inhabitants are to be disarmed, and remain perfectly neuter 
during the war ; and at the peace, if the island be ceded to Great 
Britain, the inhabitants to enjoy all the privileges of the rest of the 
British islands. The English forces to be put in possession of all the 
forts [and] batteries, and to establish garrisons [and] rebuild barracks 
wherever they find it necessary for the security and protection of this 
their new conquest. All the produce of the island to be shipped to 
England in British bottoms ; and the inhabitants to have no commerce 
with any other nation, and to pay the same duties to the King of England 
as were paid to the French king. All public acts are to be in the name 
of his Britannic majesty, and all public officers to be appointed by him. 
The inhabitants are to enjoy the free and public exercise of their 
religion, laws, and customs. No strangers are allowed to possess any 
house or land, by purchase, grant, or otherwise, till peace." 

In consequence of this capitulation, signed May 2d, 1759, 
most of the inhabitants of the island have laid down their 
arms ; and the rest have agreed to do the like with all con- 
venient speed, — unless some few desperate fellows, as be- 
fore is hinted. And, as a confirmation of all the above arti- 
cles, the Governor of Guadaloupe, with a great number of 
the inhabitants, swore allegiance to his Britannic majesty. 

Lieutenant -Colonel Crump is appointed Governor of 
Guadaloupe, by General Barrington, till his majesty's 
pleasure is known ; and to have a garrison of three 
regiments under his command. 

It was also agreed, that the French people in Guada- 
loupe were to pay to the English twenty pounds sterling 
per head for each negro. The greatest part of them, it 
was said, were very well satisfied in coming under an 
English government ; and said, if they had known General 
Barrington would have used them so generously, they 
would sooner have submitted than they did.* 

* See Jefferys' Natural and Civil History c° the French Dominions in North and South 
America, part ii. pp. 106-110. 



494 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

Major Rogers, with a scouting company, — consisting 
of about 358, officers included, — marched over the lake ; 
and, not far from Ticonderoga Fort, discovered some of the 
enemy cutting wood. It being a very sharp, cold season, 
several of them were frozen, — some in one, some in 
another part; so that 23 were sent back under the care 
of a sergeant, with orders to return with them to Fort 
Edward. The major, with those that were with him 
(as he had left several of his company under advantageous 
situations for his purpose, as he thought), these with [him] 
stripped off their blankets, and ran upon the working 
party suddenly, and took seven prisoners and four scalps, 
and killed several others as they were retreating to the 
fort; from whence the regulars, Canadians, and Indians 
soon issued out, but were soon repulsed. After two 
or three hot skirmishes, our men drew off, without any 
farther opposition ; the enemy not daring to pursue [them]. 
In these skirmishes, they had two rangers and one regular 
killed, and one Indian badly wounded. They concluded 
that they had killed 30 of the enemy. 

Not long after this action of Major Rogers, a French 
deserter [came] to some of [our] encampments toward the 
lake, and reported that the French had a scout out against 
us, and another preparing for the like purpose. But, 
when they heard what Rogers had done, their scheme 
was disconcerted : those abroad returned, and the others 
remained quiet in their stations. 

As Major Rogers was going to Wood Creek with a 
party of 72 men, on [the] 11th of April, he discovered 
a party — about 150 — of the enemy, French and Indians ; 
who gave him the first fire, killed two and wounded four 
of his party, and then made off. He pursued them till 
the 13th, but did not overtake them. 

At Chignecto, in the eastward, a number of men, being 
out in the woods in the latter end of April, discovered the 
bodies of seven of our men, miserably mangled. They 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 495 

were supposed to belong to a scout of 10 men, that went 
out the January before, and had not been heard of. The 
other three were supposed to be carried captive. 

On the 25th of March, 1759, Colonel Mercer, with 200 
men, marched from Pittsburg — formerly Du Quesne — for 
Venango, in order to remove the French from that post; 
and sent Captain Clayton at the same time, with 50 men 
in 10 bateaux, to join him at Venango, with provision 
and stores. The river was so raised by extraordinary 
rain at that time, that they got but about 20 miles in 
three days. About 10 in the morning, [the] 28th day, 
they were fired on from the banks of the river, and all the 
men in one of the bateaux were killed or wounded. The 
rest pushed to an island in the river, and landed ; where 
they heard whooping and firing on both sides the river. 
This, with the abundance of water in the river, occasioned 
them to return. [They] sent after Colonel Mercer, 
[and] acquainted him with their disaster, who had got 
in march about 45 miles ; who also returned. On the 
30th day, they saw the bateau they left behind come 
floating down the river, with the fiYe men in it, all killed 
and scalped ; but one of them, though scalped, was alive, 
but soon after died. 

Some time about the middle of April, a party of Indians 
and French came near Fort Ligonier, formerly Loyal 
Hanning, and carried off 16 horses; and four men were 
also taken captive, and one man killed and scalped. 

Here follows a very tragical and surprising though 
brief account of a cruel and barbarous murder committed 
about this time. One Dyer, of Stafford in Connecticut, 
had lived with his wife several years without any children ; 
which seemed to be some occasion of difference between 
them. He was something choleric and hasty in his 
temper, but generally kept himself under a tolerable 
restraint ; and was in some considerable esteem among 
his neighbors, as he was at this time one of the selectmen 



496 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

of [the] town. However, it seems he had given some of 
them ground of suspicion that he had stolen hay from 
some of them ; upon which they went to his house on 
the 8th day of April to confer with him for an accommo- 
dation of that affair. The circumstances appeared very 
suspicious against him. His wife seemed to join with 
the neighbors in her suspicion also ; upon which he 
uttered some reflecting expressions on her barrenness, 
with resentment. In his and the neighbors' further 
conversation together in the evening, his wife said she 
had a remarkable dream the night before. He asked her 
what it was. She replied, that she dreamt she was in 
paradise, and was greatly delighted there. " Well," re- 
plied her husband, " your dream shall be verified before 
morning." The neighbors took no notice then of the 
expression, but went off, and left him and his wife 
together ; there being, at that time, no other person in 
the house. 

The next morning, one of the neighbors, having busi- 
ness with Mr. Dyer, went to his house, and found the 
door shut; knocked; but, not hearing any person stir, 
he staid till late in the afternoon, and then went again. 
The doors being still shut, he staid, and went again, and 
knocked, as before ; but, hearing no answer, he opened 
the door, and went in. But what a shocking appearance 
presented itself ! — the poor woman lying in a corner of 
the house, dead; and [the] man also hanging and dead. 
The man was so surprised, that he ran out, and called 
several of his neighbors. They went to the house, and 
found the woman jammed to pieces, in a manner, with 
a mall — as they apprehended — which was lying on the 
floor; her skull much broken, her brains spattered on 
the walls and ceiling of the room ; and it seemed to the 
spectators that she had been dragged about the floor, 
and miserably massacred, after she was dead. The 
beads of her necklace were beaten into the flesh of her 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 497 

neck, and one of the drops of her ear-ring was buried a 
considerable depth under her jaw. 

As for the man, he had taken a sheet and some other 
linen, — which were lying by her, — with design, as was 
thought, to wrap her in them, in order to conceal her; 
which had the marks of his cruel hands, that had so bar- 
barously been imbrued in his wife's blood : but, probably 
despairing of concealing this his horrid and matchless 
murder, aud likely, by this time, under the amazing 
terrors of an awakened conscience, hanged himself; as 
he was found hanging by a cord fastened to the ceiling 
near the bed's side, with one leg on the bed, in a kneel- 
ing posture, and the other off from the bed. His body 
was stooping forward : his skull was broken. It's hard to 
conceive how this was done, unless he did it before he 
leaned hard on the cord about his neck, with the mall 
found lying by him. This woman was in good esteem, 
among her neighbors, for agreeableness of temper, and 
hopeful piety. 

As there had been a plan laid by the crown of Great 
Britain for the reduction of Cape Breton and Canada, 
[the] scheme was accordingly pursued, in the year 1758, 
by sending a fleet of men-of-war, with transports, for that 
purpose ; but the siege and recovery of Cape Breton, 
before related, took up so much time of the season for 
action of that kind, that it was thought impracticable to 
adventure an expedition into that cold climate so late in 
the year. The ships-of-war, therefore, dispersed : some 
returned to Europe with some of the land-force, and the 
other part wintered in several ports in the country, as 
before is related. 

However, as the scheme was laid for the recovery 
of Canada, early in the spring [of] 1759 there came a fine, 
and perhaps the finest, fleet of ships of the line that had 
ever appeared on the New-England shore, consisting of 
25 ships of the line with those that had wintered here, 

63 



498 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

11 frigates, and 7 fire-ships and bomb-ketches, besides 
a large number of transports, under the command of 
Admiral Saunders, and General Wolfe of the land-army, 
who was second to General Amherst, the last year, at the 
reduction of Cape Breton. 

At this time, two expeditions were formed by General 
Amherst, who had now the whole command of the militia 
throughout the English Provinces and Governments in 
North America, — one against Ticonderoga ; and the other 
against Niagara, another French fort, on the other side 
of the lake, opposite to Oswego. To that of Ticonderoga 
the general took the command ; and embarked, with his 
part of the army, for Ticonderoga, July 21, at the south 
end of Lake George. The next day, the troops landed at 
the other end of the lake, with but very little opposition, 
or rather none ; for they saw neither Frenchman nor 
Indian at their landing. The troops lay on their arms 
all night, and, early on the 23d day, proceeded on their 
march ; and the general took possession of the ground 
in the forenoon, — the enemy having abandoned their 
post the night before, without destroying [it.] The 
general, having reconnoitred the place, ordered trenches 
to be opened, and batteries to be made ; which were 
finished the 26th, and were designed to be opened early 
the next morning. In this time the enemy kept a constant 
fire, and killed some of our men, among which were two 
officers; viz., Colonel Townsend, a gentleman of high 
esteem in the army, — and, by all that knew him, his 
death is greatly regretted and lamented, — and one Ensign 
Harrison, if I mistake not the name. The colonel was 
killed by a cannon-ball from the fort.* 

A detachment of the artillery was ordered from the 
Landing-place, with four pieces of cannon, to guard 
the most advanced posts then in our hands. About two 

* See Holmes's Annals, edition of 1829, vol. ii. pp. 88, 89, and Note. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 



499 



miles from Ticonderoga, the enemy had gotten posses- 
sion of a hill near to our men, from whence they fired, 
and wounded some few in the breastwork; but were 
dispersed in the morning, when our men discovered a 
mighty fire at the fort, which made them conclude the 
enemy had abandoned it; but soon found it to be only 
some huts and outhouses. 

All hands were then ordered up as quick as possible, 
and soon took possession of the lines that proved so 
fatal to our men the last year ; which the enemy had 
not force sufficient to defend, therefore retreated as 
soon as our men appeared. And, from the fort, imme- 
diately began such a smart and violent cannonading, so 
that there was not a man in the whole army in any 
appearance of safety, nor could get a wink of sleep, 
for shot and shells falling in a manner everywhere, 
particularly among the regulars : the provincials were en- 
camped at a greater distance. The engineer had but just 
finished the first batteries of cannon the last night, which 
were to be mounted, by one o'clock in the morning, with 
six 24-pounders and two howitzer mortars : but, behold ! 
about 10 o'clock at night, the fort appeared in flames, 
and the enemy fled toward Crown Point ; but our men 
had got some boats into Wood Creek, and three pieces 
of cannon planted at the water-side, at about a mile 
distant from the fort, toward Crown Point, — which the 
enemy were not aware of before, — by which they suffered 
much damage in their hasty, precipitant flight. 

Thus our troops, after the fatigue of about four days, 
took a full and quiet possession of Ticonderoga Fort, 
where so many lives the last year were so miserably lost 
through misconduct or cowardice, or both. 

About nine o'clock of the 26th, at night, the French set 
fire to the fort, on purpose totally to destroy it ; but were 
disappointed, for but a small part was hurt by their fire 
put to consume it ; by which it wants but little repairing 



500 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

to render it in the like good condition as 'twas before. 
The commander of this fort was Monsieur Bompart, — 
brother, it is said, to Admiral Bompart, that commanded 
a French squadron this summer at Martinico, at the time 
when Admiral Moore was recovering Guadaloupe. If I 
mistake not, the same day that General Amherst with his 
troops embarked for Ticonderoga, this Bompart drew off, 
whose garrison at that time consisted of 2 or 3,000 men, 
and left only 400 to defend it, — most likely, for the 
defence of Quebec, at this time besieged by the British 
troops. The loss of men in the recovery of this fort was 
twenty, and about as many wounded. The enemy went 
off in such a surprise and hurry as to leave twenty of their 
company on the shore, and as many cannon in the fort. 

The troops that went against Ticonderoga consisted of 
9,500 men; or full out 10,000, as some said. 

Soon after our troops had taken possession of Ticonde- 
roga, General Amherst had intelligence that the French 
had evacuated Crown-Point Fort also, and were gone to 
Quebec ; upon which he marched with a body of his 
troops thither, and found the French commander had 
destroyed, and, as some said, had blown up the fort, and 
on the 31st of July, this year 1759, with the garrison under 
his command, [had] retired to St. John's, at the other 
end of the lake. , They were judged to consist of 2,000, 
300 of which were Indians. General Amherst appointed 
a thanksgiving in the camp on the 29th of July, for the 
success of the army against Ticonderoga. It was said 
that the French kept the Indians among them continually 
drunk, that they [might not] desert from them. 

Our men found sunk in the lake, near the fort, several 
pieces of cannon, shot, [and] shells. Their next movement 
was to St. John's Fort, which is but about 15 miles across 
to Mont Real. Our men, soon after taking possession 
of Crown Point, set about rebuilding, and repairing the 
damage done it by the French before they left it. It 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 501 

was concluded that their sudden remove, and the injury 
done to the fort, was owing to an apprehension that they 
should not be able to withstand the force of our troops, 
which they daily expected to make a descent on them 
from Ticonderoga. Thus that of Du Quesne, and this 
of Crown Point, that had for many years been so much a 
terror to the Governments nearest adjoining, have favora- 
bly, we hope, fallen into our hands without bloodshed or 
hostile attacks. It was said, the enemy that deserted 
Crown Point had encamped on an island about nine miles 
distant from St. John's Fort. 

I come next to consider the plan of operation as it 
was conducted against Niagara under the command of 
General Prideaux. These troops marched somewhat 
sooner than those designed against Ticonderoga, as Nia- 
gara was at a greater distance. However, they landed on 
the 6th of July, within three miles of the fort; towards 
which the Indians, consisting of about 900, with the light 
infantry, immediately marched to reconnoitre the ground. 
The French made a small sally ; but our Indians charged 
them so closely, that they soon retired. In this skirmish, 
one of our men [was] slightly wounded with a cannon-ball, 
and a youth, one of the Mohawks, killed. Our troops 
here, as well as at Ticonderoga, [were] without observa- 
tion, and consequently free from opposition from the 
enemy, until the small skirmish before hinted, in which 
they took six prisoners. By them they were informed, 
that the garrison consisted of 600 men, [and] 200 that 
got in since, — which made them 800 strong in the fort. 
They had a schooner and a sloop in the harbor. The 
schooner mounted 10 carriage-guns, and kept a constant 
fire at our bateaux ; but, as they were in a good harbor, 
they did them but little damage. 

Our men soon began to open theix trenches within 200 
yards of the fort, where they opened two batteries, and 
mounted two 18-pounders, two brass twelves, four sixes, 



502 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

and four royal howitzers of eight inches ; and played 
upon the fort three days with eight pieces of cannon, and 
set several of their buildings on fire. The enemy had 
fired after the siege began, as was supposed, at least 600 
cannon-balls, and thousands of small arms ; and had killed 
only three men, and wounded about 20, at the 16th 
day. Among the wounded is Captain Williams, the head 
engineer, badly; and Lieutenants Allyn and Penistone 
slightly. 

General Prideaux was killed suddenly [by the] bursting 
of a cohorn ; and in his pocket was found a written order 
for General Johnson to take the command of the army, 
in which he engaged. And, the next day after the 
general's death, the French commander sent out terms 
of capitulation ; which was, as was said, to pass out under 
the honors of war. To which General Johnson sent an 
absolute denial; and, withal, sent for answer, that he 
would accept of no other terms [than] that of prisoners of 
war, — for, as his Indians had invested the fort, they had 
no way of escape, nor room to expect any succor, — and 
also, if they destroyed any part of the fort, stores, ammu- 
nition, or cannon, he would give them no quarter. The 
garrison was surrendered on [the] 25th ; and on the 26th 
our troops entered, and took possession of the fort, — the 
same day the French evacuated Ticonderoga. The fort 
was very strong, and, 'tis said, had two years' provision 
and a great quantity of warlike stores in it. 

Colonel Johnson of the New-York Provincials, and 
thirty men, were killed ; and Colonel Theody and about 
100 wounded of the privates. There were several hand- 
some buildings in the fort, especially the governor's 
house, — three stories high, with sash-windows, — about 
45 feet in the front ; built of stone. 

It was said that the force that attacked our men at 
Oswego consisted of 1,500 regulars and Canadians, and 
250 Indians, commanded by Monsieur Le Corn, who was 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 503 

wounded with a grape-shot in his thigh. There were 800 
men in Niagara Fort when General Johnson invested it. 

Having given a brief account of the two foregoing 
expeditions before spoken of, — viz., that at Ticonderoga, 
and the other at Niagara, — and the remarkable smiles 
of Providence on our troops in the reduction of both 
these strongholds of the enemy on one and the same day, 
though at so great a distance from each other, we now 
come to take a view of the warlike operations of the 
third expedition ; though the last here, yet of greater 
importance than both the other, or indeed of all the French 
forts in this North America, except Cape Breton. 

The fleet being arrived, partly at Louisburg and others 
at Halifax, on the 7th of May, 1759, sailed for Halifax 
his majesty's ships the "Nightingale" and "Lizard," taking 
under their convoy a number of transport- ships, having 
Colonel Frazer's regiment and some others, in order to 
meet the troops bound to Quebec on the expedition. 
However, the fleet and troops, when completed in number, 
were constrained to delay their motion for some time, by 
reason of the abundance of ice in the River St. Lawrence. 
The ice being dissolved, they made the best of their way 
toward Quebec ; where they all safely arrived near to the 
fort, except three transports cast away in their passage. 
One of them got off : the other two were lost ; but their 
crews and cargoes were saved. 

General Wolfe landed with 10,000 men within gunshot 
of the fort, without any loss (some said, 8,000), on 'the 
beginning of July, 1759, in two divisions ; though the whole 
body, at their first landing, was on the Isle Orleans, so 
called, and on the western extremity of the island. But, 
not long after their landing, 4,000 decamped from Orleans, 
and landed on the north shore, whereon stands the city ; 
and without opposition, as was said, though the French 
had two large camps on the same ground. These (!) 
landed on another point, called Levi, or Leve. The same 



504 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

day, much firing was made by our frigates, and some shells 
thrown from our bomb-ketches, two of which were seen 
to fall in their camp, which put them into great confusion. 
The French fired smartly from the city on Point Levi, 
where our men were erecting a battery to play on the 
city ; and the French shot went over their heads, half a mile 
beyond our battery. The French wc m said to be 14,000 
strong, 4 or 5,000 of them regulars. Soon after a storm 
on the 27th of June, which lasted about 14 hours, which 
did considerable damage among the shipping in the road, 
the French sent down the river, with a fair wind and a 
strong ebb, seven fire-ships, all in flames : but, by the 
vigilance and dexterity of our seamen, [they] towed them 
clear of every ship in the fleet ; and [they] grounded on 
the shore, where they were consumed. The method they 
took was by going to windward, with long chains fastened 
to grapplings, and a rope tied to the other end of the 
chain ; and thus they towed them away, without any 
damage to any one vessel in the fleet. 

By after-intelligence on the affair of Niagara, in the time 
of the siege, General Johnson having information from 
his Indians of a large party of the enemy on their march 
from the Falls to relieve the fort, he made a disposition 
to prevent them. On the evening of the 23d, he ordered 
a party to lie on the left of the way leading from the Falls 
to the fort ; and re-enforced them in the morning of the 
24th with some grenadiers and part of the 46th regiment, 
the whole under the command of Lieutenant - Colonel 
Massey. About eight in the morning, the action began, 
— the troops on the front, and our Indians on their flank ; 
[and,] in less than an hour, the whole army of the enemy 
was broken. The pursuit continued near five miles ; and 
[we] took IT officers, among whom was Monsieur D'Au- 
brey, chief in command, wounded. After the defeat, 
which was in sight of the garrison, the general sent Major 
[" Harvey, with a trumpet, to the Governor of the fort, 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 505 

with a list of the seventeen officers taken prisoners, to 
exhort him to surrender, while he had it still in his power 
to restrain the Indians ; adding, that he was at liberty to 
send a person to see the officers, and satisfy himself with 
respect to the fact. Accordingly, an officer was dis- 
patched from the fort, and suffered to converse with Mr. 
D' Aubrey and the other prisoners. On his return, the 
Governor agreed to treat ; and the capitulation was signed 
that very night."*] 

In the beginning of April, 1759, Captain Richard 
Baran, the commander of the sloop " Dolphin," bound 
from Teneriffe to New York, in a hard gale of wind 
on his passage lost his sails and rigging, lying as a wreck 
on the seas 115 days; having no other sustenance but 
barnacles and grass growing on the sides of the vessel. 
In this extremity, after some time, he with his company, — 
all likely to perish together, — though with great re- 
luctance, despairing of any relief, came into conclusion, 
that it was necessary that one of them should die to 
save the lives of the rest ; and accordingly cast lots. 
He whose lot it was to die for the sake of the rest chose 
to be shot, and was so ; and by feeding on his flesh they 
were supported for some time, until it pleased God to send 
to their relief Captain Bradshaw, bound from Plymouth to 
Halifax, who took the survivors into his ship, and brought 
them to Halifax : and from thence Captain Baran came 
passenger in Captain Deane to Boston. 

I am uncertain what number of the company perished 
in this time of their extremity. 

But to return to the slaughters committed on us by 
the French and Indians. Some time in the beginning 
of April, Lieutenant Campbell, with 25 men and 25 oxen, 



* The above paragraph, being left unfinished bv the author, the narrative is completed 
by the insertion of the portion included in brackets, which is supplied from Wynne's 
General History of the British Empire in America, vol. ii. pp. 100, 101. 

64 



506 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

going to Pittsburg, was attacked by a party of the enemy 
about 15 miles from that fort, where 10 of his men were 
killed. He prudently retreated to a breastwork which our 
men had made in their former march ; which the enemy, 
after they had viewed, thought not proper to attack. 
He sent an express in the m'^ht to Colonel Mercer at 
Pittsburg, who ordered Captain Clayton with 50 men to 
re-enforce the guard ; by which the remainder of the 
party, and bullocks, got safe to the fort. Upon which, 
one Lieutenant Miles, with a party, pursued them beyond 
a place called the Forks of the Kiskeminetos ; but could 
not overtake them, and returned. 

On the 13th of April, a party of French and Indians 
came within a mile of Loyal Planning, and carried off a 
prisoner ; and the man in company made his escape by 
running. Near 30 sick men of that garrison, going down 
the country about four miles from thence, were attacked : 
their escorting or guarding party were beat off, and obliged 
to retreat. Those of the sick that had strength enough 
left crawled off as well as they could, and by it escaped ; 
but 11 of their company were killed and scalped by the 
barbarians. The bodies of the dead were buried the next 
day. 

About the middle of May, Mr. John Tiebout, belonging 
to New York, who went out a volunteer in defence of his 
country, was killed by the enemy in sight of Fort Edward ; 
and, about the same time, the Indians killed and scalped 
three of our men at Malagash, so called. One of the 
Indians concerned in this affair was supposed to be a 
prisoner at Malagash for two years before, [who] made his 
escape in the winter from Captain Gorham ; and, that he 
might be discovered to be one of the party that did this 
mischief, he left a cap, which Captain Gorharn had given 
him, near the bodies of the men they had killed. 

In the latter end of May, two men were killed by the 
enemy near Fort Edward. 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 507 

About this time also, a sergeant and 12 men of the late 
General Forbes's. regiment, — go^g from Stillwater to 
Scotticook to fetch some provisions, — in passing through 
the woods in their return, were fired on by a party of 
Indians before they saw them, [who] killed an officer and 
two men of the company. The remainder pursued the 
Indians, but could not overtake them. The officer's name 
was Watts : he was a lieutenant, and was returning to his 
camp. Two of the above party were wounded. 

Near about this time, one called little Wort, a peddler, 
commonly known by the name [of] Captain Wort, who 
kept a store at Fort Frederick, — he and three of his 
associates were all killed at Loyal Hanning. 

There also was advice from Winchester, May 28, 1759, 
by an express from Raystown, that, as 30 wagons were 
bringing up provisions with an escort or guard of an 
hundred men, they were attacked by about an hundred 
and fifty French and Indians, who killed and wounded 
30 of our people, destroyed the wagons, and carried off 
most of their provisions on their horses. In the latter 
end of May, one of .the rangers was found killed and 
scalped near Lake George. 

On June 16th, a man was killed and scalped at the 
place called the Half-moon. 

On June 10th, being sabbath- day, one Christopher 
Dyer of Casco Bay, skipper of a fishing- schooner, with 
six others, went ashore at the north-east side of the 
harbor to cut layers and brush to cure their fish on. 
About four miles from the town, they were surprised by 
a number of Indians that came suddenly on them, [who] 
killed and scalped five of them, and carried off a man 
and a boy. The bodies of the slain, of which the 
skipper was one, were brought the next day, and buried 
in the town. 

About the 8th of June, two bateaux, as they were 
going up the Mohawk Eiver, were attacked by a party 



508 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

of the enemy, [who] killed and scalped Alexander, John, 
and David Lewis, Jacobus Antis, Jacobus Cromwell, 
Jacobus Dewarken, Frederick Staring. One John Ox 
was missing, and only two that were in the bateaux 
escaped. The enemy afterwards sunk the bateaux, with 
two brass 12-pounders that were in them. A day or two 
after, they scalped a woman, and carried off a child and 
servant that were in company, between Fort Johnson 
and Schenectady: the woman lived till she got into 
Schenectady, but in great distress. There was after an 
account of 15 bateau-men being cut off, and a woman 
scalped; which probably arose from the above account 
just mentioned. Near this time also, a man was killed 
and scalped as he was working in a field, about seven 
miles from Albany : one in another field made his 
escape. 

About the middle of November, 1758, one Captain 
James Cox sailed from Louisburg with soldiers designed 
for St. John's : the whole number of men on board 
were 36. On the 28th of the same month, — it being 
then an extreme season and stormy weather, — they were 
cast away at Cape Selaware (]), on the main ; and, while 
they were on the rocks, seven of the company were 
drowned, among which his son was one. The rest with 
great difficulty got ashore, and endeavored to travel to 
Margomask ; but, after three days' travel, 22 of the com- 
pany were frozen to death, — and all the others except 
himself lost some of their limbs, — as they had been 
without fire and victuals all this time after they were 
cast away. After this, seven Indians appeared, threaten- 
ing to kill them with their spears ; but there was a 
French priest, who with much difficulty prevented their 
murderous purpose, and relieved them. Behold the 
wonders of God in his works, who, when he ordains life, 
appoints the instruments of death the means to effect 
it, as in this instance ! 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 509 

In the beginning of July, 1759, about 500 French and 
Indians had come down the Mohawk River, within a 
mile of Hirkerman's Fort* and had killed and scalped 
five persons. Our men took two of the Indians in the 
French interest, that were of the party that had done 
this mischief, and hanged them immediately. 

In the beginning of May in this year, in Rowan 
County in North Carolina, and upon the north borders 
of South Carolina, the Indians killed 17 or 18 of the 
English inhabitants ; which so alarmed the people in 
the frontier settlements in those quarters, that some, 
through fear of the enemy, declined tilling their land, 
and others endeavored to get into garrisons for security. 
This mischief was supposed by some to be done by a 
party of the Cherokee Indians, that had pretended great 
friendship to the English, and had received gifts and large 
presents from the public, as'well as private hands. 

And in the Yadkin Settlement, in Rowan County in 
North Carolina, a party of Indians came into the settle- 
ments about the Waxsaws, as it is called, and committed 
several murders. The militia were raised : and, in search- 
ing the houses where the Indians had been, they found 
18 of our people killed; and eight more were missing, 
supposed to be carried off. 

Brigadier- General Stanwix, who had the command of 
Fort Pittsburg this year, had a body of 5,800 men ; 
with part of which it was supposed he would attempt 
the reduction of the French fort at Venango, lying on the 
Ohio River, about 80 miles north of Pittsburg, formerly 
Du Quesne. 

July 2d, 16 of the Jersey Blues were sent without the 
camp to gather some brush for the general's baker. 
They were not an hour gone before they were surprised 
in sight of the camp, near Lake George, by a party of the 

* Fort Herkimer. 



510 NILES's HISTORY OF THE 

enemy, consisting of about 240 ; who killed and scalped 
six, wounded two, took four prisoners, and four escaped. 
They showed themselves plainly to the whole army ; and 
yet, according to report, had opportunity to scalp the 
men, and mangle their bodies by cutting pieces of flesh 
out of their necks, thigh ^ and legs. A large party 
pursued them, but too late : they were got off in their 
bateaux, which lay about two miles from the camp. 

When the army was marching against Niagara, at 
Oswego, Brigadier -General Prideaux left 1,000 men, 
under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Haviland, to 
guard the stores they left behind at Oswego, and to secure 
the post there. A few hours after the general set off over 
the lake, a deserter from the French came in, and informed 
Colonel Haviland that 1,500 French and Indians were 
preparing to attack him the next day ; upon which intel- 
ligence, our people put themselves in the best readiness 
to receive them that the shortness of time would admit. 
Accordingly, next morning, about five o'clock, the enemy 
appeared, and soon began the attack, which they continued 
with great fury till near one, when they drew off. About 
three in the afternoon they renewed the assault, which 
continued till near dark ; but were again repulsed, and 
obliged to retreat. But at eight o'clock next morning 
they renewed the fight, which continued almost the whole 
day ; when they were again obliged to retreat, and finally 
disappeared. In these three encounters our men lost live 
men, and nine or eleven wounded. 

On the 30th of June, a party of the enemy, in the night, 
at Annapolis Eoyal, came, and drove away 12 head of 
cattle, which were missed in the morning. Colonel Hoar 
ordered a party to pursue them ; which they did, and, 
about five in the [afternoon], overtook them : upon which 
a smart skirmish ensued ; and the enemy soon retreated, 
and left the cattle ; and soon after rallied again, but 
quickly retreated. It raining very hard, our men, being 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 511 

much fatigued, and having but little or no provision, 
thought it best to return; and did accordingly. In the 
morning, a fresh party took out upon the pursuit, and 
quickly came in sight of them: upon which the enemy 
fled, leaving the cattle which they had recovered after 
our men's retiring ; leaving behind them some camp- 
kettles, ammunition, and provision, with a hat with a 
ball-hole through the crown, an handkerchief and several 
pieces of linen with much blood on them. Upon the 
whole, the behavior of the officers — and especially that 
of the principal commander, Colonel Hoar — [and] the 
provincials all deserve high applause : except an ensign, 
worthy to remain nameless, whose life was so dear to 
him, that he could not bear the thoughts of death ; 
therefore left his party, and ran back to the garrison, 
upwards of 14 miles, in a short space of time. 

On the 6th of July, General Amherst appointed Colonel 
Montesure commander-in-chief of a body of 1,500 men, who 
were employed in building a fort of stone at Lake George. 

July 10th, a scout of 30 Indians was sent out from Lake 
George, who, having, reconnoitred Ticonderoga, upon their 
return were, in the first Narrows, pursued by seven bark 
canoes ; and only 11 of our men returned. The rest 
were supposed to be killed, or carried off. 

Although the chief design of the author is, in this 
history, to give as particular account as he [can] of the 
mischief and slaughters committed by the Indians, by 
the instigation and influence of the French at Canada 
and their other settlements in the country, yet [he] has 
thought proper to insert some remarkable occurrences 
ordered in Providence, as he has passed along ; among 
which a very memorable and surprising instance here 
follows : — 

On the 10th of July, the year we are now upon, — viz., 
1759, — an extraordinary huiricane, or rather whirlwind, 
happened at Leicester, in the county of Worcester, in the 



512 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

Massachusetts Bay. It was supposed to begin at a town or 
village called Spencer, adjoining to Leicester, about a mile 
and [a] half near south-west from one Mr. David Lynde's, 
who, it is said, was a taverner : it was the last house in 
Leicester next to Spencer. The main stress of the wind 
seemed to be confined t 1 the breadth of about 40 rods ; 
for there were but little effects of its violence to be found 
without that compass. During its whole course, which 
continued with utmost violence from south-west to north- 
east near about six miles, the greatest damage done by it 
was at David Lynde's house, which stood open to the 
south-west, directly in the wind's course. Immediately 
upon the wind's striking the house with its force, — and 
before the people, that were 12 in number, in it, had 
time to shut the doors, though they endeavored it, — the 
house was in an instant taken up and carried off, leaving 
nothing behind but the sills, and part of the under floor ; 
the people that were in it, mostly hurled away. Two or 
three were found lying on that part of the floor which 
was left, and in the cellar-way. Those that were carried 
away with the building were scattered and dropped at 
different distances round about where the house had stood. 
A young girl was found at the distance of near 40 rods, 
with her collar-bone broken, lying in the woods; and 
some grown persons at six or eight rods' distance. The 
strongest timbers in the house were rent and split as if it 
had been done with lightning. Some parts of the house, 
and some clothing, were carried five miles' distance ; and 
some papers belonging to it, eight miles. For near half a 
mile from the place where the house stood, in the course 
of the wind, the ground was strewed with the shivered 
parts of the house. Multitudes of the [piejces were 
sticking in the ground ; and a pond that was near was 
covered with splinters and ruins of the house and furniture. 
But a small part of [the] latter could be found, unless 
what might have been discovered by after- searches. Not 



INDIAN AND FRENCH WARS. 513 

one piece of timber was found whole, but split to pieces ; 
nor one board or timber of the barn or out-houses but 
what were in like manner split into pieces. Besides, 
5,000 feet of boards that were new, in a pile, were all 
taken up, and split into shivers, unfit for any use except 
for fuel. The pewter, iron pots, and kettles were not at 
first found ; probably thrown among the rubbish. Some 
of the beds were found hanging on high trees at a distance. 
Nails, that were in a cask in the house, were drove, many 
of them, with such force into trees at a distance, as not 
easily [to be] drawn out by the strength of a man's fingers. 
Thousands of large trees were torn up by the roots ; 
apple-trees, in the orchard adjoining, pulled up, and 
brought nigh to the place where the house stood. A 
heavy log, more than two feet diameter, in which a large 
grindstone was hanging, was taken up, and carried over 
the wall into the garden. One of the spars of the house 
was carried into a neighbor s house at 50 rods' distance, 
and struck off the cap of his door, and beat a hole into 
his house. The timbers of the house were carried with 
such force up into the air, that, when they fell, some 
were found sticking in the ground two feet, some two feet 
and [a] half. It is indeed remarkable, and a wonder, that 
12 persons should be found flying in the air amidst the 
wrecks, splitten and shivered boards and timber, — that 
they all escaped alive ; as did [a] negro man among the 
rest, though he soon after died in great anguish. It was 
supposed he was in the chamber when the gust first struck 
the house, and was carried, somewhat contrary or sideways 
from the main course of the gust, about eight rods, where 
he was taken up after all was over, with his back, thighs, 
and arms broken, — probably with the timber of the 
buildings that were hurled into the air with him in such 
an amazing, extraordinary manner. It was said that the 
boards were all so split and shivered to pieces, that 
there was not as much of them found whole as to make 

65 



514 NILES'S HISTORY OF THE 

a coffin for the poor negro. The man of the house was 
dangerously hurt. A child was taken out of the ruins alive, 
wo[nderfu]lly preserved : it was remarkable, that [the 
stjones and rubbish with which it was surrounded and 
covered were placed ir \such a manner as though done by 
art for its preservation. Divers persons in the house 
escaped with little or no hurt ; which also appears very 
strange how they should escape immediate destruction in 
such a sudden whirling them all about together up into the 
air, and then falling promiscuously to [the] ground, with 
splitten pieces of timber and boards, as we may conceive, 
whirling and whistling on every side round about them. 
Two horses were killed, — one at the door, the other 
in a pasture at some distance from the house. Old 
logs, of two or three feet diameter, lying in moist land,